August 1774-August 1775
Paul H. Smith, Editor
Gerard W. Gawalt, Rosemary Fry Plakas, Eugene R. Sheridan
Assistant Editors
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS WASHINGTON 1976
This volume is printed on permanent/durable paper.
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
Main entry under title;
Letters of delegates to Congress, 1774—1789.
Includes bibliographical references and indexes.
CONTENTS: v.l. August 1774-August 177,7.
1. United States. Continental Congress — History —
Sources — Collected works. I. Smith, Paul Hubert, 1931-
JK1033.L47 328.73 76-2592
ISBN 0-8444-0177-3
ISBN for complete set: 0-8444—0177-3
ISBN for this volume; 0-8444—0191-9
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office
Washington, D.C. 20402
Stock No. 030-000-00076-6
Foreword
Well before the signing on July 4, 1966, of Public Law 89-491,
establishing a national American Revolution Bicentennial Commis¬
sion, the Library of Congress began considering how it could contrib¬
ute to the celebration of the Bicentennial of the American Revolu¬
tion. In 1968 Congress approved the Library’s general plan and
subsequently authorized the addition to the Library’s staff of several
historians, all specialists in early American history. The Library took
as the theme for its Bicentennial program “Liberty and Learning”
from James Madison, who asked; “What spectacle can be more edify¬
ing or more seasonable, than that of Liberty 8c Learning, each lean¬
ing on the other for their mutual and surest support.” Reflecting the
Library’s unparalleled resources for the study of the revolutionary
era, its Bicentennial program ranges widely, from the presentation of
symposia to the publication of facsimiles and the texts of rare or
unique material to the recording of American folk music and the
compilation of bibliographies and guides.
In preparing one of those guides. Manuscript Sources in the Li¬
brary of Congress for Research on the American Revolution (Wash¬
ington: Library of Congress, 1975) , the staff of the Bicentennial Of¬
fice discovered large numbers of letters, written by members of the
Continental Congresses, which had not been published in Edmund C.
Burnett’s magisterial 8-volume edition of Letters of Members of the
Continental Congress (Washington; Carnegie Institution, 1921-
36) . Initially, it appeared that these letters might be published
as a supplement to Burnett’s work, but as additional unpublished let¬
ters of Congressmen turned up and as a cursory survey of other reposi¬
tories suggested that even more unpublished letters were available,
the Library decided that a new, expanded edition would be a valu¬
able and appropriate Bicentennial project.
As the editors of the present work grew to appreciate the magni¬
tude of the task they had undertaken, their admiration for Burnett
increased. It is not enough to say that his edition provided the inspi¬
ration for their efforts. His research and annotations have stood the
test of time and provide the foundation for much of the research
which will appear in these volumes. Specialists will sense the editors
dependence on Burnett’s pathfinding work, but perhaps few, other
than the editors, can fully appreciate the dimensions of his achieve¬
ment.
The present edition has benefited immensely from the generous co¬
operation of the editors of several other documentary publications
iii
IV
Foreword
that have a common focus on the era of the American Revolution.
From them the Library has borrowed heavily and to them it owes a
debt that it can never adequately acknowledge. It is, therefore, a plea¬
sure to give special thanks to the editors of The Adams Papers, The
Papers of Benjamin Franklin, The Papers of Thomas Jefferson,
The Papers of Henry Laurens, The Papers of James Madison, and The
Papers of George Washington for their assistance and counsel.
Thanks are also due to the Library’s Advisory Committee on its
American Revolution Bicentennial Program for support and encour¬
agement, especially to the late Adrienne Koch, a member of the origi¬
nal advisory committee, whose enthusiasm for this project was unfail¬
ing and who had a central role in seeing that it was properly
launched. To the Ford Foundation, which supplied a generous grant
to help underwrite the project, we gratefully record our indebtedness.
And, finally, v/e are beholden to the Congress of the United States,
which appropriates funds for the publication of these volumes of the
papers of its distinguished predecessors and which has unstintingly
supported the Library’s Bicentennial program.
Elizabeth Hamer Kegan
Assistant Librarian of Congress
General View of the Work
The purpose of these volumes is to make accessible to every student
interested in the birth of this nation all the documents now available
that were written by the delegates to Congress and that bear directly
upon their work during their years of actual service in the Congress
of the United States, 1774-89. The origin of the work can be traced to
the year 1903 when the original Papers of the Continental Congress
were transferred from the Department of State to the Library of Con¬
gress. Subsequently the activities of the Continental Congress became
the focus of unprecedented historical interest as the Library formu¬
lated plans to publish the first complete edition of the journals of
Congress and the Carnegie Institution of Washington conceived an
edition of letters and reports of delegates in Congress to their states
which would supplement and flesh out the bare bones of the jour¬
nals. The first volume of the Journals of the Continental Congress
was published in 1904, but the edition of the letters of delegates de¬
veloped more slowly. Although the letters project was carried forward
at first by Andrew C. McLaughlin and Waldo G. Leland in the insti¬
tution’s Department of Historical Research, it was not until 1906,
when the department’s new director J. Franklin Jameson added his
former student Edmund C. Burnett to the staff, that the project be¬
gan to gain momentum. Almost inevitably it also broadened in scope
until it far exceeded McLaughlin’s and Jameson’s early plan. Jame¬
son’s 1907 appraisal, incorporated into his annual report to the Board
of Trustees of the Carnegie Institution, fairly states the original pur¬
pose of what eventually became in Burnett’s hands the eight volumes
of Letters of Members of the Continental Congress published be¬
tween 1921 and 1936:
The series of Letters from Delegates to the Old Congress is intended to sup¬
plement the “Journals of the Continental Congress” by printing those letters or
parts of letters, and only those, in which members of the Congress convey con¬
temporary or nearly contemporary information about the doings of that body,
not to be found in its journals. Such information sometimes has the character
of a record of the debates; more often it consists in less formal statements,
addressed to the officials or political characters of the State represented by the
writer, and recording the actions of Congress as seen from his personal point
of view. When all brought together, in chronological order, this mass of cor¬
respondence should afford much fresh light on the course of Congressional
transactions.
That original conception was a narrow one, to which Burnett ulti¬
mately found it impossible to conform, and which he gradually modi¬
fied and significantly broadened over the years. Long before the first
V
VI
General View of the Work
volume was ready for publication, Jameson himself realized that the
work would reflect the delegates’ private correspondence more heavi¬
ly than their official reports to state officials and would greatly ex¬
ceed the three volumes originally projected. The search for relevant
documents took his staff far beyond the state archives, where Jameson
had expected to find the bulk of such manuscripts compactly pre¬
served, to dozens of historical societies, libraries, and manuscript col¬
lectors. And letters written by delegates when they were not actually
attending sessions of Congress but were traveling on official business
or performing committee work on assignment — to the headquarters of
various commanders, to the northern frontier, to state legislatures, to
commissary and quartermaster officials, and to Washington’s head¬
quarters at Cambridge, Valley Forge, or Morristown — posed problems
not originally anticipated. The staff of the Carnegie Institution had
embarked upon a voyage that quickly took them to a terra incognita
full of challenges that might have deterred less confident and skillful
explorers. It was one of the most daring ever undertaken by a staff of
American historians and, measured by any realistic standards, one of
the most successful. They set out to rewrite the story of the founding
of the republic from original sources and in the process created a
work that became the indispensable tool of a generation of students
of the American Revolution.
Its incompleteness, however, was recognized from the outset. Aware
that many significant manuscripts had originally been overlooked or
deliberately excluded or were not available to him, Burnett began
planning a supplement soon after the appearance of the first volume
of Letters, which had been conceived as a select rather than compre¬
hensive edition. By the time the last volume of the series was nearing
completion in 1935, he had accumulated references to approximately
200 items for a supplement, but a variety of considerations led him to
abandon his earlier plans. The Carnegie Institution had all but com¬
pleted phasing out its program of historical research, Burnett at age
71 was near retirement, and his final volume of Letters had already
outgrown the largest of its predecessors by 200 pages. Thus from the
materials he had accumulated he finally culled 31 items (which were
inserted following the final regular entry for 1789) , consigned the
remainder of the notes to his files, and offered this explanation to his
readers:
Since the publication of this series was begun letters of members have from
time to time been obtained too late for inclusion in the volumes to which they
appertained, and it was once the hope that these letters might be embodied in
a supplement to the final volume. This volume has however been swollen to more
than normal proportions by letters of its own period, with the result that only by
severe excisions ‘could any supplement at all be included. The letters that follow
are all of the period of volume VII, and those of 1784 are especially essential
to complete the record of that prime episode of the year, the experiment of a
Committee of the States.
General View of the Work
Vll
More than a decade later Burnett’s files at the Carnegie Institu¬
tion’s Department of Historical Research were deposited at the Li¬
brary of Congress, and there in 1969 the staff of the Library’s Ameri¬
can Revolution Bicentennial Office examined them with an eye to
determining what supplementary letters might yet be published for
the use of students of the American Revolution. Quicldy perceiving
the outline of Burnett’s original plan for a supplement to the Letters,
and already engaged in preparing a guide to American revolutionary
manuscripts in the Library of Congress, the Bicentennial staff imme¬
diately established a file on unpublished letters of delegates to Con¬
gress to evaluate the potential scope of such a project should it be
undertaken in conjunction with the Library’s commemoration of the
Bicentennial of the American Revolution. The quantity of unpub¬
lished letters of delegates in the Library’s collections came as some¬
thing of a surprise, and a sampling of the holdings of a few other
leading institutions confirmed that a great opportunity lay at hand to
promote and enrich the study of the Revolution. When these prelimi¬
nary findings were laid before the Library’s American Revolution
Bicentennial Advisory Committee of 10 of the nation’s leading histo¬
rians, they immediately recommended that a supplement to the Bur¬
nett edition be undertaken and that the support of a major founda¬
tion be sought.
In the meantime, additional information was gathered on the
quantity of pertinent letters available for publication, and Burnett’s
editorial practices were more closely examined to ascertain the desira¬
bility of publishing in full many of the letters he had substantially
abridged. Once a better appreciation of the difficulties he faced in
the early years of the project was achieved — particularly of the physi¬
cal conditions existing in an era when the copies of documents he
acquired were available only in the form of handwritten transcripts —
the Library became convinced that the study of the origins of the
United States Congress merited an entirely new edition of Letters.
The realization of this belief was finally made possible when the
Ford Foundation announced in December 1970 that a grant of $500,-
000 would be made available to the Library for this purpose, with
the generous understanding that although the project originated as a
plan to issue a supplement to the Burnett edition, an entirely new
one would be undertaken if the Library found the larger undertak¬
ing feasible. Thus, long before the initial search for letters had been
completed, it was decided that since the earlier edition contained only
about one third of some 18,000 pertinent documents available a com¬
prehensive new edition should be issued as part of the Library’s ob¬
servance of the Bicentennial.
The purpose of these volumes, then, is to provide students of the
American revolutionary era reasonable access to a large body of sig¬
nificant documents focusing on the Congress of the United States,
Vlll
General View of the Work
1774-89, and in thus seeking to open wider the window to America’s
past, this edition shares a goal in common with several other docu¬
mentary enterprises now in progress throughout the country. Of
these, several involve comprehensive editions of the papers of Found¬
ing Fathers, particularly John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, Alexan¬
der Hamilton, Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, and George Wash¬
ington; others treat the documentary history of subjects and events,
such as the ratification of the Constitution, the first federal elections,
the first federal Congress, and the navy in the Revolution; and two
focus on the Papers of the Continental Congress— now at the National
Archives — for which a microfilm edition has been issued and a new,
comprehensive index is nearing completion. Together, these various
projects stand as the tangible evidence that Americans enjoy unparal¬
leled opportunities to study and understand their national origins
and that the documentary record of the creation of this nation is
unique in both its fullness and its accessibility. It is this tradition of
those countless persons who have been devoted to the preservation
and publication of these records of the nation during the past two
centuries that this project seeks to continue.
Editorial Method
Although specifically focused on the work of Congress during the
Revolution, and sharing Jameson’s and Burnett’s primary goal of pre¬
senting documents that “supplement the journal’’ of Congress — “to
expand the meagre record, so far as possible, by bringing together
into one place whatever information touching the proceedings of
Congress may have come down from those who took part in them’’ —
this project has in addition the larger purpose of portraying the be¬
liefs and multifarious activities of the individual delegates. Thus no
effort has been made to restrict their writings to their official letters
or to omit strictly personal material from their private communica¬
tions. Generally only documents written while delegates were serving
in Congress have been printed, but some have been included that
were written between sessions of Congress, while committee members
were traveling on official duty, when delegates had returned home to
attend sessions of provincial conventions and assemblies or to arrange
personal affairs, and occasionally even after a delegate’s term had ex¬
pired. The diversity of circumstances under which such documents
were written underscores the difficulties inhering in attempts to fol¬
low rigidly prescribed definitions in determining selection policy,
which on occasion must ultimately be based upon subjective judg¬
ments. A few items deemed trivial or repetitious in nature have been
omitted on the ground that they ultimately would detract rather than
add to the work, but such omissions have been appropriately noted.
Finally, this edition includes not only the official and personal corre¬
spondence of the delegates but also entries from diaries, notes of de¬
bate, proposed motions, speeches, committee reports and minutes of
proceedings, and draft addresses and petitions of Congress not found
in the journals or the Papers of the Continental Congress. In short,
in collecting materials for this edition the letters of the delegates
have been considered in the older sense of letters defined as “writings,
written records.’’
On the other hand, it is well to bear in mind that the substance of
this work is the writings of the delegates and not of the various ad¬
ministrative or executive agents of Congress. Thus letters written by
committees composed of delegates will be included but not those writ¬
ten by the essentially executive committees and boards of later crea¬
tion, or by the superintendent of finance, and the secretaries of for¬
eign affairs, war, and marine appointed after January 1781. Although
it is difficult to adhere strictly to this line of distinction— particularly
with bodies such as the Board of War, which evolved from a commit-
IX
X
Editorial Method
tee consisting entirely of delegates to a mixed board consisting of both
delegates and nondelegates, and then was succeeded by one composed
entirely of nondelegates — it is one that the editors have attempted to
follow.
In its treatment of documents this edition strives to achieve a mid¬
dle ground between facsimile reproduction and thorough moderniza¬
tion. The original spelling and grammar are allowed to stand except
in cases where editorial changes or insertions are required to make
the text intelligible. For example, when a badly misspelled word is
misleading, the correct spelling is inserted in roman type in brackets
after the word. Moreover, words omitted through oversight have been
supplied at appropriate places in italic type in brackets. Obvious slips
of the pen and inadvertent repetitions are usually silently corrected.
Capitalization and punctuation have been standardized according to
certain conventions. Each sentence begins with a capital letter, as do
all proper and geographic names as well as days of the week and
months of the year. Doubtful cases have been resolved in favor of
modern usage; otherwise the usage of the original texts has been fol¬
lowed. Generally, abbreviations, contractions, and monetary signs are
preserved as they appear in manuscript except when they are ambigu¬
ous or misleading. On the other hand, the thorn and the tilde are
consistently expanded. “Ye” always appears as “The,” for instance,
and “r^d” as “received.” Likewise, “pr.” and “P” are always ex¬
panded to “per,” “pre,” or “pro,” as the case demands. Finally, super¬
script letters are always lowered to the line.
Gaps in the text are indicated by ellipses in brackets for missing
words and by blank spaces in brackets for missing numbers. Conjec¬
tural readings are supplied in roman type in brackets, and editorial
insertions in italic type in brackets. Material canceled in manuscript
but restored to the printed text is included in italic type in angle
brackets (“square parentheses”) . Marginalia in letters are treated as
postscripts, and postscripts which appear without explicit designation
are supplied with a P.S. in brackets. Documents are arranged chrono¬
logically, with more than one document of the same date being ar¬
ranged alphabetically according to writer. Documents dated only by
the month or by the year are placed at the end of the respective
month or year. Place-and-date lines always appear on the same line
with the salutation regardless of their position in the manuscript.
This work seeks to present the reader with texts that are not only
accurate but also intelligible within the context in which they were
written. To this end the editors have striven to identify the recipients
of letters, to describe the provenance of documents when it has been
thought necessary, and where possible to provide pertinent informa¬
tion about delegate references to contemporary writings, events, and
letters received. On the other hand, the editors have not attempted to
identify every person referred to in the documents or to elucidate the
Editorial Method
XI
meaning of every event mentioned. Neither have they searched sys¬
tematically for all letters received by the delegates, although they
have tried to provide references to all surviving official letters sent to
them by their respective provinces and states. Normally the most use¬
ful materials, both primary and secondary, bearing upon the under¬
standing of the documents are cited in the annotations, but no effort
has been made to provide references to all collateral works that might
be consulted; and when several sources contain the same or similar
material and information, only the most readily accessible are cited.
Such additional research and references, although undeniably useful,
could not be pursued and provided within the space and time avail¬
able to the editors without significantly infringing upon discharge of
their main obligation to present accurate texts and requisite commen¬
tary with reasonable dispatch. For additional references to works on
the multitude of topics covered in this work, the reader is referred to
the Library’s forthcoming reference work on the literature of the pe¬
riod, Revolutionary America, 1763-1789: A Bibliography.
In general, documents collected for this edition have been printed
in their entirety, although many have been subordinated by relegat¬
ing them to annotations to other letters and a few have been ab¬
stracted because of their routine, essentially repetitive character or
availability in other accessible published versions. A descriptive note
at the foot of each entry provides abbreviations indicating the nature
and location of the document when it was copied for this project,
except for privately owned manuscripts whose ownership is fully ex¬
plained. The descriptive note also contains information on the docu¬
ment’s authorship if explanation is necessary, and endorsements or
addresses are quoted when they contain more than routine informa¬
tion. Other editorial practices employed in this work are explained in
the “Guide to Editorial Apparatus’’ which follows.
Guide to Editorial Apparatus
TEXTUAL DEVICES
The following devices will be used in this work to clarify the text.
[ ]
[
[roman]
[^italic']
(italic)
One or two words missing and not conjecturable.
More than two words missing; subjoined footnote
estimates amount of material missing.
Number or part of a number missing or illegible.
Blank space in manuscript; explanation in sub¬
joined footnote.
Conjectural reading for missing or illegible mat¬
ter; question mark inserted if reading is doubtful.
Editorial insertion in the text.
Matter crossed out in manuscript but restored.
DESCRIPTIVE SYMBOLS
The following symbols are used in this work to describe the kinds
of documents drawn upon. When more than one symbol is used in
the descriptive note, the first to appear is that from which the main
text is taken.
RC recipient’s copy
EC file copy
LB letterbook copy
MS manuscript
Tr transcript (used to designate not only contemporary and later
handwritten copies of manuscripts, but also printed docu¬
ments)
LOCATION SYMBOLS
The following symbols, denoting institutions holding the manu¬
scripts printed in the present volume, are taken from Symbols of
American Libraries, 11th ed. (Washington; Library of Congress,
1976) . Each volume of this edition will contain a revised list.
CSmH Henry E. Huntington Library, San Marino, Calif.
Ct Connecticut State Library, Hartford
CtHi Connecticut Historical Society, Hartford
CtY Yale University, New Haven, Conn.
DLC Library of Congress
Guide to Editorial Apparatus
Xlll
DNA
De-Ar
DeHi
ICHi
InU
M-Ar
MH
MHi
MWA
MdBJ-G
MdHi
MeHi
MiU-C
N
NHi
NHpR
NN
NNPM
Nc-Ar
NcD
NcU
NcWsM
Nh-Ar
NhD
NjHi
NjMoHP
OClWHi
OMC
PBMCA
PHC
PHi
PPAmP
PPL
PPRF
PWbH
R-Ar
RHi
ScC
National Archives
Delaware Public Archives Commission, Dover
Historical Society of Delaware, Wilmington
Chicago Historical Society
Indiana University, Bloomington
Massachusetts Archives, Boston
Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.
Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston
American Antiquarian Society, Worcester, Mass.
John Work Garrett Library, Johns Hopkins Univer¬
sity, Baltimore, Md.
Maryland Historical Society, Baltimore
Maine Historical Society, Portland, Maine
William L. Clements Library, University of Michigan,
Ann Arbor
New York State Library, Albany
New-York Historical Society, New York
Franklin D. Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, N.Y.
New York Public Library, New York
Pierpont Morgan Library, New York, N.Y.
North Carolina State Department of Archives and
History, Raleigh
Duke University, Durham, N.C.
University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill
Moravian Archives, Winston-Salem, N.C.
New Hampshire Division of Archives and Records
Management, Concord
Dartmouth College, Hanover, N.H.
New Jersey Historical Society, Newark
Morristown National Historical Park, Morristown,
Western Reserve Historical Society, Cleveland, Ohio
Marietta College, Marietta, Ohio
Moravian Church Northern Province Archives, Beth¬
lehem, Pa.
Haverford College, Haverford, Pa.
Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia
American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia
Library Company of Philadelphia
Rosenbach Foundation, Philadelphia
Wyoming Historical and Geological Society, Wilkes-
Barre, Pa.
Rhode Island State Archives, Providence
Rhode Island Historical Society, Providence
Charleston Library Society, Charleston, S.C.
XIV
Guide to Editorial Apparatus
ScHi South Carolina Historical Society, Charleston
ViHi Virginia Historical Society, Richmond
ViMtvL Mount Vernon Ladies’ Association, Mount Vernon,
Va.
ViU University of Virginia, Charlottesville
ViW College of William and Mary, Williamsburg, Va.
ABBREVIATIONS AND SHORT TITLES
Abbreviations and short titles frequently cited in the present vol¬
ume are identified below.
Adams, Diary (Butterfield)
Adams, John. Diary and Autobiography of John Adams. Edited by
Lyman H. Butterfield et al. 4 vols. Cambridge: Harvard Univer¬
sity Press, Belknap Press, 1961.
Adams, Family Correspondence (Butterfield)
Butterfield, Lyman H. et al., eds. Adams Family Correspondence.
Cambridge: Harvard University Press, Belknap Press, 1963-.
Adams, Works (Adams)
Adams, John. The Works of John Adams, Second President of the
United States. . . . Edited by Charles Francis Adams. 10 vols. Bos¬
ton: Charles C. Little and James Brown, 1850-56.
Adams, Writings (Cushing)
Adams, Samuel. The Writings of Samuel Adams. Edited by Harry
A. Cushing. 4 vols. Boston: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1904-8.
T.R. Adams, American Independence
Adams, Thomas R. American Independence: The Growth of an
Idea. Providence: Brown University Press, 1965.
Am. Archives
Force, Peter, ed. American Archives: Consisting of a Collection of
Authentick Records, State Papers, Debates, and Letters and Other
Notices of Publick Affairs. 4th series. 6 vols. Washington: U.S.
Government Printing Office, 1837-53.
Austin, Life of Gerry
Austin, James T. The Life of Elbridge Gerry, with Contemporary
Letters to the Close of the American Revolution. 2 vols. Boston:
Wells and Lilly, 1828-29.
Bio. Dir. Cong.
U.S. Congress. Biographical Directory of the American Congress,
1774-1971. Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1971.
Burnett, Letters
Burnett, Edmund C., ed. Letters of Members of the Continental
Congress. 8 vols. Washington: Carnegie Institution of Washington,
1921-36.
CHS Bulletin
Connecticut Historical Society Bulletin.
Guide to Editorial Apparatus
XV
DAB
Dictionary of American Biography. Edited by Allen Johnson and
Dumas Malone.
DNB
Dictionary of National Biography. . . . Edited by Sir Leslie Stephen
and Sir Sidney Lee.
Franklin, Writings (Smyth)
Franklin, Benjamin. The Writings of Benjamin Franklin. Edited
by Albert H. Smyth. 10 vols. New York: Macmillan Co., 1905-7.
Freeman, Washington
Freeman, Douglas S. George Washington, a Biography. 7 vols. New
York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1948-57.
JCC
U.S. Continental Congress. Journals of the Continental Congress,
1774-1789. Edited by Worthington C. Ford et al. 34 vols. Washing¬
ton: Library of Congress, 1904—37.
Jefferson, Papers (Boyd)
Jefferson, Thomas. The Papers of Thomas Jefferson. Edited by
Julian P. Boyd et al. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1950-.
Journals of N.Y. Prov. Cong.
New York. Journals of the Provincial Congress, Provincial Conven¬
tion, Committee of Safety and Council of Safety of the State of
New York, 1775-1777. 2 vols. Albany: T. Weed, 1842.
Md. Hist. Magazine
Maryland Historical Magazine.
N.C. Colonial Records
North Carolina. The Colonial Records of North Carolina. Edited
by William L. Saunders. 10 vols. Raleigh and Goldsboro, N.C.:
P.M. Hale et al., 1886-90.
N.C. State Records
North Carolina. The State Records of North Carolina. Edited by
Walter Clark. Vols. 11-26. Winston and Goldsboro, N.C.: M.I. and
J.C. Stewart et al., 1895-1914.
N.H. Provincial Papers
New Hampshire. Provincial and State Papers. 40 vols. Concord,
1867-1943.
N.J. Archives
New Jersey Historical Society. Documents Relating to the Colonial,
Revolutionary and Post-Revolutionary History of the State of New
Jersey. Archives of the State of New Jersey. 1st series. 42 vols. New¬
ark and Paterson, N.J., 1880-1949.
NYHS Collections
Collections of the New-York Historical Society.
OED
The Oxford English Dictionary.
XVI
Guide to Editorial Apparatus
Pa. Archives
Pennsylvania Archives. 9 series, 119 vols. in 120. Philadelphia. J.
Severns 8c Co., 1852-56; Harrisburg: state printer, 1874-1935.
PCC
Papers of the Continental Congress. National Archives. Washing¬
ton, D.C.
PMHB
Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography.
PRO
Public Record Office. London.
Rodney, Let (Ryden)
Rodney, Caesar. Letters to and from Caesar Rodney, 1756-1784.
Edited by George H. Ryden. Philadelphia: University of Pennsyl¬
vania Press, 1933.
Shipton, Harvard Graduates
Shipton, Clifford K. Biographical Sketches of Those Who Attended
Harvard College. Sibley’s Harvard Graduates. Boston: Massachu¬
setts Historical Society, 1873-.
Ward, Correspondence (Knollenberg)
Ward, Samuel. Correspondence of Governor Samuel Ward, May
1775-March 1776, with a Biographical Introduction Based Chiefly
on the Ward Papers Covering the Period 1725-1776, and Genealogy
of the Ward Family, Thomas Ward, Son of John, of Newport and
Some of His Descendants. Edited by Bernhard Knollenberg and
compiled by Clifford P. Monahon. Providence: Rhode Island His¬
torical Society, 1952.
Warren-Adams Letters
Warren-Adams Letters, Being Chiefly a Correspondence among
John Adams, Samuel Adams, and James Warren. 2 vols. Massachu¬
setts Historical Society Collections, vols. 72-73. Boston: Massachu¬
setts Historical Society, 1917-25.
Washington, Diaries (Eitzpatrick)
Washington, George. ^ The . Diaries., of.. George.. Washington,
1748-1799. Edited by John C. Fitzpatrick. 4 vols. Boston 8c New
York: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1925.
Washington, Writings (Fitzpatrick)
Washington, George. The Writings of George Washington. Edited
by John C. Fitzpatrick. 39 vols. Washington: U.S. Government
Printing Office, 1931-44.
Webb, Correspondence (Ford)
Webb, Samuel B. Correspondence and Journals of Samuel Blachley
Webb. Edited by Worthington C. Ford. 3 vols. New York: Wicker-
sham Press, 1893-94.
WMQ
William and Mary Quarterly. 3d series.
Acknowledgments
To the Library of Congress, the Congress of the United States, and
the Ford Foundation this edition owes its existence. It is fitting,
therefore, that we take this opportunity to acknowledge the foresight
of the Library’s administration in planning a timely and comprehen¬
sive observation of the American Revolution Bicentennial, of the
Congress in funding a Bicentennial Office in the Library, and of the
Ford Foundation in granting $500,000 to support this project as a
scholarly contribution to the celebration of the Bicentennial. It is
with the most profound gratitude that the editors acknowledge their
appreciation for this generous support. Our appreciation is also ex¬
tended to the innumerable persons who have contributed to enriching
the holdings of the Library of Congress to make it the premier insti¬
tution for conducting research on the American Revolution.
The photocopies of the more than 20,000 documents that have been
collected for this project have been assembled through the coopera¬
tion of several hundred institutions and private persons devoted to
preserving the documentary record upon which the history and tradi¬
tions of the American people rest, and it is to their work that a docu¬
mentary publication of this nature should ultimately be dedicated.
Unfortunately, the many individual contributors to this collecting ef¬
fort cannot be adequately recognized, but the location of each docu¬
ment printed will be separately identified, and each volume of this
edition will contain a list of institutions and persons represented in
acknowledgment of the gratitude the editors owe to their contribu¬
tions. For permission to print documents appearing in the present
volume, we are grateful to the following institutions; the American
Antiquarian Society, American Philosophical Society, Charleston Li¬
brary Society, Chicago Historical Society, William L. Clements Li¬
brary, Connecticut Historical Society, Connecticut State Library,
Dartmouth College, Historical Society of Delaware, Delaware Public
Archives Commission, Duke University, John Work Garrett Library,
Goodspeed’s Book Shop, Inc., Harvard University, Haverford College,
Henry E. Huntington Library, Indiana University, Library Com¬
pany of Philadelphia, Maine Historical Society, Marietta College,
Maryland Historical Society, Massachusetts Archives Division, Mas^-
chusetts Historical Society, Moravian Archives, Winston-Salem, N.C.,
Moravian Church Northern Province Archives, Bethlehem, Pa., Pier-
pont Morgan Library, Morristown National Historical Park, Moimt
Vernon Ladies’ Association, National Archives, New Hampshire Di-
xvii
XVlll
Acknowledgments
vision of Archives and Records Management, New Jersey Historical
Society, New-York Historical Society, New York Public Library, New
York State Library, North Carolina State Department of Archives
and History, University of North Carolina, Historical Society of
Pennsylvania, Princeton University, Public Record Office, London,
Rhode Island Historical Society, Rhode Island State Archives, Frank¬
lin D Roosevelt Library, Rosenbach Foundation, William SaU L -
brary, Stafford. England, Sheffield City Libraries, England, South
Carolina Historical Society, Virginia Historical Society, University
Virginia, Western Reserve Historical Society, College of William and
Mary, Wyoming Historical and Geological Society, and Yale Univer¬
sity And in addition we express our thanks and appreciation to the
following persons: Mr. Bentley Courtenay, the Earl of Dartmouth,
Mr. Sol Feinstone, Earl Eitzwilliam, Mr. James O. Keene, Mr. Her¬
bert Klingelhofer, Mr. William S. Loeb, Mr. Paul Mellon, Mr^ Armi-
stead Peter III Mr I. Woodward Redmond, Mrs. Wharton Sinkler,
Mr Rohm J.’ Suddirth, Jr., Mr. Paul Erancis Webster, and Mrs.
John G Wood. Einally we owe thanks to the historians who have
served on the Library of Congress’ Advisory Committee on the Amer¬
ican Revolution Bicentennial, and especially to Mr. Julian P. Boyd,
Mr. Lyman H. Butterfield, and Mr. Merrill Jensen, who generously
consented to serve as an advisory committee for this project.
The Continental Congress, 1774-1775
The period covered by this volume of the Letters of Delegates to
Congress — from the eve of the First Continental Congress of Septem¬
ber 1774 through the August 1775 adjournment of the second — was
one of profound importance to the people of the 13 colonies who sent
delegates to Philadelphia. It was during these months that they began
to acquire an identity that distinguished them from their fellow citi¬
zens in other parts of the empire, a unity of purpose that encouraged
them to plan and act in unison, and shared experiences that eventu¬
ally enabled them to chart their future as a separate and independent
nation. Yet there is little in these pages to indicate that the delegates
who had been sent to Philadelphia to devise policies against British
encroachments upon their liberties were prepared to renounce their
status as subjects of the crown and citizens of the empire. True, Ben¬
jamin Franklin, shortly before the August adjournment of the Second
Congress, proposed a plan of confederation that implied a separate
future for the 13 Continental colonies then represented in Philadel¬
phia, but, significantly, the delegates refused to bring the subject to
debate and even as late as January 16, 1776, rejected a motion to set a
day for considering it, reluctant to take any formal step that appeared
to slam the door to reconciliation. And although many individual
delegates did indeed urge decisive steps to force redress of their griev¬
ances and an explicit concession that Parliament lacked authority to
tax them or to legislate in matters involving their internal polity,
throughout most of 1775 the delegates continued to hope that their
king and his ministers would concede the justness of American claims
and initiate conciliatory measures to restore the delicate and complex
equilibrium of the empire.
But if the period covered by this volume was one marked by uncer¬
tainty among the delegates, the documents that came from their pens
clearly suggest that their uncertainty was rooted in doubts over tactics
to be adopted rather than in fundamental purpose, in the recognition
that they faced a difficult task rather than in a lack of determination
to take any reasonable steps necessary to retain the exercise of rights
and liberties long enjoyed. Indeed, it requires no special insight to
perceive that their writings are suffused with a sense of the high pur¬
pose that brought them together and an awareness of the practical
and symbolic significance of their deliberations and decisions. They
had come together to deliberate — to exchange views, articulate as¬
sumptions, propose measures, evaluate alternatives, gauge constituent
expectations, predict British countermeasures — to educate one an-
XIX
XX
The Continental Congress, 1774-75
other. They were, in short, participants in a great learning experi¬
ence; and in this sense Congress itself was fundamentally an experi¬
ment.
Considering this circumstance, it comes as no surprise that agree¬
ment on many issues was reached but slowly and cautiously, after ex¬
tended debate to ensure that congressional resolutions would com¬
mand the widest possible support throughout the colonies. Indeed,
the delegates aspired at the outset to secure passage of their resolu¬
tions “unanimously in the affirmative,” to present them to the out¬
side world “N.C.D.” (nemine contradicente) , without dissent. For as
John Rutledge stated in the course of the second day’s debate: We
have no coercive or legislative Authority. Our Constituents are
bound only in Honour, to observe our Determinations.” And Samuel
Ward reported happily early in October “that the common Good of
our Country seems to be the general Aim 8c upon a proper Discussion
of a subject We are generally very unanimous.” This did not mean, of
course, that “unanimity” required the support of every delegate pres¬
ent and voting, but rather only the majority of the delegates of each
colony, for the constituent parts of Congress were the colonies. The
delegates did not cast individual votes— they voted as a unit, each col¬
ony casting a single vote unless represented by an evenly divided dele¬
gation. Although broad agreement became more difficult to achieve
in 1775 as the "delegates became increasingly immersed in day-to-day
administrative details and less preoccupied with deliberating the gen¬
eral principles and broad policy decisions that dominated the First
Congress, their desire to present a united front to the outside world
must be kept in mind when attempting any assessment of the work of
Congress during its early stages. And in view of the striking differences
to be found among the colonies and the diversity of the American
colonial experience, the great range of grievances suffered by differ¬
ent colonies at various times and the unevenness with which the colo¬
nies bore the burdens and experienced the advantages of the empire,
the achievement of a working consensus among approximately 50 rep¬
resentatives from 12 and then 13 constituencies can be adjudged a
remarkable triumph in practical politics.
Still, the work of the delegates must necessarily be judged in the
context of their immediate aims. Sent to Philadelphia to deliberate
how best to obtain a redress of grievances rather than to create a new
and centralized sovereign nation, the delegates devoted themselves in
1774 and 1775 to limited ends that bore little relation to the national¬
ist imperatives many Americans felt in 1789 or 1865. Although they
attempted to skirt issues that raised the problem of sovereignty, the
delegates could not of course avoid considering the extent of the au¬
thority they should assume or the limits of their enforcement powers,
since their recommendations would have to be submitted to the indi-
The Continental Congress^ 1774*75
XXI
vidual colonies, which in turn would forge the economic weapons
that were expected to bring Britain to her senses. Nor could tactics be
separated from purpose, procedures from goals, and as a result they
appointed a committee at the very outset whose threefold task was
summed up in the resolution defining its purpose: “to State the
rights of the Colonies in general, the several instances in which these
rights are violated or infringed, and the means most proper to be pur¬
sued for obtaining a restoration of them.” By separating their basic
task into its constituent parts — to state rights, enumerate grievances,
and adopt “means” necessary to obtain redress — they greatly simpli¬
fied the job before them, reducing it to concrete terms and transform¬
ing general and theoretical considerations to specific, manageable
matters.
To give coherence to their protests and greater weight and sub¬
stance to their charges against Parliament, they decided, for example,
that it was expedient to limit their discussions to post-1763 violations
of American rights, although in considering their “rights” they did
indeed speculate in the most general terms about the nature of the
empire and ranged over the entire course of their history from the
planting of the first English settlements in North America. And they
devoted much time to debating the probable effectiveness of their
methods, the breadth of the support they would command, and the
tactics that would not only command assent but also involve costs
that could be shared equitably. So too were they influenced by dis¬
patches arriving periodically from Massachusetts with fresh reports
on the plight of Boston and the efforts of Gov. Thomas Gage to sup¬
press resistance to his authority. Consequently, their debates on
American rights and grievances, the issues that had brought them to
Philadelphia in the first instance, could not be disentangled from
proposals arising out of appeals from Boston seeking endorsement of
measures adopted by Massachusetts leaders to cope with Governor
Gage. And simultaneously the delegates proceeded with plans to send
appeals to the people of Great Britain and the colonies of Quebec, St.
John’s, Nova Scotia, Georgia, and East and West Florida, in addition
to the colonies represented at Philadelphia, while working out the
language of a petition to the king and creating an “Association” to
enforce economic sanctions against Britain. Having hammered out a
statement on American grievances and rights and reached agreement
upon language suitable for the various addresses, petitions, and ap¬
peals to be sent forth, the delegates rushed to a late October adjourn¬
ment and hurried home to observe the reaction of Americans to their
work and await the response of the king and Parliament to their peti¬
tions and appeals, determined to return to Philadelphia the following
May should it become necessary to continue their efforts to obtain a
satisfactory response from the crown.
XXll
The Continental Congress^ 1774-75
Among the 216 entries printed here covering the First Continental
Congress the reader will find many previously unpublished manu¬
scripts, complete texts of many documents abridged in Burnett’s Let¬
ters, and a considerable number of items that have previously been
available but known only to specialists. Some of the most revealing of
these include four documents in the hand of John Dickinson demon¬
strating the key role he played in the preparation of the Declaration
of Rights and Grievances, the Address to the King, the Memorial to
the Inhabitants of the Colonies, and the Letter to Quebec. And a
great deal of significant information now brought together for the
first time is contained in a number of entries from the diaries and
notes of debates kept by Robert Treat Paine, John Adams, and Silas
Deane, as well as numerous letters, memoranda, and notes of Samuel
Ward. Bits and pieces of new information too numerous to list are
scattered throughout the delegates’ correspondence, although it may
be appropriate to note specifically that information contained in
these documents now makes possible a clearer understanding of topics
as diverse as the election of New York delegates John Haring and
Henry Wisner, Joseph Galloway’s activities in and out of Congress,
and the manner in which Secretary Thomson occasionally made notes
of debate for transfer into his rough journals.
In addition, 57 delegate letters written during the period between
October 26, 1774, and May 10, 1775, have been included in order to
provide information on the mood of the delegates upon their ad¬
journment, their activities at home to promote a favorable reception
for the recommendations of Congress, their efforts to remain in com¬
munication with one another during the winter between the First and
Second Congresses, and their expectations as they made preparations
to return to Philadelphia the following spring.
Upon reconvening, the delegates continued to seek a path to recon¬
ciliation through negotiations, but since the clash of troops at Lex¬
ington the preceding month had fundamentally altered the American
resistance movement, their debates immediately became dominated
by practical military matters. Proposals that they assume direction of
the New England troops besieging Gage’s forces in Boston and re¬
sponsibility for coordinating military efforts in all the colonies
quickly transformed Congress from a deliberative body to one wield¬
ing extensive administrative and executive functions. In a real sense,
the issue now before Congress was the question not of whether the
delegates would accept responsibility for directing substantial mili¬
tary operations but rather of what specific steps should be taken and
how far they should be carried. Facing a fundamental dilemma, the
delegates were immediately at odds among themselves over how vigor¬
ously to push military preparations and how completely they should
place their trust in petitions and British good will. These were, of
The Continental Congress, 1774-75
XXIH
course, inseparable issues, for to give weight to their petitions they
had to demonstrate their military capacity, and to arouse broad sup¬
port for the resort to arms they had to convince many Americans that
reasonable efforts to find a peaceful solution had been made before
they turned to force. To carry the olive branch and wield the sword
simultaneously was a difficult challenge. In the words of John Ad¬
ams, the delegates were indeed “between Hawk and Buzzard.”
Thus, during the first session of the Second Congress the delegates
continued to debate the virtue and practicability of pursuing concilia¬
tory measures, but their proceedings inevitably came to be dominated
by proposals involving problems pertaining to strategy and supply
and other practical matters. How should they follow up the capture
of Crown Point and Ticonderoga? Should they invade Canada? Cre¬
ate Indian departments and treat with various tribes? Establish a
postal system and military hospital department? Levy requisitions
and impose state quotas? Encourage provincial leaders to assume gov¬
ernmental powers? Make recommendations on issues such as the treat¬
ment of pacifists and the settlement of interstate disputes? Exempt
shippers from the Association if they would import vitally needed
powder and saltpetre?
Because of the brevity of the journals, we shall of course never
know all the problems that came before Congress or have adequate
information on how the delegates resolved the multitude of issues dis¬
cussed in the course of their proceedings. But despite the secrecy reso¬
lution under which they operated — “that the members consider them¬
selves under the strongest obligation of honour, to keep the
proceedings secret, untill the majority shall direct” — both the official
and private communications of the delegates in this volume provide
extensive insight into their work and attitudes. To make full use of
the materials presented in this edition the reader must avail himself
of the 34 volumes of the Journals of the Continental Congress,
1774-1789. And for the proper study of much of the material pre¬
sented, the microfilm edition of the “Papers of the Continental Con¬
gress,” for which the National Archives has recently prepared a new
and comprehensive index, should be consulted. For essential back¬
ground information and a general narrative of the work of Congress
he is advised to consult The Continental Congress by Edmund C.
Burnett, who not only devoted 30 years to editing the pioneering Let¬
ters of Members of the Continental Congress, 1774-89, but upon
his subsequent retirement sat down to share the fruits of his life’s
work and composed this unsurpassed account of our legislative history
during the American Revolution.
1774
September 5
September 17
September 27
September 28
September 30
October 1
October 14
October 18
October 21
October 22
October 26
1775
May 10
May 17
Chronology of Congress
September 1774 to August 1775
Congress convenes at Carpenters’ Hall; elects Peyton
Randolph president, Charles Thomson secretary.
Endorses Suffolk Resolves from Massachusetts.
Adopts nonimportation agreement, to begin Decem¬
ber 1.
Orders Joseph Galloway’s plan of union to lie on
the table.
Resolves to halt exports to Great Britain, Ireland,
and the West Indies effective September 10, 1775.
Resolves to prepare an address to the king.
Adopts declaration of grievances and rights.
Approves the Association.
Approves an address to the people of Great Britain
and one to the inhabitants of the colonies.
Agrees to reconvene on May 10, 1775, “unless the
redress of grievances, which we have desired, be
obtained before that time.’’ Elects Henry Middleton
president.
Approves an address to the king and a letter to
Quebec. Congress dissolves itself.
Second Continental Congress convenes at Penn¬
sylvania State House; reelects President Peyton
Randolph and Secretary Charles Thomson.
Resolves to ban exports to British colonies failing
to join the Association.
XXIV
Chronology of
May 18
May 24
May 26
June 1
June 2
June 7
June 9
June 10
June 15
June 22
June 27
July 5
July 6
July 8
July 12
July 21
July 27
July 31
August 2
Congress
XXV
Receives news of the capture of Ticonderoga and
Crown Point.
Elects John Hancock president.
Resolves to send a second petition to the king and
to put “these colonies . . . into a state of defence.
Resolves against an “expedition or incursion into
Canada.
Receives Massachusetts proposal to take up civil
government.
Resolves to observe July 20 as a Fast Day.
Endorses assumption of civil authority in Massa¬
chusetts by the provincial convention.
Resolves to organize a Continental Army.
Appoints George Washington commander in chief
of the army.
Resolves to emit $2 million in Continental currency.
Approves invasion of Canada.
Approves petition to the king.
Approves “Declaration on Taking Arms.”
Approves address to inhabitants of Great Britain.
Organizes three departments for Indian affairs.
Ignores Benjamin Franklin’s proposed Articles of
Confederation.
Resolves to establish a system of military hospitals.
Adopts response to Lord North’s Conciliatory Reso¬
lution.
Adjourns to September 5.
579-B52 0 - 77 - 2 Vol. 1
List of Delegates to Congress
This section lists both the dates on which delegates were elected to
terms falling within the period covered by this volume and the inclu¬
sive dates of their attendance. The former are generally ascertainable
from contemporary state records, but the latter are often elusive bits
of information derived from the journals of Congress or extrapolated
from references contained in the delegates’ correspondence, and in
such cases the “facts” are inevitably conjectural. It is not possible to
determine interruptions in the attendance of many delegates, and no
attempt has been made to record intermittent service caused by illness
or brief trips home, especially of delegates from New Jersey, Dela¬
ware, Maryland, and Pennsylvania living within easy access of Phila¬
delphia. For occasional references to such periods of intermittent serv¬
ice as survive in the correspondence and notes of various delegates, see
the index under individual delegates. Until fuller information is pro¬
vided in a consolidated summary of delegate attendance in the final
volume of this series, the reader is advised to consult Burnett, Letters,
l:xli-lxvi, for additional information on conjectural dates of attend¬
ance. Brief biographical sketches of all the delegates are available in
the Biographical Directory of the American Congress, 1774-1971 , and
fuller sketches of more than half of the delegates can be found in the
Dictionary of American Biography.
CONNECTICUT
Silas Deane
Elected: July 13, November 3, 1774
Attended: September 5 to October 26, 1774; May 10 to August 2,
1775
Eliphalet Dyer
Elected: July 13, November 3, 1774
Attended: September 5 to October 26, 1774; May 10 to August 2,
1775
Titus Hosmer
Elected: November 3, 1774
Did not attend
William Samuel Johnson
Elected: July 13, 1774
Declined
Richard Law
Elected: July 13, 1774
Declined
Roger Sherman
Elected: August 2? 1774
XXVI
List of Delegates to Congress
XXVll
Attended; September 5 to October 26, 1774; May 10 to August 2,
1775
Jonathan Sturges
Elected: November 3, 1774
Did not attend
Joseph Trumbull
Elected: August 2? 1774
Did not attend
Erastus Wolcott
Elected: July 13, 1774
Declined
DELAWARE
Thomas McKean
Elected: August 2, 1774; March 16, 1775
Attended: September 5 to October 26, 1774; May 10 to August 2,
1775
George Read
Elected: August 2, 1774; March 16, 1775
Attended: September 5 to October 26, 1774; May 10 to August 2?
1775
Caesar Rodney
Elected; August 2, 1774; March 16, 1775
Attended; September 5 to October 26, 1774; May 10 to August 2,
1775
GEORGIA
Lyman Hall
Elected; (by the Parish of St. John’s) March 21, 1775
Attended: May 13 to August 2, 1775
MARYLAND
Samuel Chase
Elected: June 22-25, December 8-12, 1774
Attended; September 5 to October 26, 1774; May 10 to July 23,
1775
Robert Goldsborough
Elected; June 22-25, December 8-12, 1774
Attended: September 5 to - , 1774; May 15 to June , 177j
John Hall
Elected: December 8-12, 1774
Attended: May 10 to June — , 1775
Thomas Johnson
Elected: Tune 22-25, December 8-12, 1774
Attended: September 6 to October 26, 1774; May 10 to July 23,
1775
XXVlll
List of Delegates to Congress
William Paca
Elected: June 22-25, December 8-12, 1774
Attended: September 5 to October 26, 1774; May 10 to July 23,
1775
Thomas Stone
Elected: December 8-12, 1774
Attended: May 13 to June — , 1775
Matthew Tilghman
Elected: June 22-25, December 8-12, 1774
Attended: September 12 to October 26, 1774; May 10 to July 23?
1775
MASSACHUSETTS
John Adams
Elected: June 17, December 5, 1774; Eebruary 6, 1775
Attended: September 5 to October 26, 1774; May 10 to August 2,
1775
Samuel Adams
Elected: June 17, December 5, 1774; Eebruary 6, 1775
Attended: September 5 to October 26, 1774; May 10 to August 2,
1775
James Bowdoin
Elected: June 17, 1774
Declined
Thomas Cushing
Elected: June 17, December 5, 1774; February 6, 1775
Attended: September 5 to October 26, 1774; May 10 to August 2,
1775
John Hancock
Elected: December 5, 1774; February 6, 1775
Attended: May 10 to August 2, 1775
Robert Treat Paine
Elected: June 17, December 5, 1774; February 6, 1775
Attended: September 5 to October 26, 1774; May 10 to August 2,
1775
NEW HAMPSHIRE
Nathaniel Folsom
Elected: July 21, 1774
Attended: September 5 to October 26, 1774
John Langdon
Elected: January 25, 1775
Attended: May 10 to August 2, 1775
John Sullivan
Elected: July 21, 1774; January 25, 1775
Attended: September 5 to October 26, 1774; May 10 to June 22,
1775
List of Delegates to Congress
XXIX
NEW JERSEY
Stephen Crane
Elected: July 23, 1774; January 24, 1775
Attended: September 5 to October 26, 1774; May 10 to 14? 1775
John DeHart
Elected: July 23, 1774; January 24, 1775
Attended: September 5 to October 26, 1774; May 10 to August 2?
1775
James Kinsey
Elected: July 23, 1774; January 24, 1775
Attended: September 5 to October 26? 1774; May 10 to 14? 1775
William Livingston
Elected: July 23, 1774; January 24, 1775
Attended: September 5 to October 26, 1774; May 10 to August 2?
1775
Richard Smith
Elected: July 23, 1774; January 24, 1775
Attended: September 5 to October 26, 1774; May 10 to 14?; May
26? to August 2? 1775
NEW YORK
John Alsop
Elected: July 28, 1774; April 22, 1775
Attended: September 14 to October 26, 1774; May 10 to July 17?
1775
Simon Boerum
Elected: - , 1774; April 22, 1775
Attended: October 1 to 26, 1774; May 10 to June — , 1775
George Clinton
Elected: April 22, 1775
Attended: May 15 to June — , July — to August 2, 1775
James Duane
Elected: July 28, 1774; April 22, 1775
Attended: September 5 to October 26, 1774; May 10 to August 2,
1775
William Floyd
Elected: August 11? 1774; April 22, 1775
Attended: September 5 to October 26, 1774; May 10 to July 17?
1775
John Haring
Elected: August 16, 1774
Attended: September 26 to - , 1774
John Jay
Elected: July 28, 1774; April 22, 1775
Attended: September 5 to October 26, 1774; May 13 to August 2,
1775
XXX
List of Delegates to Congress
Francis Lewis
Elected: April 22, 1775
Attended: May 10 to August 2, 1775
Philip Livingston
Elected: July 28, 1774; April 22, 1775
Attended: September 5 to October 26, 1774; May 10 to August 2,
1775
Robert R. Livingston, Jr.
Elected: April 22, 1775
Attended: May 15 to July 8? 1775
Isaac Low
Elected: July 28, 1774
Attended: September 5 to October 26, 1774
Lewis Morris
Elected: April 22, 1775
Attended: May 15 to August 2, 1775
Philip Schuyler
Elected: April 22, 1775
Attended: May 15 to June 19? 1775
Henry Wisner
Elected: August 16, 1774; April 22, 1775
Attended: September 14 to October 26, 1774; May 15 to July 18?
1775
NORTH CAROLINA
Richard Caswell
Elected: August 27, 1774; April 5, 1775
Attended: September 17 to October 26, 1774; May 10 to June 28?
1775
Joseph Hewes
Elected: August 27, 1774; April 5, 1775
Attended: September 14 to October 26, 1774; May 10 to July — ,
1775
William Hooper
Elected: August 27, 1774; April 5, 1775
Attended: September 14 to October 26, 1774; May 10 to August 2,
1775
PENNSYLVANIA
Edward Biddle
Elected: July 22, December 15, 1774
Attended: September 5 to October 26, 1774; May 10 to July — ,
1775
John Dickinson
Elected: October 15, December 15, 1774
Attended: October 17 to 26, 1774; May 10 to August 2, 1775
List of Delegates to Congress
XXXI
Benjamin Franklin
Elected; May 6, 1775
Attended: May 10 to August 2, 1775
Joseph Galloway
Elected: July 22, December 15, 1774
Attended: September 5 to October 26, 1774; resignation accepted
May 12, 1775
Charles Humphreys
Elected; July 22, December 15, 1774
Attended: September 5 to October 26, 1774; May 10 to August 2?
1775
Thomas Mifflin
Elected: July 22, December 15, 1774
Attended: September 5 to October 26, 1774; May 10 to June 20?
1775
John Morton
Elected: July 22, December 15, 1774
Attended: September 5 to October 26, 1774; May 10 to July 11,
1775
Samuel Rhoads
Elected: July 22, 1774
Attended: September 5 to - , 1774
George Ross
Elected: July 22, December 15, 1774
Attended: September 14 to October 26, 1774; May 10 to August 2?
1775
Thomas Willing
Elected: May 6, 1775
Attended: May 10 to August 2? 1775
James Wilson
Elected: May 6, 1775
Attended: May 15 to August 2, 1775
RHODE ISLAND
Stephen Hopkins
Elected: June 15, December 9, 1774
Attended: September 5 to October 26, 1774; May 18 to August 2,
1775
Samuel Ward
Elected: June 15, December 9, 1774
Attended: September 5 to October 26, 1774; May 15 to August 2,
1775
SOUTH CAROLINA
Christopher Gadsden
Elected: July 6-8, 1774; January 11-17, 1775
Attended: September 5 to October 26, 1774; May 10 to August 2,
1775
XXXll
List of Delegates to Congress
Thomas Lynch
Elected: July 6-8, 1774; January 11-17, 1775
Attended: September 5 to October 26, 1774; May 10 to August 2,
1775
Henry Middleton
Elected: July 6-8, 1774; January 11-17, 1775
Attended: September 5 to October 26, 1774; May 10 to August 2,
1775
Edward Rutledge
Elected: July 6-8, 1774; January 11-17, 1775
Attended: September 5 to October 26, 1774; May 10 to August 2,
1775
John Rutledge
Elected: July 6-8, 1774; January 11-17, 1775
Attended: September 5 to October 26, 1774; May 10 to August 2,
1775
VIRGINIA
Richard Bland
Elected: August 5, 1774; March 25, 1775
Attended: September 5 to October 24, 1774; May 10 to 23, 1775
Benjamin Harrison
Elected: August 5, 1774; March 25, 1775
Attended: September 5 to October 24, 1774; May 10 to July 29,
1775
Patrick Henry
Elected: August 5, 1774; March 25, 1775
Attended: September 5 to October 24? 1774; May 18 to July 29,
1775
Thomas Jefferson
Elected: March 2.1 , 1775
Attended: June 21 to July 31, 1775
Richard Henry Lee
Elected: August 5, 1774; March 25, 1775
Attended: September 6 to October 26, 1774; May 10 to August 2,
1775
Edmund Pendleton
Elected: August 5, 1774; March 25, 1775
Attended: September 5 to October 24? 1774; May 10 to July 22,
1775
Peyton Randolph
Elected: August 5, 1774; March 25, 1775
Attended: September 5 to October 24, 1774; May 10 to 23, 1775
George Washington
Elected: August 5, 1774; March 25, 1775
Attended: September 5 to October 26, 1774; May 10 to June 16?
1775
Illustrations
View of Philadelphia endpapers
“An East Prospect of the City of Philadelphia; taken by George
Heap from the Jersey Shore, under the Direction of Nicholas Scull
Surveyor General of the Province of Pennsylvania.” This detail is
from an engraving by Thomas Jefferys based on an etching of the
city published in Thomas Jefferys, A General Topography of North
America and the West Indies. Being a Collection of All the Maps,
Charts, Plans, and Particular Surveys, That Have Been Published of
That Part of the World, Either in Europe or America (London: R.
Sayer, 1768) .
Carpenters’ Hall
Carpenters’ Hall, where the First Continental Congress met on Sep¬
tember 5, 1774.
Wood engraving in the Pictorial National Library, a Monthly Mis¬
cellany of the Useful and Entertaining in Science, Art and Literature,
January 1849.
Philadelphia Market
“Hio^h Street, From the Country Market-place Philadelphia.” En¬
graving by William Birch Sc Son, in The City of Philadelphia, in the
State of Pennsylvania, North America; as It Appeared in the Year
1800, Consisting of Twenty-eight Plates (Springland Cot, near Nes-
haminy Bridge on the Bristol Road, Pennsylvania, 1800) .
Peyton Randolph
Randolph, distinguished speaker of the Virginia House of Bur¬
gesses, was elected president of the First Continental Congress on Sep¬
tember 5, 1774, and of the Second Continental Congress on May 10,
1775. Although he presided only briefly over the Second Congress be¬
fore leaving for Virginia to attend a session of the House of Burgesses,
Randolph returned in the autumn of 1775 to a seat in Congress and
served another brief term until his sudden death on October 22, 1775.
Painting by John Wollaston. Reproduced through the courtesy of
the Virginia Historical Society.
22
Charles Thomson
The first and only secretary of the Continental and Confederation
Congresses, 1774-89, was Charles Thomson. His portrait was drawn at
xxxiii
XXXIV
Illustrations
Philadelphia by Pierre Eugene Du Simiti^re, probably in 1779. The
authorized engravings of Du Simiti^re’s set of 13 profiles were done
by Benoit Louis Provost, whose prints were pirated by the British.
Engraving by “B.B.E.” in PoTtTciits of the Genetcils, MinistcTs, Mag¬
istrates, Members of Congress, and Others, Who Have Rendered
Themselves Illustrious in the Revolution of the United States of
North America (London: R. Wilkinson, 1783) .
Samuel Adams
Samuel Adams was widely regarded as one of the chief architects of
American resistance to British authority, a view reflected in General
Gage’s proclamation of June 12, 1775, exempting Adams from the
offer of pardon extended to Americans in rebellion, and supported by
the evidence of his extensive correspondence with Massachusetts offi¬
cials while he was in Philadelphia.
Painting by John Singleton Copley, 1770-72. Courtesy, Museum of
Eine Arts, Boston.
Secretary Thomson’s Journal of Congress 114-15
Charles Thomson’s entry in the manuscript journal of Congress for
Wednesday and Thursday, September 28-29, 1774, is one of the few
contemporary documents bearing upon the treatment accorded Jo¬
seph Galloway’s Plan of Union when it was introduced and debated
on September 28. The deleted passage — reading “Wednesday. Here in¬
sert Mr. Galloway’s motion & plan’’ — was clearly inserted sometime
after September 30, probably as a copyist’s instruction, and was never
an integral part of the minutes of the proceedings. The belief that
Congress subsequently took punitive action to delete an entry per¬
taining to Galloway’s plan — “so that no vestige of it might appear
there,” as Galloway later claimed — proceeds from a misunderstanding
about the nature of Thomson’s original entry and the manner in
which he maintained his manuscript journal. (See pp. 112-17.)
Erom the Papers of the Continental Congress, National Archives
and Records Service.
John Dickinson’s Draft Heads of Grievances and Rights 195
Page 5 from a draft of the document known as the Declaration of
Rights and Grievances that was adopted on October 14, 1774. Once
thought to be “the first draft of the sub-committee’s report on viola¬
tions of rights” and printed as John Sullivan’s draft declaration in
JCC, 1:63-71, this manuscript is in the hand of John Dickinson. The
fact that Dickinson was not elected to Congress until October 15 only
Illustrations
XXXV
deepens the mystery surrounding his role in the composition of this
important state document. (See pp. 193-94.)
From the Adams Papers, Massachusetts Historical Society.
John Dickinson’s Draft Memorial to the Inhabitants 218-19
of the Colonies
Pages 4 and 8 of a draft of the Memorial to the Inhabitants of the
Colonies, in the hand of John Dickinson. Although Richard Henry
Lee has traditionally been considered the author of this memorial,
the extensive revisions, interlined passages, and marginalia contained
in this manuscript leave no doubt as to Dickinson’s authorship. (See
pp. 217-21.)
From the R. R. Logan Collection, Historical Society of Pennsyl¬
vania.
Samuel Ward 272
Ward, who had served three terms as governor of Rhode Island
before being elected a delegate to the Congress, was esteemed by his
colleagues as “an honourable, a conscientious, a benevolent and in¬
flexible Patriot.” He remains of special interest to the student of the
early history of Congress because of his diary and extensive corre¬
spondence. These papers span the year and a half from the convening
of the First Congress in September 1774 to his death from smallpox in
Philadelphia in March 1776.
Photograph courtesy of the Rhode Island Historical Society.
Thomas Johnson 274
Johnson, whose political friends represented a broad segment of
leaders both inside and outside Maryland, worked actively to main¬
tain communications among delegates during the period between the
First and Second Congresses. When a Continental Army was created
in June 1775, he placed the name of his friend Washington in nomi¬
nation for the position of commander in chief. Johnson’s election in
February 1777 as the state of Maryland’s first governor under the
new constitution that replaced proprietary government subsequently
demonstrated the strength of his influence and appeal.
Etching by Albert Rosenthal (Philadelphia, 1890) . Probably based
on a Charles Willson Peale painting (1772) , now in a private collec¬
tion, of Johnson with his family.
Lyman Hall
Dr. Lyman Hall appeared before Congress on May 13, 1775, and
was admitted as a nonvoting delegate “from the parish of St. John s.
XXXVl
Illustrations
in the colony of Georgia,” although Georgia was not officially repre¬
sented until a full delegation arrived in Philadelphia that September.
Wood engraving in William Hunt, American Biographical Pano¬
rama (Albany: Printed by J. Munsell, 1849) .
John Dickinson 389
Dickinson, the Pennsylvania Farmer, widely celebrated for his
learning and the power of his pen, played a dominant role during the
closing days of the First Continental Congress but gradually lost in¬
fluence in 1775 as he became increasingly identified as an advocate of
moderate measures and reconciliation with Britain.
Engraving by B. L. Prevost, 1781, based on a drawing by Pierre
Eugene Du Simiti^re.
James Duane 393
New York delegate James Duane was a leading conservative spokes¬
man for conciliatory measures. The notes he kept on several key de¬
bates have survived to provide important information, unavailable in
other documents, on a number of significant developments in Con¬
gress.
Painting by John Trumbull, 1805. Courtesy of the Art Commission,
City of New York.
John Sullivan 538
Four delegates — Thomas Mifflin, Philip Schuyler, John Sullivan,
and George Washington — immediately accepted military commissions
upon the creation of the Continental Army in June 1775. Sullivan
left Philadelphia on June 27 for the American camp in Massachu¬
setts, and John Langdon thus became New Hampshire’s sole repre¬
sentative, in Congress until the arrival of Josiah Bartlett in Septem¬
ber. Sullivan later returned to Congress to serve another term in
1780-81.
Engraving in Christoph Heinrich Korn, Geschichte der Kriege in
und ausser Europa (Niirnberg: G. N. Raspe, 1776-84) , based on an
engraving by C. Corbutt, London.
Joseph Hewes 577
A North Carolina merchant and political moderate, Hewes long
hoped for a reconciliation between Britain and the colonies. He fre¬
quently used his position in Philadelphia to promote internal unity
among North Carolinians, who because of their comparative remote¬
ness from the chief scenes of the war were thought to be poorly in-
Illustrations
XXX VI I
formed and less than vigilant in making preparations to resist the
encroachments of the mother country.
Engraving by F. Kearny after a drawing by J. B. Longacre based
on a painting by Charles Willson Peale executed in 1776. In John
Sanderson, Biography of the Signers to the Declaration of Independ¬
ence, vol. 7 (Philadelphia: R. W. Pomeroy, 1827) .
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John Adams’ Diary
[August 29-September 5, 1774]
1774 Aug. 29. Monday rode to Trenton upon Delaware River, to
break fast. At Williams’s the Tavern at Trenton Ferry, We saw four
very large black Walnut Trees standing in a Row behind the House. ^
It seems that these Trees are plenty in these Southern Provinces all
the black Walnut Timber which is used by our Cabinet Makers in
Boston is brought from the Southern Provinces.
This Town of Trenton is a pretty Village— it appears to be the
largest Town that we have seen in the Jerseys, larger than Elizabeth
Town, Brunswick or Prince town.
We then crossed the Ferry over Delaware River to the Province of
Pensylvania. W^e then rode across an Elbow, and came to the Dela¬
ware again — a beautifull River navigable up as far as Trenton. The
Country on each Side is very level.
We arrived at Bristol about Eleven O Clock, a Village on the Del¬
aware, opposite to which is Burlington. T. he Scenes of Nature are de-
lightfull here. This is 20 Miles from Philadelphia. Here We saw two
or 3 Passage Waggons — a Vehicle with four Wheels contrived to car¬
ry many Passengers and much Baggage.
We then rode to the red Lion and dined. After Dinner We stopped
at Frankfort [Frankford] about five Miles out of Town. A Number
of Carriages and Gentlemen came out of Phyladelphia to meet us.
Mr. Thomas Mifflin, Mr. McKean of the Lower Counties, one of
their Delegates, Mr. Rutledge of Carolina, and a Number of Gentle¬
men from Philadelphia. Mr. Folsom and Mr. Sullivan, the N. Hamp
shire Delegates. We were introduced to all these Gentlemen and most
cordially wellcomed to Philadelphia. We then rode into Town, and
dirty, dusty, and fatigued as we were, we could not resist the Impor¬
tunity, to go to the Tavern, the most genteel one in America. There
we were introduced to a Number of other Gentlemen of the City
Dr. Shippen, Dr. Knox, Mr. Smith, and a Multitude of others, and to
Mr. Linch and Mr. Gadsden of S. Carolina. Here we had a fresh
Welcome to the City of Philadelphia, and after some Time spent in
Conversation a curtain was drawn, and in the other Half of the
Chamber a Supper appeared as elegant as ever was laid upon a Ta¬
ble. About Eleven o Clock we retired.
By a Computation made this Evening by Mr. McKean, there will
be at the Congress about 56 Members, twenty two of them Law¬
yers. Mr. McKean gave me an Account this Evening of the Behav¬
iour of Ruggles at the former Congress 1765. He was treated pretty
cavalierly, his Behaviour was very dishonourable.
A Gentleman- who returned into Town with Mr. Paine and me in
our Coach, undertook to caution us against two Gentlemen particu-
3
579-852 0 - 77 - 3 VoLl
4
August 29, 1774
larly. One was Dr. Smith the Provost of the Colledge, who is looking
up to Government for an American Episcopate and a Pair of lawn
Sleeves. Soft, polite, insinuating, adulating, sensible, learned, indus¬
trious, indefatigable, he has had Art enough and Refinement upon
Art to make Impressions even on Mr. Dickinson and Mr. Reed.
1774. Aug. 30. Tuesday. Walked a little about Town. Visited the
Markett, the State house, the Carpenters Hall where the Congress is
to Sit,^ See. — then call’d at Mr. Mifflins — a grand, spacious, and ele¬
gant House. Here We had much Conversation with Mr. Charles
Thompson [Thomson] , who is it seems about marrying a Lady a
Relation of Mr. Dickensons with 5000£. st [erling] . This Charles
Thompson is the Sam. Adams of Phyladelphia — the Life of the
Cause of Liberty, they say.
A Friend Collins came to see us and invited us to dine on Thurs¬
day.
We returned to our Lodgings and Mr. Lynch, Mr. Gadsden, Mr.
Middleton, and young Mr. Rutledge came to visit us. Mr. Linch in¬
troduced Mr. Middleton to us. Mr. Middleton was silent and re¬
served, young Rutledge was high enough. A Promise of the King was
mentioned. He started, “I should have no Regard to his Word. His
Promises are not worth any Thing,” &c. This is a young, smart, spir¬
ited Body.
Mr. Blair came to visit us, with another Gentleman. Mr. Smith, an
old Gentleman, was introduced to us, by his Son. Another Mr. Smith
came in with our Mr. Paine.
The Regularity and Elegance of this City are very striking. It is
situated upon a Neck of Land, about two Miles wide between the
River De la ware and the River Schuilkill. The Streets are all exactly
straight and parrallell to the River. Front Street is near the River,
then 2 street, 3d, 4th, 5th, 6th, 7th, 8th, 9th. The cross Streets which
intersect these are all equally wide, straight and parallell to each oth¬
er, and are named from forrest and fruit Trees, Pear Street, Apple
Street, Walnut street. Chestnut Street, See.
Towards the Evening, Mr. Thomas Smith, son of the old Gentle¬
man who made us a Visit who is a Brother of Mr. Smith the Minister
of Casco Bay, and Dr. Shippen and his Brother and Mr. Reed, went
with Us to the Hospital. We saw, in the lower Rooms under Ground,
the Cells of the Lunaticks, a Number of them, some furious, some
merry, some Melancholly, and among the rest John Ingham, whom I
once saved at Taunton Court from being whipped and sold for Horse
stealing. We then went into the Sick Rooms which are very long,
large Walks with rows of Beds on each side, and the lame and sick
upon them — a dreadfull Scene of human Wretchedness. The Weak¬
ness and Languor, the Distress and Misery, of these Objects is truely
a Woefull Sight.
August 29, 1774
5
Dr. Shipper! then carried Us into his Chamber where he shewed
Us a Series of Anatomical Paintings of exquisite Art. Here was a
great Variety of Views of the human Body, whole, and in Parts. The
Dr. entertained us with a very clear, concise and comprehensive Lec¬
ture upon all the Parts of the human Frame. This Entertainment
charmed me. He first shewed us a Set of Paintings of Bodies entire
and alive — then of others with the Skin taken off, then with the first
Coat of Muscles taken off, then with the second, then with all the
bare bones. Then he shewed Us paintings of the Insides of a Man,
seen before, all the Muscles of the Belly being taken off. The Heart,
Lungs, Stomach, Gutts.
1774 Aug. 31. Wednesday. Breakfasted at Mr. Bayards of Phila¬
delphia, with Mr. Sprout a presbyterian Minister.
Made a Visit to Governor Ward of Rhode Island at his Lodgings.
There We were introduced to several CJentlemen.
Mr. Dickenson, the Farmer of Pensylvania, came to Mr. Wards
Lodgings to see us, in his Coach and four beautifull Horses. He was
introduced to Us, and very politely said he was exceedingly glad to
have the Pleasure of seeing these Gentlemen, made some Enquiry
after the Health of his Brother and Sister, who are now in Boston.
Gave us some Account of his late ill Health and his present Gout.
This was the first Time of his getting out.
Mr. Dickenson has been Subject to Hectic Complaints. He is a
Shadow — tall, but slender as a Reed— pale as ashes. One would
think at first Sight that he could not live a Month. Yet upon a more
attentive Inspection, he looks as if the Springs of Life were strong
enough to last many Years.
We dined with Mr. Lynch, his Lady and Daughter at their Lodg¬
ings, Mrs. McKenzies. And a very agreable Dinner and Afternoon
we had notwithstanding the violent Heat. We were all vastly pleased
with Mr. Lynch. He is a solid, firm, judicious Man.
He told us that Coll. Washington made the most eloquent Speech
at the Virginia Convention that ever was made. Says he, “I will raise
1000 Men, subsist them at my own Expence and march my self at
their Head for the Relief of Boston.”^
He entertained us with the Scandalous History of Sir Egerton
Leigh— the Story of his Wifes Sister, and of his Dodging his Uncle,
the Story the Girl swore to before the Lord Mayor, and all that.
There is not says Lynch a greater Rascall among all the Kings
Friends. He has great Merit, in this Reign. , ^
Mr. Lynch says they shall export this Year 12,000 Wt. of Indigo
and 150,000 Tierces of Rice from S. Carolina. About 300 Ships are
employed.
Mrs. Lynch enquired kindly after Mrs. Adams’s Health, and Mrs.
Smith and family and Mr. Boylstone And Mrs. and Mr. Gill &c.
6
August 29, 1774
1774 Septr. 1. Thursday. This Day, We breakfasted at Mr. Mif-
flins, Mr. C. Thompson came in, and soon after Dr. Smith. The fa¬
mous Dr. Smith, the Provost of the Colledge. He appears a plain
Man — tall, and rather Aukward — there is an Appearance of Art.
We then went to return Visits to the Gentlemen who had visited
us. We visited a Mr. Cadwallader a Gentleman of large Fortune, a
grand and elegant House And Furniture. We then visited Mr. Pow¬
ell, another splendid Seat. We then visited the Gentlemen from S.
Carolina and about twelve were introduced to Mr. Galloway, the
Speaker of the House in Pensylvania. He looks like Ben. Davis the
Sandimanian.
We dined at Friend Collins’s — Stephen Collins’s — with Govr.
Hopkins, Govr. Ward, Mr. Galloway, Mr. Rhoades, Sec.
In the Evening all the Gentlemen of the Congress who were ar¬
rived in Town, met at Smiths the new City Tavern and spent the
Evening together. 25 Members were come. Virginia, N. Carolina,
Maryland, and the City of N. York were not arrived.
Mr. William Livingston from the Jerseys, lately of New York, was
there. He is a plain Man, tall, black, wears his Hair — nothing elegant
or genteel about him. They say he is no public Speaker, but very sen¬
sible, and learned, and a ready Writer.
Mr. Rutledge the Elder, was there, but his Appearance is not very
promising. There is no Keenness in his Eye. No Depth in his Counte¬
nance. Nothing of the profound, sagacious, brilliant, or sparkling in
his first Appearance.
Yesterday We removed our Lodgings to the House of Miss Jane
Port, in Arch Street, about half Way between Front Street and Sec¬
ond Street.
I find that there is a Tribe of People here, exactly like the Tribe
in the Massachusetts, of Hutchinsonian Addressers. There is indeed
a Sett in every Colony. We have seen the Revolutions of their Senti¬
ments. Their Opinions have undergone as many Changes as the
Moon. At the Time of the Stamp Act, and just before it, they pro¬
fessed to be against the Parliamentary Claim of Right to tax Ameri¬
cans, to be Friends to our Constitutions, our Charter &c. Bernard
was privately, secretly endeavouring to procure an Alteration of our
Charter. But he concealed his Designs untill his Letters were detect¬
ed. Hutchinson professed to be a stanch Friend to Liberty, and to
our Charter, untill his Letters were detected — a great Number of
good People thought him a good Man, and a Sincere Friend to the
Congregational Interest in Religion and to our Charter Priviledges.
They went on with this machiavilian Dissimulation, untill those Let¬
ters were detected — after that they waited untill the Boston Port Bill
was passed, and then, thinking the People must submit immediately
and that Lord North would carry his whole System triumphantly.
August 29, 1774
7
they threw off the Mask. Dr. Smith, Mr. Galloway, Mr. Vaughan
and others in this Town, are now just where the Hutchinsonian Fac¬
tion were in the Year 1764 [1765], when We were endeavouring to
obtain a Repeal of the Stamp Act.
1774. Fryday. Septr. 2. Dined at Mr. Thom. Mifflins with Mr.
Lynch, Mr. Middleton, and the two Rutledges with their Ladies. The
two Rutledges are good Lawyers. Govr. Hopkins and Govr. Ward
were in Company. Mr. Lynch gave us a Sentiment “The brave
Dantzickers, who declare they will be free in the face of the greatest
Monarch in Europe.” We were very sociable, and happy.
After Coffee We went to the Tavern, where we were introduced to
Peyton Randolph Esqr., Speaker of Virginia, Coll. Harrison, Richard
Henry Lee Esq., and Coll. Bland. Randolph is a large, well looking
Man. Lee is a tall, spare Man. Bland is a learned, bookish Man.
These Gentlemen from Virginia appear to be the most spirited and
consistent, of any. Harrison said he would have come on foot rather
than not come. Bland said he would have gone, upon this Occasion,
if it had been to Jericho.
1774. Saturday. Septr. 3. Breakfasted at Dr. Shippens. Dr. With¬
erspoon was there. Coll. R. H. Lee lodges there. He is a masterly
Man.
This Mr. Lee is a Brother of the Sherriff of London,® and of Dr.
Arthur Lee, and of Mrs. Shippen. They are all sensible, and deep
thinkers.
Lee is for making the Repeal of every Revenue Law, the Boston
Port Bill, the Bill for altering the Massachusetts Constitution, and the
Quebec Bill, and the Removal of all the Troops, the End of the Con¬
gress, and an Abstinence from all Dutied Articles the Means — Rum,
Mollosses, Sugar, Tea, Wine, Fruits, See.
He is absolutely certain, that the same Ship which carries home
the Resolution will bring back the Redress. If we were to suppose
that any Time would intervene, he should be for Exceptions.
He thinks We should inform his Majesty, that We never can be
happy, while the Lords Bute, Mansfield and North are his Confidents
and Councillors.
He took his Pen and attempted a Calculation of the Numbers of
People represented by the Congress which he made about 2200000,
and of the Revenue now actually raised which he made 80,000£ st.
He would not allow Ld. North to have great Abilities. He had seen
no symptoms of them. His whole Administration had been blunder.
He said the Opposition had been so feeble and incompetent hith¬
erto that it was Time to make vigorous Exertions.
Mrs. Shippen is a religious and a reasoning Lady. She said she had
often thought, that the People of Boston could not have behaved
through their Tryals, with so much Prudence and firmness at the
8
August 29, 1774
same Time, if they had not been influenced by a Superiour Power.
Mr. Lee think’s that to strike at the Navigation Acts would unite
every Man in Britain against us, because the Kingdom could not ex¬
ist without them, and the Advantages they derive from these Regula¬
tions and Restrictions of our Trade, are an ample Compensation for
all the Protection they have afforded us, or will afford us.
Dr. Witherspoon enters with great Spirit into the American Cause.
He seems as hearty a Friend as any of the Natives — an animated Son
of Liberty.
This Forenoon, Mr. Caesar Rodney, of the lower Counties on
Delaware River, two Mr. Tilghmans from Maryland, were intro¬
duced to us.
We went with Mr. Wm. Barrell to his Store and drank Punch and
eat dryed smoaked Sprats with him, read the Papers and our Letters
from Boston.
Dined with Mr. Joseph Reed the Lawyer, with Mrs. Deberdt and
Mrs. Reed, Mr. Willing, Mr. Thom. Smith, Mr. De hart, and Sec.
Spent the Evening at Mr. Mifflins with Lee and Harrison from
Virginia, the two Rutledges, Dr. Witherspoon, Dr. Shippen, Dr. Step-
toe, and another Gentleman. An elegant Supper, and We drank Sen¬
timents till no Clock. Lee and Harrison were very high. Lee had
dined with Mr. Dickenson, and drank Burgundy the whole After¬
noon.
Harrison gave us for a Sentiment “a constitutional Death to the
Lords Bute, Mansfield and North.” Paine gave us “May the Collision
of british Flint and American Steel, produce that Spark of Liberty
which shall illumine the latest Posterity.” Wisdom to Britain and
Firmness to the Colonies, may Britain be wise and America free. The
Friends of America throughout the World. Union of the Colonies.
Unanimity to the Congress. May the Result of the Congress, answer
the Expectations of the People. Union of Britain and the Colonies,
on a Constitutional Eoundation — and many other such Toasts.
Young Rutledge told me, he studied 3 Years at the Temple. He
thinks this a great Distinction. Says he took a Volume of Notes,
which J. Quincy transcribed. Says that young Gentlemen ought to
travel early, because that freedom and Ease of Behaviour, which is
so necessary, cannot be acquired but in early Life. This Rutledge is
young — sprightly but not deep. He has the most indistinct, inarticu¬
late Way of Speaking. Speaks through his nose — a wretched Speaker
in Conversation. How he will shine in public I dont yet know. He
seems good natured, tho conceited. His Lady is with him in bad
Health.
His Brother still maintains the Air of Reserve, Design and Cun¬
ning — like Duane, and Galloway, and Bob Auchmuty.
Cassar Rodney is the oddest looking Man in the World. He is tall
August 29, 1774
9
— thin and slender as a Reed — pale — his Face is not bigger than a
large Apple. Yet there is Sense and Fire, Spirit, Wit and Humour in
his Countenance.
He made himself very merry with Ruggles and his pretended Scru¬
ples and Timidities, at the last Congress.
Mr. Reed told us, at dinner, that he never saw greater Joy, than he
saw in London when the News arrived that the Nonimportation
agreement was broke. They were universally shaking Hands and
Congratulating each other.
He says that George Haley is the worst Enemy to America that he
knew there — swore to him that he would stand by Government in all
its Measures, and was allways censuring and cursing America.
1774. Septr. 4. Sunday. Went to the Presbyterian Meeting and
heard Mr. Sprout in the forenoon. He uses no Notes — dont appear to
have any. Opens his Bible and talks away. Not a very numerous, nor
very polite Assembly.
Dined at our Lodgings at Mrs. Yards, with Major De boor a
French Gentleman, a Soldier, Mr. Webb, and another.
Went in the Afternoon to Christ Church, and heard Mr. Coombs.
This is a more noble Building, and a genteeler Congregation. The
Organ and a new Choir of Singers, were very musical. Mr. Coombs is
celebrated here as a fine Speaker. He is sprightly, has a great deal of
Action, speaks distinctly. But I confess, I am not charmed with his
oratory. His Style was indifferent, his Method, confused. In one Word,
his Composition was vastly inferiour to the ordinary Sermons of our
How, Hunt, Chauncy, Cooper, Elliot, and even Stillman. Mr. Mifflin
spent the Sunday Evening with Us, at our Lodgings.
1774. Septr. 5. Monday. At Ten, The Delegates all met at the City
Tavern,® and walked to the Carpenters Hall, where they took a View
of the Room, and of the Chamber where is an excellent Library.
There is also a long Entry, where Gentlemen may walk, and a con¬
venient Chamber opposite to the Library. The General Cry was, that
this was a good Room, and the Question was put, whether We were
satisfyed with this Room, and it passed in the Affirmative. A very few
were for the Negative and they were chiefly from Pensylvania and
New York.^
Then Mr. Lynch arose, and said there was a Gentleman present
who had presided with great Dignity over a very respectable Society,
greatly to the Advantage of America, and he therefore proposed that
the Hon. Peytoun Randolph Esqr., one of the Delegates from Virgin¬
ia, and the late Speaker of their House of Burgesses, should be ap¬
pointed Chairman and he doubted not it would be unanimous. The
Question was put and he was unanimously chosen.
Mr. Randolph then took the Chair, and the Commissions of the
Delegates were all produced and read.
10
August 29, 1774
Then Mr. Lynch proposed that Mr. Charles Thompson a G-ontle-
man of Family, Fortune, and Character in this City should be ap¬
pointed Secretary, which was accordingly done without opposition,
tho Mr. Duane and Mr. Jay discovered at first an Inclination to seek
further.*
Mr. Duane then moved that a Committee should be appointed, to
prepare Regulations for this Congress. Several Gentlemen objected. I
then arose and asked Leave of the President to request of the Gientle-
man from New York, an Explanation, and that he would point out
some particular Regulations which he had in his Mind. He men¬
tioned particularly the Method of voting — whether it should be by
Colonies, or by the Poll, or by Interests.
Mr. Henry then arose, and said this was the first general Congress
which had ever hapf>ened — that no former Congress could be a Pre¬
cedent — that We should have occasion for more general Congresses,
and therefore that a precedent ought to be established now. That it
would be great Injustice, if a little Colony should have the same
Weight in the Councils of America, as a great one, and therefore he
was for a Committee.
Major Sullivan observed that a little Colony had its All at Stake as
well as a great one.
This is a Question of great Importance. If We vote by Colonies,
this Method will be liable to great Inequality and Injustice, for 5
small Colonies, with 100,000 People in each may outvote 4 large
ones, each of which has 500,000 Inhabitants. If We vote by the Poll,
some Colonies have more than their Proportion of Members, and
others have less. If We vote by Interests, it will be attended with in¬
superable Difficulties, to ascertain the true Importance of each Colo¬
ny. Is the Weight of a Colony to be ascertained by the Number of In¬
habitants merely — or by the Amount of their Trade, the Quantity of
their Exports and Imports, or by any compound Ratio of both. This
will lead us into such a Field of Controversy as will greatly perplex
us. Besides I question whether it is possible to ascertain, at this Time,
the Numbers of our People or the Value of our Trade. It will not do
in such a Case, to take each other’s Words. It ought to be ascertained
by authentic Evidence, from Records.®
MS (MHi) . Adams, Diary (Butterfield) , 2:114-24.
^Samuel Adams, Thomas Cushing, and Robert Treat Paine were traveling with
Adams. James Bowdoin, the other Massachusetts delegate, chose not to go to
Philadelphia because of his wife’s illness. Boston-Gazette, and Country Journal,
August 15, 1774.
* Benjamin Rush, whose meeting with Adams at this time inaugurated a lifelong
friendship. Adams, Diary (Butterfield) , 2:115n.
® Adams apparently thought that a decision on the site for Congress’ meeting
had already been reached, although according to Silas Deane the issue continued to
be debated among delegates meeting informally during the early days of Septem-
August 29, 1774
11
Carpenters’ Hall
12
August 29, 1774
ber. Silas Deane to Elizabeth Deane, August 31-September 5, 1774.
■‘This apocryphal story acquired greater currency with the passage of time, and
years later Adams elaborated on the incident in his autobiography. Adams, Diary
(Butterfield), 3:307-8. See also Thomas Lynch to Ralph Izard, October 26, 1774;
and Freeman, Washington, 3:377.
'‘William Lee (1739-95) , who was elected sheriff in 1773. DAB.
“Samuel Ward calls this the “New Tavern” and James Duane refers to it as
"Smith’s Tavern.” It stood on the west side of Second Street between Walnut and
Chestnut Streets. Robert E. Graham, “The Taverns of Colonial Philadelphia,”
Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, n.s. 43 (1953) : 322.
’’ For comments on the selection of Carpenters’ Hall as the site for Congress
rather than the Pennsylvania State House, which was offered by Speaker Joseph
Galloway, see Silas Deane to Elizabeth Deane, August 30-September 5; James
Duane’s Notes of Debates, September 5; and Joseph Galloway to William Franklin,
September 5, 1774. More information on Garpenters’ Hall can be found in Charles
E. Peterson, "Carpenters’ Hall,” Transactions of the American Philosophical Society,
n.s. 43 (1953) : 96-128.
“James Duane recorded that a “member of the Congress was willing to accept
the office,” and Silas Deane apparently thought that the choice might have fallen
on him. See Duane’s Notes of Debates, September 5, 1774, and Deane’s letter to
Mrs. Deane of the same date. An anonymous account published after Thomson’s
death but purporting to be Thomson’s version of the circumstances surrounding
his appointment contends that Thomson was surprised when he was called to
Carpenters’ Hall. It seems unlikely, however, that a subject of such importance
would not have been discussed during the many preliminary meetings held among
delegates before September 5 or that Thomson would have been unaware of the
topic. The frequently quoted account is reported as though in Thomson’s own
words: “I was married to my second wife, on a Thursday; on the next Monday, I
came to town to pay my respects to my wife’s aunt, and the family; just as I
alighted in Chestnut street, the doorkeeper of congress (then first met,) accosted
me with a message from them, requesting my presence. Surprised at this, and not
able to divine why I was wanted, I however bade my servant put up the horses,
and followed the messenger myself, to the Carpenter’s Hall, and entered congress,
—here was indeed an august assembly! and deep thought and solemn anxiety were
observable on their countenances! I walked up the aisle, and standing opposite the
President, I bowed, and told him I awaited his pleasure. He replied, ‘Congress
desire the favour of you. Sir, to take their Minutes.’ I bowed in acquiescence, and
took my seat at the desk. . . . With respect to the taking the Minutes; what
congress adopted, I committed to writing; with what they rejected, I had nothing
farther to do; and even this method led to some squabbles with the members, who
were desirious of having their speeches and resolutions, however put to rest by the
majority, still preserved upon the Minutes.” American Quarterly Review 1 (March
1827) : 30-31.
“This last paragraph represents Adams’ own thoughts on the subject of voting
in Congress.
Robert Treat Paine’s Diary
[August 29-September 5, 1774]
[August] 29. Set out early & rode thro Trenton to the Ferry. 12
a.m. Breakfasted at Williams Tavern. Cross’d the Ferry over Dela¬
ware & rode to Bristol 8 miles, thence to Red Lyon Tavern 7 miles Sc
August 30, 1774
13
din’d. Exceeding Sultry, Ther [mometer] 90°. Thence to Frankfort,
there met by a No. of Friends from Philadelphia, 8c rode into the City
by Dusk. Conducted by our Friends to City Tavern in 2d Street, kept
by Smith. An elegant Supper, thence we went to Mr [s] . [Sarah]
Yeards, 8c lodged.
[August] 30. Foggy morning, broke out Scalding hot. A.M.
Walked with Mr. Mifflin 8c al to see State house 8cc. P.M. Conducted
by Dr. [William] Shippen to the Hospital. Among the Lunaticks in
their Cells 1 saw John Ingham.
[August] 31. Very hot. Breakfasted with Mr. J[ohn] Bayard.
Visited Mr. Stephen Collins. Dind with [Thomas] Lynch, one of
the Delegates for So. Carolina. Removed our lodging to Mrs. Jane
Port in Arch Street.
This Month has been very hot.
[September] 1. Exceeding hot. Sultry. Breakfasted with Mr.
Thos. Mifflin. Spent A.M. in returning many Visits of Ceremony to
gentlemen who had visited us. Dind at Mr. Stephen Collins. P.M.
Walk’d 8c visited. 6 oClock the Members of the Congress that were
in Town met at City Tavern 8c adjourned to Monday next. Evening a
Sunset Thunderstorm. Rained hard all Evening 8c in the Night.
[September] 2. Fine fair day. Dined Mr. Thos. Mifflin.
[September] 3. Raind hard last night wch coold the Air. Dined at
Mr. Joseph Reed’s. P.M. moved our Lodgings back to Mrs [Sarah]
Yard in Fore Street. Supd at Mr. Mifflin’s.
[September] 4. Cloudy. A.M. heard Mr. Sprout 8c his meeting
(the Presbyterian) . P.M. heard Mr. Combs at Christ Church. Dind
at lodgings.
[September] 5. Raind hard last night. Cool this morning. The
Delegates for all the Colonies except No Carolina being arrived in
Town we met at City Tavern at 10 Clock, thence went to view the
Room Call’d Carpenters Hall wch was offered to the Congress to sit
in, 8c the members approving of the Same, it was agreed to meet
there. Then chose honable Peyton Randolph Esqr. President, 8c Mr.
Charles Thompson Secretary, 8c read the Returns 8c Qualifications of
Members 8c adjourned to morrow 10 oClock. P.M. wrote to Dr.
Cobb, but did not send it.
MS (MHi).
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[August 30-September 5, 1774]
Arrived in Philadelphia 30th. Augst. 1774 in the Evening.
Augst. 31st. In the Forenoon the Delegates from So. Carolina 8c
14
August 30, 1774
some Gentlen. of the City came to see me, soon after the Delegates
from Boston Newhampshire & of the City save those out of Town 8c
the Farmer [John Dickinson'] 4 In the afternoon several Gents, of the
City, Mr. Hopkins & Lady & the Delegates from Connecticut arrived.
Sepr. 1st. The Delegates from N. Jersies &: two from Province of N
York arrived, conversed with many Delegates & at Evening had a
Meeting at the New. Tavern 8c took a List of those present, in all
twenty five.
[September] 2nd. Four of the Delegates from Virginia 8c one from
the lower Counties arrived. Met in the Evening. Bells rang.
[September] 3rd. The Delegates from Maryland arrived (fre¬
quent Conversations) .
[September] 4th. More Delegates from Virginia.^
[September] 5th. Met at the New. Tavern, went to Carp. Hall 8c
liking the Place agreed to hold the Congress there, took a List of the
Delegates, chose the honble Payton Randolph Esqr. President 8c Mr.
Charles Thompson Secry., read the Appointments of the Delegates;
considered of the manner of each Colony’s voting 8c rules for regulat¬
ing the Business but adjourned until 10 o’Clock to Morrow.
MS (RHi) . Ward’s diary is contained in one notebook, which was apparently
bound together after it was written; the entries for 1774 follow those for several
months in 1775.
^ Ward wrote a similar account of his initial meetings with these delegates in a
letter to his family this day. Ward to Samuel Ward, Jr., August 31, 1774. RHi.
“Washington’s diary records his arrival September 4: “Breakfasted at Christeen
Ferry. Dined at Chester and lodged at Doctr. Shippen’s in Phila., after supping at
the New Tavern.’’ His travel companions were Patrick Henry and Edmund Pendle¬
ton. Washington, Diaries (Fitzpatrick) , 2:162.
Silas Deane to Elizabeth Deane
[August 31-September 5, 1774]
[August 31] I got up wash’d my Eeet in hot Water, 8c without eat¬
ing a Mouthful set out my Journey. This [Trenton] is the prettiest
Town I have seen in the Jersies, is on the Banks of the Delaware
River, which is here shaal, 8c rapid over Rocks 8c Falls so that it has
no benefit from Navigation, but I think it is nearly as large a Town
as Wethersfield. I have now got through the Jersies, 8c through This
Sheet of paper. Adieu.
I have omitted one Ferry which was the first we pass’d but it was a
meer Trifle, as was the Next, beyond Delaware, called Shammenoy,
over a River discharging into The Delaware. The Weather extreme
hot. The Roads sandy, and my illness together allmost sunk Me. The
Country has nothing lively, or agreeable, one plain, Mudd Houses
covered with Straw, save here, 8c there an elegant building but the
August 31, 1774
15
latter are Scarce. We rode Ten Miles To Bristol, a Village on the
banks of the Delaware most delightfully situated, having the River
close by it, which is thus farr Navigable for large Vessels, Though
none were here, and Burlington the capital of the Jersies, on the
opposite Shore, to the South of it, which appeared at the distance of
about Three Miles down the River, very pretty, but as To Bristol,
there are not so many buildings as in Rockyhill nor of so good ap¬
pearance though this is within Seventeen Miles of Philadelphia. Here
We baited, and then push’d forward in extreme heat. To a Tavern
within Six Miles of Philadelphia, yet in the whole of this Stage there
was neither Village, or Country Seat, nor any thing by which a
Stranger would conclude himself near a Capital Trading City. The
Tavern appeared tolerable, had it been less so We must have put up,
but To our surprize here was no Fruit, bad Rum, and nothing of the
Meat kind but Salt pork. I had now been destitute of Food &c Twen¬
ty four Hours 8c consequently kept a severe though involuntary Fast
on the Day you Fasted 8c prayed for Us in Connecticut. I called for
Bread Cheese, 8c Porter. The latter they had none of, but of the For¬
mer, tho. their Cheese was both New, 8c bad I swallowed a few
Mouthfuls, 8c having excellent bottle Cyder, I mix’d it with water and
it prov’d a Cordial to me. Sami Webb knock’d over Three or Four
Chickens, 8c roasted them, but I could not Taste them. We set out
from thence for this City at Five oClock 8c arrived at Six. Mr. Dick¬
inson, the Pennsylvania Farmer has a pretty Seat about Two Miles
out of Town on the Road, which to my surprize, was the only one I
saw deserving the Name. Not a Garden, nor the appearance of one,
in the Neighborhood of this City, equall to Ours. This gave Me a
poor Opipion of their Vegetable Market. Wheat Fields croud into
The very Squares of the City, but as to Grass, 8c verdant Meadows
there is more between Wethersfield, 8c Hartford than in Sixty Miles
on the Road We came. The City standing on a plain, and but few
Steeples You see Nothing of it untill You are in the Midst of it. We
drove up to a Noted Tavern one Mr. Biddles, 8c alighted. I called for
Coffee, & meeting with some former acquaintance my Spirits recruit¬
ed. Mr. Galloway very politely calld on Us, as did Dr. Smith. For¬
tunately Lodgings had been reserved for Col. Dyer, 8c Doer.
Johnson.! I took the Bed reserved for the latter and am well pro¬
vided for at a Widow Lady’s one Mrs. House. Mr. Gadsden, 8c Son
from Charlestown S. Carolina, S. Webb, young Mr. Dyer, Mr. Ar¬
nold 8c self are the Lodgers, thus I have given You my Journal down
to Wednesday Evening. Leml. Deming is here as is Thos. Willson.
[September 1] Thursday. Col. Floyd, 8c my Brother arrived. The
City is full of People from abroad, 8c all the Lodgings in Town full,
or engaged. This Day is so excessive that I set in my Gown and
Write for I dare not venture out much thro’ Fear of a Return of my
16
August 31, 1774
disorder from which Thank God I am now perfectly well. The Dele¬
gates from Virginia, Maryland, the Lower Counties, 8c New York,
are not arrived. We spent this Day in visiting Those that are in
Town, 8c find them in high Spirits particularly the Gentlemen from
the Jersies, and South Carolina. In the Evening We met to the Num¬
ber of about Thirty drank a Dish of Coffee together talked over a
few preliminaries, 8c agreed to wait for the Gentlemen not arrived un¬
till Monday Next, before We proceeded to Business.
[September 2] This Day Therefore, Friday I mean to ramble over
the City, 8c make my Observations. Tomorrow am invited by Doer.
Smith who is vastly sociable, (or rather aims at it) to see the College
8c Curiosities of the City 8c in the After Noon I design for German
Town which They tell Me is about Six Miles off where I shall re¬
member my Stockings. I find but Two Things disagreeable as yet —
the extreme heat in this City, and a Scarcity of a Fruit, vegetable, 8c
Fish Market. The aspect of the Inhabitants, bespeak them, affable 8c
Clever, and the Freind or Quaker habit was always agreeable To Me.
They have a strong partiality in favor of this City, 8c think nothing is
equall to it in America, but I am not yet prepared to subscribe to
their Opinion. I traversed their Market this Morning. Their Mutton
looks the best I ever saw. Their Soil is fit for this, being dry 8c sandy
— but though their Meat is Neatly dress’d I saw no Connecticut Beef,
and could honestly prefer Hookers Cart for that Article to any thing
I saw here. There was not a Fowl, nor a Fish in the Whole market.
Water Melons look’d tolerable, 8c was the only Fruit worth buying.
There were a few Miserable Pears, 8c peaches, 8c plumbs— and as to
Vegetables, 8c Roots, Potatoes, Green Corn and Cabbage comprized
the Whole in a Manner, and these brought, in a very indifferent Or¬
der. You will begin to think Me, as guilty of partiality as the Phila¬
delphians are said to be. They who think nothing is right but what is
in this City, 8c province think so too. Nay, they look on Me mad
when I tell them, that I have seen more good pasture. Clover, Mead¬
ow, Oxen, 8c Cows, in a Circle of Three Miles in Connecticut, than is
here to be met with in Thirty, but it is True, 8c every New England
Man in the Company tells them the same. But Tomorrow is their
Market Day when We are to see great Things, indeed I begin to sus¬
pect we have travelled over the poorest part of their Country. The
People are really extreme civil, 8c vastly industrious, in both these I
think they must take rank.
[September 3] I find I must page my Lettr. or you will never be
able to take the Course of it. It is Now Saturday Morning. Yesterday
arrived Capt. Jera. Wadsworth in good Health. In the After Noon
came in the Virginia, 8c Maryland Delegates, 8c part of those from
New York so that We are almost compleat. The Virginia, 8c indeed
all the Southern Delegates, appear like men of importance. We wait-
August 31, 1774
17
Philadelphia Market
18
August 31, 1774
ed on, and were introduced to them, in the Evening. They are socia¬
ble, sensible, & spirited Men, & the short Oppy. I had of attending to
their Conversation, gives Me, the highest Idea, of their principles, &
Character. I attended the Market, this Morning, Sc have no reason to
alter my Opinion in favor of the Supplies of this City to those at New
York. As I said before their Meat is brought in the Neatest order. Sc
appearance, &: their Mutton exceeds, but in the Whole market, was
Nothing of the Fish kind, and I scarcely saw any Fowls of any kind
worth Naming. Fruit of but few kinds 8c those very inferior. Water¬
melons excepted, which you will think ought to be good, when I tell
you, I saw them sold for Two shillings each — and among their Roots
8c Vegetables I saw none of the first Quality, and none at all, of sev¬
eral that We value. I saw no Celery, not a Root, no kind of Sallads,
one Basket of Endive excepted. No Beans but what were fit to Shell,
8c the Cucumbers offered for Sale, older than ever We eat them. The
only Vegetables, or Roots worth Noticing, are Cabbages 8c Potatoes
good. Turnips, Carrotts, 8c radishes, as Tough as a dry sandy soil will
make them, but the Red Bates are good. The whole of their Market
is in one Street, and is Near Twelve Hundred Feet in Length, the
Street is as Wide As the Broad Street or Way in New York, 8c is as
full as you can conceive of People for about Four Hours. They ex¬
pose Horses, Cattle, 8c Sheep, Earthen Ware, Stockings, 8cc, 8cc, in the
Market with other Things so that they really have an Assortment,
but every thing without exception is dearer than at New York, Com¬
mon price of Butter, 16d. per lb. Their Dry Goods, near as I can
judge of them, are sold at the same in Philadelphia, as at New York
only with the Addition of the odds of the Currency. They have the
finest Team Horses I ever saw, there are Teams here which could not
be bought for Two Hundred pounds, but I was deceived, as to the
neatness, or cheapness of their Carriages. I went this Day to a Noted
Coachmaker, 8c view’d his Work and Asked his prices. A Sulky Thir¬
ty four pounds without a Top — a fall back Carriage like mine, fitted
for but one Horse, Sixty pounds — and he asked Me Five pounds to
New paint 8c gild mine, for which Reason I shall bring it back in Sta¬
tu Quo, as my Money will hardly hold out at such a Rate. I have just
returned from viewing the College, 8c Schools 8c their Furniture. They
are clever, 8c Doer. Smith was very polite in waiting on Us, from
Connecticut.
On my Return, met with Your Father, Mr. J. Webb, 8c Sally’s Let¬
ters, for which I thank them jointly, 8c severally and as this may be a
kind of Family Letter as I shall keep writing occasionally Untill Next
Monday it must Answer instead of writing to them individually. I ad¬
vise J. Webb To make the insurance on the Briga., at least, and Cov¬
er his as well as my Interest. I rejoice at Your better Health may it
still be mended, 8c fully restored by the Time of my Return, of which
August 31, 1774
19
I dare not as yet say one Word, or even think. Inform my Freinds
that We are in high Spirits, if it is possible to be really so, where the
Eyes of Millions are upon Us, and who consider themselves & their
posterity interested in Our Conduct — but the prospect of Unanimity
among Ourselves, & of support from Our Countrymen, greatly serve
to animate Us, in the arduous task before Us, which is as arduous, 8c
of as great Consequence, as ever Men undertook, 8c engaged in. This
City, 8c province I have hopes will be firm 8c resolute though there
are not wanting Enemies to the general Cause, 8c who aided by party
are restless in their Endeavors to defeat, or retard Our proceedings.
The City have offered Us the Carpenters Hall, so called, to Meet in,
8c Mr. Galloway offers the State House, 8c insists on Our meeting
there, which he says, he has a right To offer, as Speaker of that
House. The last is evidently the best place, but as he offers, the other
party oppose. This will be determined on Monday when I shall add
the intermediate Occurrences 8c forward my Letter. I spend the re¬
mainder of the Day out of Town.
[September 4] Sunday Morning. We had a pleasant ride about
Six Miles N. West from the City to the Falls of the Schuylkill River,
which is a pretty romantic place, and there are Seven or Eight pretty
Seats on the Road some of them but just begun, and none so corn-
pleated as to be brought into Comparison, with Those near New
York. Here We met with Doer. Smith again who You will begin by
this Time to think is every where, and indeed I think him a most
extraordinary compound. Wm. Hubbard, Doer. Turner, Jera. Wads¬
worth, B. Deane, Col. Dyer 8c myself from Connecticut, Wm. Liv¬
ingston, Mr. Jay, Mr. Crane, 8c Col. Floyd from N York and The Jer-
sies, with Mr. Patterson the Collector were present. In Conversation
last Evening at the Coffee House with Gentlemen of the first Charac¬
ter in this province, 8c of Mr Ingersolls acquaintance I find his Con¬
duct very much condemned in this City even by Prerogative Men
themselves, or those who might be stiled such.^ Waiting for my Bar¬
ber I have wrote Thus fair — will only add that Jas. Rivington’s paper
was Yesterday, agreed to be stopp’d by a great Number of the Gen¬
tlemen of this City, 8c a Subscription come into which will doubtless
be Universal. Tell Jos. Webb to promote the same, throughout Con¬
necticut, and to put it forward. I have wrote to the Committee of
Correspondence at Hartford the inclosed Letter which I desire him to
read, then Copy, 8c deliver and I wish him to write to Isaac Beers 8c
others at N Haven on The same subject, as I think We ought to
unite, in punishing so great a Scoundrel as he appears to be.
We set out this morning for Meeting, but Col. Dyer who is one of
the worst Men in the World at recollecting Streets, distances, or
Stages instead of leading towards Mr. Sprouts Meeting (where, more
out of Complaisance to Our Countryman, than from a belief that We
579-852 0 - 77 - 4 Vol. 1
20
August 31, 1774
should meet with the best Sermon, We determined to pay Our first
Devotions) he led the right Contrary way. Passing Two or three
Streets he began to suspect his Error, but on inquiring for Mr.
Sprouts, the honest Man asked, if it were The Presbyterian, 8c then
told Us we were right. On This, on We went. Two or three Streets
more untill inquiry was in vain, for We had got beyond the Knowl¬
edge either of Mr. Sprout, or his Meeting. The Col. fretted, 8c I
laugh’d at him though vexed enough I confess, to find Ourselves thus
foolishly swamp’d, when had we accompanied Our Fellow Lodgers,
We might have gone to hear either Mr. DeJay [Duch6], or Mr.
Coombs, both eminent Men. At length coming to the South West Ex¬
tremity of the City I proposed to the Col. that We would get a Cryer
to look Out Our Meeting for Us, or else go forward to The Bettering
House, then in View, or fall into the Church before Us, which from
the appearance of the People entering I judged to be high Dutch, 8c
of course could expect Nothing but to be diverted with something
New in a strange Language. In We went. The House was unfinished
and the People apj>eared poor, but they civilly shewed Us to a Seat,
when to Our agreeable disappointment We were entertained by as
agreeable, instructive, 8c elegantly pathetic a preacher as I have al¬
most ever heard in my Life. He gave Us a discourse of about 50
Minutes without Notes, yet extremely correct, 8c in a fine Stile. Per¬
haps the accidental falling upon him, 8c his being a Warm Son of Lib¬
erty both in prayer, 8c Sermon prejudiced Us in his favor, but I do
not expect to hear a better Sermon Soon. It seems they are a set of
honest plain Dissenters, who to the Shame of the other dissenting
Congregations, 8c their Clergy have rather been despised and perse¬
cuted because they insisted on the right of choosing their own Minis¬
ter, 8c chose this Gentleman from a distance. Neither of which Cir¬
cumstances, prejudiced Me against Them, 8c I design to hear him
again, before I leave the City. This Afternoon We found Mr. Sprouts
Meeting, and heard old President Witherspoon. The Evening spent at
Mr. Thos. Wharton’s who was extremely civil, 8c complaisant and
insisted on Our using his Horses 8c Carriage while in Town, or rather
his Convenience, which is the Name of a Freinds or Quaker’s Coach.
This he was the more urgent in as he was he said Determined to con¬
vince Me before I left the City that they had Lands superior to Ours.
Monday Septemr. 5th. The Congress formed, by choosing The
Honl. P. Randolph Esqr. of Virginia President, 8c Charles Thomp¬
son, Esqr of this City Secretary, 8c fix’d on Carpenters Hall for the
place To meet in. This proceeding, is highly agreeable to the Me¬
chanics, 8c Citizens in general, but mortifying to the last Degree To
Mr. Galloway and his Party, Thompson being his Sworn opposite as
You may say, 8c by his means, prevented being one of the Congress,
for this province. It was a matter of dispute whither We should
August 31, 1774
21
Peyton Randolph
22
August 31, 1774
Charles Thomson
September 3, 1774
23
choose a Secretary out of the Members, & I doubted in my own mind
the propriety, but did not oppose it, as by opposing I most probably
should have had the Task myself which is Too Burthensome to one
who wants all spare hours for relaxation. The Day untill Three, was
spent in reading Our Certificates, and adjusting some formalities, af¬
ter which Adjourned untill Ten Next Morning. I dined in Company,
with a Number of New England Gentlemen, at one Mr Marshall’s. I
will not call him a Quaker, but a Freind, which is the true and proper
Characteristic of the Man. In short by seeing, and dealing much in
the World, 8c among the polite, with a Native stock of good Sense, 8c
freed by profession, from the incumbrances of Formality, 8c compli¬
ment, he appears the easiest, 8c truly politest of Men without, a single
Bow or congee. I really enjoyed myself at a plentiful, 8c elegant Ta¬
ble, but the best part of the Entertainment was the pleasure I re¬
ceived from the openess 8c simplicity of behavior in the Man, and his
Wife. When James the second try’d to convert Col. Kirk to the Ro¬
man Catholic Faith, this rough, 8c bloody Soldier told him, he would
do anything for him but change his Religion, and that he determined
against, but should he resolve otherways he was preingaged, having
promised the Emperor of Morocco when in his service, that if ever
he altered, he would Turn Turk. I think of this, 8c have almost re¬
solved if I alter To Turn Quaker. I designed this Afternoon to have
rode out, but was prevented by Company and spent the Evening with
the Members of the Congress from different Colonies. Our Presi¬
dent, seems designed by Nature, for the Business; of an affable,
open, 8c majestic deportment, large in size, though not out of Propor¬
tion, he commands respect, 8c Esteem, by his very aspect, independ¬
ent of the high Character he sustains. I must begin another Sheet To¬
morrow. Adieu. ^
RC (CtHi) . This is part of a long letter begun August 29, when Deane’s party
(including Roger Sherman, Eliphalet Dyer, and Deane’s stepson Samuel B. Webb)
left New York, and continued in journal form through September 9.
1 William Samuel Johnson (1727-1819) , who had also been elected as a Connect¬
icut delegate but had declined the appointment. DAB.
^ Jared Ingersoll (1722-81), Connecticut conservative and judge of the Vice-Ad¬
miralty Court at Philadelphia, spent the summer in New York and Connecticut
trying to discourage the sending of delegates to Congress. See Lawrence H. Gipson,
Jared Ingersoll: a Study of American Loyalism in Relation to British Colonial
Government (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1920) , pp. 328-34.
® For the continuation of this letter, see Deane to Elizabeth Deane, September 6,
1774.
Joseph Galloway to William Franklin
Saturday Septr. 3d. 1774
I am just returned from Philadelphia, where I have been to wait
24
September 3, 1774
on, and endeavour to find out the Temper of the Delegates. Near two
Thirds of them are arrived, and I conclude all will be ready to pro¬
ceed on Business on Monday. I have not had any great Opportunity
of sounding them. But so far as I have, I think they will behave with
Temper and Moderation. The Boston Commissioners are warm, and
I believe wish for a Non-importation Agreement, and hope that the
Colonies will advise and justify them in a Refusal to pay for the Tea
until their Aggrievances are redressed. They are in their Behaviour
and Conversation very modest, and yet they are not so much so as
not to throw out Hints, which, like Straws and Feathers, tell us from
which Point of the Compass the Wind comes. I dined with them on
Thursday.
I have had two Opportunities, one with the elder Rutlidge of Car¬
olina, whose Sentiments and mine differ in no one Particular so far
as I explained myself — and I was reserved in no Point save that of a
Representation in Parliament. He is a Gentleman of an amiable
Character — has look’d into the Arguments on both Sides more fully
than any I have met with, and seems to be aware of all the Conse¬
quences which may attend rash and imprudent Measures. His young¬
er Brother is rather warm. My other Opportunity was with the two
New Hampshire Gentlemen. I found Col. Folsom very cool Sc moder¬
ate — Major Sullivan rather more warm, but very candid and has
thought solidly on the Subject. I think neither of them intends to at¬
tach himself more to the particular Cause of Boston than will be for
the general Good. They requested Opportunities of exchanging Senti¬
ments with me often on the Occasion — and all my Observations
seemed to have full Weight with them. The Marylanders are not ar¬
rived, and but Three of the Virginians, Peyton [Randolph], Bland,
and Lee are arrived.^
I have intimated to several of the Delegates the Necessity of send¬
ing Commissioners over, fully authorized, to the British Court, as a
Mode pursued by the Roman, Grecian Sc Macedonian Colonies on
every Occasion of the like Nature — that thro’ them we may be ena¬
bled, in case our first Plan for accommodating our unhappy Differ¬
ences should not be acceptable, to know the better what to propose
next — that having these Gentlemen at the Scene of Action we shall
be no longer misled by News-paper Accounts and private Letters,
but shall proceed on solid Information and Principles of Safety —
That without this, any Petitions or Plans, not having any Persons to
explain and support them, will have very little Effect — That in all
Probability the Measures of the present Congress will be deemed ille¬
gal & unconstitutional, and that upon this Point only the Necessity of
sending Persons Home to insist upon the Right in the Colonies of
being heard, and to prove that the Illegality of the Congress arises
from the Measures of Power in not suffering the Assemblies to meet;
September 5, 1774
25
and if, after all, those Reasons should not procure due Attention to
the Propositions of the Congress, to pray that the Governors may
have Orders to permit such Meetings, and to give Assurances that
their Conduct will be decent, respectful Sc dutiful to the Mother State
— That a conduct of this kind cannot fail to give Strength to our
Cause, and, if not immediately, in the End bring the Government to
attend to Reason and redress our Aggrievances. These Intimations
seemed to have their Weight, and, as far as I could observe, met with
Approbation. You may depend on my communicating to you from
Time to Time the Transactions, 8cc of the Congress.
Tr (PRO: C.O. 5, 992) . Enclosed in William Franklin to Lord Dartmouth,
September 6, 1774. Endorsed: “Extract of a Letter from one of the Delegates for
the Congress at Philadelphia. Dated Saturday Septr. 3d. 1774.”
‘ Benjamin Harrison had also arrived in Philadelphia. See both John Adams'
Diary and Samuel Ward’s Diary, September 2, 1774.
James Duane’s Notes of Debates
Philadelphia Monday 5 September 1774
The Members of the Congress met at Smith’s Tavern. The Speaker
of the Pensylvania Assembly having offerd the Congress the use of
the State house; & the Carpenters the use of their Hall, It was agreed
to take a View of each.
We proceeded to the Carpenter’s hall. Mr Lynch proposed the
Question whether as that was in all respects Suitable it ought not to
be fixed upon without further Enquiry.
I observed that if the State house was equally convenient it ought
to be preferred being a provincial 8c the Carpenter’s Hall a private
House. And besides as it was tenderd by the Speaker it seemed to be
a piece of respect which was due to him, at least to enquire whether
the State House was not equally convenient. The Question was how¬
ever called for; 8c a great Majority fixed upon the Carpenters hall.
The Names of the Members were then called over; After which
Mr Lynch proposed that we shoud elect a President or Chairman
and named Mr Payton Randolph Speaker of the Assembly of Virgin¬
ia, who was unanimously approvd 8c placed in the Chair. A Question
was then put what Title the Convention should assume 8c it was agred
that it should be called the Congress. Another Question was put what
shoud be the Stile of Mr Randolph 8c it was agreed that he should be
called the President.
The next point was to fix on a Clerk or Secretary. Mr [ ] ^
Thompson was proposd by Mr Lynch.
Mr Jay observed that he had Authority to say that one of the
26
September 5, 1774
members of the Congress was willing to accept the Office Sc he con¬
ceive! the preference was due to him.^ To which it was answerd that
such an appointment woud deprive the Congress of a Member as he
woud be too much incumberd by the Duties of a Clerk to attend to
the Trust for which he was chosen. The Objection being thought
Reasonable Mr Thompson was appointed by the Stile of Secretary of
the Congress.
The Credentials of the several Members were then read, and after
those of New York were produed I observd that we did not assume
the Character of provincial Delegates being only appointed for par¬
ticular Counties,^ That we were ourselves in doubt how far we were
entitled to a Seat at a Congress of provincial Delegates &: therefore
movd that this point might be determined by the Congress {whether we
should be received). Upon which it was unanimously resolved in the
affirmative; and that such other Members as shoud come from the
different Counties of New York shoud also be admitted to their
Seats.
I then movd that a Committee shoud be appointed to consider of
Rules for the Conduct of the Congress &: report them.
This was opposd by Mr Letedge [Rutledge] the Elder who ob¬
servd that doubtless the usage of the House of Commons woud be
adopted in our Debates Sc that as every Gent, was acquainted with
that usage It woud be a waste of Time to appoint a Committee on
this Subject.
It was answered that the Assemblies on the Continent had differ¬
ent Usages & Rules. That it was the Practice of Parliament that no
member shoud speak more than once on the same point which woud
be very inconvenient on the present Occasion. That there was the
highest necessity for fixing a Rule on the present Occasion with re¬
spect to the Mode of Voting (to witt) whether the Sense of the Con¬
gress shoud be taken by the Majority of Voices of the Members; or
Whether each Colony shoud have a Vote & the Majority be deter¬
mined in that way?
Upon motion these points were deferred for further consideration
Sc the Congress adjournd until 10 oClo to Morrow morning.^
MS (NHi) .
^ MS blank. Duane obviously intended to insert the name “Charles” here.
^Apparently a reference to Silas Deane, whose letter to his wife this date
indicates that Deane thought he might have had the appointment. Silas Deane to
Elizabeth Deane, August 31-September 5, 1774.
®For further comment on credentials of the New York delegates, see Duane’s
Notes of Debates, September 7, 1774.
‘For additional information on the convening and organization of Congress, see
Richard Tyler, "The Common Cause of America": A Study of the First Continen¬
tal Congress (Denver: Denver Service Center, National Park Service, 1974) , pp.
123-48.
September 6, 1774
27
Joseph Galloway to William Franklin
Philadelphia, Monday Septr 5, 1774
The Congress this Day met at Carpenter’s Hall, notwithstanding
the Offer of the Assembly-Room a much more proper Place. They
next proceeded to chuse a Secretary, and, to my Surprize Charles
Thomson'^ was unanimously elected. The New Yorkers and myself
and a few others, finding a great Majority, did not think it prudent to
oppose it. Both of these Measures, it seems, were privately settled by
an Interest made out of Doors.
I cannot say but from this Day’s Appearance & Proceedings, I
have altered very much my last Sentiments. The Virginians and Car¬
olinians, Rutlidge excepted, seem much among the Bostonians, and
have at their Instance adopted the two above Measures. The Gentle¬
men from New York have as little Expectations of much Satisfaction
from the Event of Things as myself.
To-morrow we are to determine whether we are to vote by Colo¬
nies, each having a single Vote, or otherwise.
Tr (PRO: C.O. 5, 992) . Enclosed in William Franklin to Lord Dartmouth,
September 6, 1774. Endorsed: ‘‘Extract of another Letter from the same Gentleman
[see Galloway to Franklin, September 3, 1774'\ dated Philadelphia, Monday Septr
5, 1774.”
^ Galloway added the following note at this point: ‘‘One of the most violent Sons
of Liberty (so called) in America.”
John Adams’ Diary
1774. Septr. 6. Tuesday.
Went to congress again. Received by an express an Intimation of
the Bombardment of Boston — a confused account, but an alarming
one indeed.! God grant it may not be found true.
MS (MHi) . Adams, Diary (Butterfield) , 2:124.
^ Sensational though exaggerated accounts of fighting and bloodshed followed
General Gage’s seizure of munitions stored at Quarry Hill, Gharlestown (Somer¬
ville) , on September 1. For the reaction in Philadelphia to this news, see Silas
Deane to Elizabeth Deane, September 6; and Robert Treat Paine’s Diary, September
6, 1774.
John Adams’ Notes of Debates
[September 6, 1774] ^
Mr. Henry. Government is dissolved. Fleets and Armies and the
28
September 6, 1774
present State of Things shew that Government is dissolved. Where
are your Land Marks? your Boundaries of Colonies.
We are in a State of Nature, Sir. I did propose that a Scale should
be laid down. That Part of N. America which was once Mass. Bay,
and that Part which was once Virginia, ought to be considered as
having a Weight. Will not People complain, 10,000 {People) Virgin¬
ians have not outweighed 1000 others.
I will submit however. I am determined to submit if I am over¬
ruled.
A worthy Gentleman (Ego) near me, seemed to admit the Necess¬
ity of obtaining a more Adequate Representation.
I hope future Ages will quote our Proceedings with Applause. It is
one of the great Duties of the democratical Part of the Constitution
to keep itself pure. It is known in my Province, that some other
Colonies are not so numerous or rich as they are. I am for giving all
the Satisfaction in my Power.
The Distinctions between Virginians, Pensylvanians, New Yorkers
and New Englanders, are no more.
I am not a Virginian, but an American.
Slaves are to be thrown out of the Question, and if the freemen
can be represented according to their Numbers I am satisfyed.
Mr. Lynch. I differ in one Point from the Gentleman from Virgin¬
ia, that is in thinking that Numbers only ought to determine the
Weight of Colonies. I think that Property ought to be considered,
and that it ought to be a compound of Numbers and Property, that
should determine the Weight of the Colonies.
I think it cannot be now settled.
Mr. Rutledge. We have no legal Authority and Obedience to our
Determinations will only follow the reasonableness, the apparent
Utility, and Necessity of the Measures We adopt. We have no coer¬
cive or legislative Authority. Our Constitutents are bound only in
Honour, to observe our Determinations. .
Govr. Ward. There are a great Number of Counties in Virginia,
very unequal in Point of Wealth and Numbers, yet each has a Right
to send 2 Members.
Mr. Lee. But one Reason, which prevails with me, and that is that
we are not at this Time provided with prop>er Materials. I am afraid
We are not.
Mr. Gadsden. I cant see any Way of voting but by Colonies.
Coll. Bland. I agree with the Gentleman (Ego) who spoke near
me, that We are not at present provided with Materials to ascertain
the Importance of each Colony. The Question is whether the Rights
and Liberties of America shall be contended for, or given up to arbi¬
trary Power.
Mr. Pendleton. If the Committee should find themselves unable to
September 6, 1774
29
ascertain the Weight of the Colonies, by their Numbers and Property,
they will report this, and this will lay the Foundation for the Con¬
gress to take some other Steps to procure Evidence of Numbers and
Property at some future Time.
Mr. Henry. I agree that authentic Accounts cannot be had — if by
Authenticity is meant, attestations of officers of the Crown.
I go upon the Supposition, that Government is at an End. All Dis¬
tinctions are thrown down. All America is all thrown into one Mass.
We must aim at the Minutiae of Rectitude.
Mr. Jay. Could I suppose, that We came to frame an American
Constitution, instead of indeavouring to correct the faults in an old
one— I cant yet think that all Government is at an End. The Meas¬
ure of arbitrary Power is not full, and I think it must run over, before
We undertake to frame a new Constitution.
To the Virtue, Spirit, and Abilities of Virginia We owe much — I
should always therefore from Inclination as well as Justice, be for
giving Virginia its full Weight.
I am not clear that We ought not to be bound by a Majority tho
ever so small, but I only mentioned it, as a Matter of Danger, worthy
of Consideration.
MS (MHi) . Adams, Diary (Butterfield) , 2:124-26.
^ These notes were made by John Adams on loose sheets of paper and left
undated. The date for this entry was determined by comparing the content with
James Duane’s Notes of Debates, September 6, 1774.
Silas Deane to Elizabeth Deane
[September 6, 1774]
I told You I should begin another Sheet but had no conception of
doing it on so disagreeable an Occasion as that of the Intelligince
reed., of the Situation of Boston. Of this I can say nothing more than
that this City is in the utmost Confusion, all The Bells toll muffled, &
the most unfeigned marks of sorrow appear in every Countenance.
The Congress sat untill after Three, & then Adjd. but untill Five, but
Our proceedings, for Various Reasons, will be kept Secret, so on that
head shall say Nothing, until We break up, for though We may pub¬
lish to the World the whole, it is improper to do it prematurely. You
may tell Our Freinds that I never met, nor scarcely had an Idea of
Meeting With Men of such firmness, sensibility. Spirit, and Thorough
Knowledge of the Interests of America, as the Gentlemen from the
Southern provinces appear to be. In this I do not speak from preju¬
dice, but from the knowledge I have of them in their public as well as
their private Conversation, both of which I attend to with a pleasure,
that ballances many, if not more than all the anxieties, & Troubles of
30
September 6, 1774
such a Journey. May New England go hand in hand with them Sc We
need not fear a want of Spirit. I intended to have entertained You
with a breif Sketch of their Character 8c Appearance but this is the
19th page of my Letter, must therefore conclude, Sc reserve the rest
for a future Opportunity, but of the Transactions of the Congress you
will have no Intelligence, to be relied on. Untill We publish.
Jos. Webb told me he sent the Massachusetts Spy which I did not
receive. Tell or write Your Hond. Father that the Report in his Case
will be the same, as before, of which I give him joy. I will not begin a
20th page. Read or shew this at Discretion, remember Me to all.
Capt. Hubbard sets out in the Morning. Hope for the best, all is here
Unanimous. I am wishing You Health, The Sweetner of every Enjoy¬
ment. Yours Silas Deane
N.B. The Congress are not here after to disclose their proceedings
but by Agreement. There is good Reason for it. I make no excuse to
Jos. Webb, for not writing him particularly, as this is designed for his
perusal and as I before said is a Family Letter & a Summary of pro¬
ceedings, & Sentiment to this Tuesday 6th of Sepr. 1774. Nine at
Night.i
RC (CtHi) . A continuation of Deane to Elizabeth Deane, August 31-September 5,
1774.
^ For the continuation of this letter, see Deane to Elizabeth Deane, September 7 ,
1774.
James Duane’s Notes of Debates
Tuesday the 6t September [1774]
The Congress met And the first Question debated was whether the
Congress shoud Vote by Colonies & what weight each Colony shoud
have in the determination?
Ml Henry from Virginia insisted that by the oppression of Parlia¬
ment all Government was dissolvd & that we were reduced to a State
of Nature. That there were no longer any such distinctions as Colo¬
nies. That he conceiv’d himself not a Virginian but an American.
That one of the greatest Mischiefs to Society was an Unequal Repre¬
sentation. That there might Sc probably woud be further Occasions
for a Congress & that it was time to form such a System as woud give
each Colony a Just weight in our deliberations in proportion to its
opulence & number of Inhabitants its Exports 8c Imports.
He was answerd by Mr [ of Rhode Island who insisted
that every Colony shoud have an equal Vote. That we came if neces¬
sary to make a Sacrifice of our All 8c that the weakest Colony by
such a Sacrifice woud suffer as much as the greatest.
September 6, 1774
31
Col. Harrison from Viriginia insisted Strongly on the Injustice that
Virginia should have no greater Weight in the determination than
one of the smallest Colonies. That he should be censurd by his Con¬
stituents & unable to excuse his want of attention to their Interest.
And that he was very Apprehensive that if such a disrespect should
be put upon his Countrymen we shoud never see them at another
Convention.
The debate then took a different Turn. It was observd that if an
equal Representation was ever so Just the Delegates from the several
Colonies were unprepard with Materials to settle that Equality. That
was an Objection that coud not be answered.
The Question was then put and
1. Resolved that the Sense of the Congress shall be taken by Vot¬
ing in Colonies each to have one Vote.
2. Resolved that no person be permitted to speak twice on the
same point unless with the Leave of the Congress.
3. Resolved that no Question be determined the same day it is de¬
bated if any one of the Colonies desires that the determination be
deferred to another day.
4. Resolved that the doors of the Congress be kept shut during the
debates And that every Member be obligd under the strongest obli¬
gation of Honor to keep secret the proceedings of the Congress until
they shall be ordered to be publishd by the Congress.
5. Resolved that a Committee be appointed to state the Rights of
the Colonies, the several Instances in which they have been violated
&: infringed and the means most proper to obtain Redress.
6. Resolved that a Committee be appoint’d to State & Report the
several Statutes respecting the Trade & Manufactures of the Colo¬
nies.
7. A Question was put whether this Congress shoud be opend to
morrow Morning with prayers.
Mr Samuel Adams proposd the revnd Mr Duche^ for this Service.
Debates arose on this Subject. Those who were for the motion in¬
sisting on the propriety of a Reverence & Submission to the Supreme
Being & supplicating his Blessing on every Undertaking on the prac¬
tice of the Romans the British Parliament 8c some of the Assemblies
on the Continent.
The difference of the religious Tenets of the Members. That it
woud be considerd as Enthusiasm 8c Cant, 8c the Efficacy of private
Devotion. The want of a Suitable form in the book of Common pray¬
ers: And the Hazard of submitting such a Task to the Judgement of
any Clergy were the Topics urgd by those who were of opinion
against the Motion.
It was however
Resolved that the Congress shall be opend tomorrow morning with
32
September 6, 1774
the Service of the Church of England &: a suitable prayer & that Mr
Duche be requested by the president to perform this office.
The Congress then adjourned till 9 oClock tomorrow morning.
N B. During the meeting of the Congress an Express arriv’d to the
Jersey Members giving Intelligence that the soldiers had seized the
powder in one of the Towns near Boston. That a party was sent to
take this; & that six of the Inhabitants had been killd in the Skirmish.
That all the Country was in arms down to [ in Conneticut.
That the Cannon fired upon the Town the whole Night.
N B. Mr Henry affirmed that at a former Congress one of the
Members had dispatched Inteligence of an important matter to a
great person in America while it was under Debate; which was one of
his Reasons for Secrecy in our proceedings.
MS (NHi) .
^ MS blank. Samuel Ward. See John Adams’ Notes of Debates for this date.
Jacob Duch^ (1738-98), Anglican clergyman, popular orator, and assistant
rector of the united parishes of Christ's Church and St. Peters’ in Philadelphia.
Duch^ defended American rights against British encroachments from 1774 through
the summer of 1776 but opposed the severance of all ties between the colonies and
the mother country. He incurred the hostility of the revolutionary party in 1777 by
his blundering effort to induce Washington to persuade Congress to withdraw the
Declaration of Independence, and in the following year he went to England. DAB.
^ MS blank. Duane apparently planned to insert the name of the southernmost
Connecticut town affected by the rumored British bombardment of Boston.
Robert Treat Paine’s Diary
[September 6, 1774]
Eair moderate. Abt. 2 o Clock a Letter came from Israel Putnam
into Town forwarded by Expresses in abt. 70 hours from Boston, by
wch. we were informed that the Soldiers had fired on the People &
Town at Boston. This news occasioned the Congress to adjourn to 8
o Clock P.M. The City of Phila. in great concern. Bells muffled rung
all P.M.
MS (MHi).
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[September 6, 1774]
6th. Met at 10 o’Clock, each Colony to have one Vote. No Person
to speak twice without Leave of the Congress. No Question of Im¬
portance to be determined same Day as proposed unless by Consent.
To keep Proceedings secret until it shall be determined to make them
September 7, 1774
33
public. A Comee. to state Rights of the Colonies, the Violations &
the Means of Redress See. A Comee. to report the Statutes affecting
Trade. Mr. Duchee desired to open by Prayer to Morrow at 9
o’clock.
Use of the Library offered.^ Thanks returned.
(About 2 o’clock an Acet. arrived of the Troops & Fleets cannon¬
ading the Town of Boston &c which occasioned an Adjournment to 5
o’clock P.M.)
MS (RHi) .
^That is, the Library Company of Philadelphia. JCC, 1:27.
George Washington’s Diary
[September 6, 1774]
Dined at the New Tavern, after being in Congress all day.^
MS (DLC) .
'■Washington’s diary, -which contains entries for nearly every day he was in
Philadelphia during September and October 1774, sheds meager light on his
activities as a delegate to Congress. Although the diary should not be ignored for
an understanding of many of the delegates’ social activities in Philadelphia, it has
been used sparingly in this volume. Washington maintained the diary in two
parts: his daily "Acet. of the Weather," only fragments of which have been
published, and the portion he labeled “Where, how, or with whom my time is
spent,’’ which was edited by John C. Fitzpatrick, The Diaries of George Washing¬
ton, 1748-1799, 4 vols. (Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1925) .
John Adams’ Diary
1774 Septr. 7. Wednesday.
Went to congress again. Heard Mr. Duch^ read Prayers. The Col¬
lect for the day, the 7 th of the Month, was most admirably adapted,
tho this was accidental, or rather Providential. A Prayer, which he
gave us of his own Composition, was as pertinent, as affectionate, as
sublime, as devout, as I ever heard offered up to Heaven. He filled
every Bosom present.^
Dined with Mr. Miers Fisher, a young Quaker and a Lawyer. We
saw his Library, which is clever.
But this plain Friend, and his plain, tho pretty Wife, with her
Thee’s and Thou’s, had provided us the most Costly Entertainment
— Ducks, Hams, Chickens, Beef, Pigg, Tarts, Creams, Custards, Gel-
lies, fools. Trifles, floating Islands, Beer, Porter, Punch, Wine and a
long &c.
We had a large Collection of Lawyers, at Table. Mr. Andrew Al-
34
September 7, 1774
len, the Attorney General, a Mr. Morris, the Prothonotary, Mr. Fish¬
er, Mr. McKean, Mr. Rodney— besides these We had Mr. Reed,
Govr. Hopkins and Governor Ward.
We had much Conversation upon the Practice of Law, in our dif¬
ferent Provinces, but at last We got swallowed up, in Politicks, and
the great Question of Parliamentary Jurisdiction. Mr. Allen asks me,
from whence do you derive your Laws? How do you intitle your¬
selves to English Priviledges? Is not Lord Mansfield on the Side of
Power?
MS (MHi) . Adams, Dwry (Butterfield) , 2:126-27.
^ Adams’ more detailed description of this event and the reaction in Congress is
contained in his letter to Abigail Adams, September 16, 1774.
Silas Deane to Elizabeth Deane
[September 7, 1774]
Wednesday Morning. An express arrived from N York confirming
the Acct. of a rupture at Boston. All is in Confussion. I can not say,
that all Faces, gather paleness, but they all gather indignation, 8c ev¬
ery Tongue pronounces Revenge. The Bells Toll muffled 8c the peo¬
ple run as in a Case of extremity they know not where, nor why. The
Congress met and opened with a Prayer, made by the Revd. Mr. De¬
shay which it was worth riding One Hundred Mile to hear. He read
the Lessons of the Day which were accidentally extremely Applica¬
ble, 8c then prayed without Book about Ten Minutes so pertinently,
with such Fervency, purity, 8c sublimity of Stile, 8c sentiment, and with
such an apparent Sensibility of the Scenes, 8c Business before Us, that
even Quakers shed Tears. The Thanks of the Congress were most
Unanimously returned him, by a Select honorable Committee. We
are just now formed, into Committees, and Our Business, is laid out,
which, as We mean to go to the Bottom, nothing but Genl. Gage 8c a
greater Force than he has at Boston, will prevent Our sitting some
time.
I will now give You the Character of the Delegates beginning at
South Carolina, as they are the Souther most. Mr. Lynch is a Gentle¬
man about Sixty, and could You see him, I need say nothing more.
He has much the appearance of Mr. Jas. Mumford deceased, dresses
as plain, or plainer, is of immense fortune 8c has his Family with him.
He wears the Manufacture of this Country, is plain. Sensible, above
Ceremony, and carries with him more Force in his very appearance,
than most powdered Folks, in their Conversation. He wears his hair
strait, his Cloaths in the plainest order, and is highly esteemed.
With him Are Two Brothers Mr. Rutledge senr., 8c junr. of inde-
September 7, 1774
35
pendent Fortune, ingenious, but imjretuous in the Cause they are en¬
gaged in; the Eldest I judge, of my Age, his Lady, Sc a Son of Jesse’s
age, is with him. They lodge at the Next Door. The Younger Broth¬
er, is a tolerable speaker, equally zealous. He married Mr. Gadsdens
Daughter, who as I told you lodges with Us. Mr. Gadsden, leaves all
N England Sons of Liberty, farr behind, for he is for taking up his
Eirelock, & marching direct to Boston, nay he affirmed this Morning,
that were his Wife, and all his Children in Boston, 8c they were there
to perish, by the sword, it would not alter his Sentiment or proceeding,
for American Liberty, by which You may judge of the Man, when I
add that he is one of the most regularly, religious Men I ever met
with. Col. Middleton is the only remaining Member for that province
whom I have not Characterized. He appears very modest, has said
but little hitherto, is I judge Eifty Years of Age, and of a very slender
Thin habit, but is in high esteem with his Acquaintance. Virginia
comes Next but that must be the Business of a Euture hour.
This Evening I spent at Mr. Roberto’s, a Gentleman of Fortune,
who married Mr. Bostwicks Daughter.^ She is a most amiable Wom¬
an, 8c often reminded Me of the late Mrs. Adam Babcock, whom she
greatly resembled, both Hee, 8c she are Too zealous Presbyterians for
Me which is all the Fault I find with them. They give Mr. Murray a
very indifferent Character, but not as to Morals.^
RC (CtHi) . A continuation of Deane to Elizabeth Deane, September 6, 1774.
1 Daniel Roberdeau (1727-95) married Rev. David Bostwick’s daughter Mary in
1761. Roberdeau was a successful Philadelphia merchant, active in local political
affairs, and a member of the Continental Congress, 1777-79. DAB.
^ For the continuation of this letter, see Deane to Elizabeth Deane, September 8,
1774.
James Duane’s Notes of Debates
Wednesday Morning 9 oClock September 7th [1774]
The Congress was opend with prayers by the revnd Mr Dutche
which he Concluded with one suitable to the occasion.
He was much admird both for his Eloquence 8c Composition 8c Mr
Ward of Rhode Island movd that the Thanks of the Congress be give
to him for his Services which was unanimously agreed to; 8c Mr
Cushing 8c Mr Ward were appointd a Committee for the purpose.
It was then movd that he should be requested to print the prayer.
But it being objected that as this might possibly expose him to some
disadvantage it was out of Respect to him waived.
The Appointment of a Committee to state the Rights of the Colo¬
nies 8c the several Instances in which they have been violated 8c in¬
fringed; 8c the means most proper to obtain Redress was then taken
into consideration.
579-852 0 - 77 - 5 Vol. 1
36
September 7, 1774
Mr Lynch of Virginia^ movd that the Appointment might be
made out of the Members at large without Regard to Colonies aledg-
ing that in this way the Gentlemen who had made this point their
study & were Best qualifi’d woud be fix’d upon.
This occasion’d much debate — the difficulty of knowing who pos-
sesd this Qualification in the highest degree — The different Rights of
the several Charter Governments 8c their Infringements which must
be best known to their respective Representatives were insurmount¬
able Objections; And it was accordingly —
1. Resolved that this Committee shall be composed of two mem¬
bers from each Colony to be recommended by their associates.
Then the Committee was namd vizt.
For
Mr Sullivan
Mr Sam. Adams
Mr Hopkins
Mr Dyer
Mr Duane
Mr Livingston
Mr Jos. Galloway
New Hampshire
Massachusetts
Rhode Island
Connecticut
New York
New Jersey
Pensylvania
Lower Counties
on Delaware
Maryland
South Carolina
Virginia
Mr Folsome
Mr J Adams
Mr Ward
Mr Sherman
Mr Jay
Mr Deheart
Mr Ed. Biddle
Mr Th. McKean
Mr Goldsborough
Mr Pendleton
Mr. J. Rutledge^
Mr Caesar Rodney
Mr Johnson
Mr Lee
Mr Lynch
2. Resolved that one Member from each Colony form the Com¬
mittee to State 8c report the several Statutes respecting the Trade 8c
Manufacturers of the Colonies.
And the following Gentlemen were appointed vizt.^
For
New Hampshire
Massachusetts
Rhode Island
Connecticut
New York
Mr Low
New Jersey
Mr Kinsey
Pensylvania
Mr Mifflin
Lower Counties J
on Delaware J
Mr.
Maryland
Mr
South Carolina
Mr
Virginia
Mr.
Resolved that the President have power to adjourn the Congress
from day to day 8c to Convene it occasionally when he shall think fit.
N B. An Express arriv’d from New York (Th. Ives) with a Dupli-
September 7, 1774
37
cate of the Intelligence reced yesterday of the Conflict between the
Soldiers & Inhabitants at Boston; 8c also with an appointment from
Dutchess 8c Albany Counties of the city Delegates as their Represent¬
atives at the Congress.
Part of the Credentials of the New York Credentials [sic] were
produced at our first meeting^ the Remainder this day vizt.
1. The Returns of the Magistrates of the City 8c County of New
York on Polls taken in their respective wards by which James Duane
Philip Livingston Isaac Low John Jay 8c John Alsop were unanimous¬
ly elected.
2. The Vote of the general Meeting of the County of Westchester
Col. Philips in the Chair by which they are unanimously elected for
that County.
3. A Vote of the Northern precincts of the County of Ulster by
which they are unanimously chosen for those precincts; And a Like
Vote from the Southern Precincts by which they 8c the other Dele¬
gates for the Cities 8c Counties are chosen for those precincts.
4. A Vote of the Inhabitants of the precinct of Pokeepsisch by
which they are unanimously chosen for that Precinct.
5. A Vote of the Several Committees for the County of Suffolk by
which Col. Floyd is unanimously elected for that County.
The Credentials produced this day are
1. A Vote of the Inhabitants of the City 8c County of Albany by
which the N. York Delegates are unanimously elected to represent
that City 8c County.
2. A Vote of the Inhabitants of the precincts of [ in
Dutchess County by which the same Delegates are appointed for
those precincts.
The Congress adjourned till 10 oClk tomorrow morning.
The two Committees agreed to meet immediately to elect a Chair¬
man 8c Clerk.
The Committee to State the Rights 8cc of the Colonies met in Car¬
penters hall.
Present All the Members.
I proposed Mr Lynch as Chairman 8c was seconded. But he de¬
clined 8c proposed Mr Hopkins of Rhode Island who was unanimous¬
ly approved.
And Mr Charles Thompson appointed Clerk of the Committee.
The Committee adjourned till 9 oClock to morrow morning.
MS (NHi) .
^ That is, South Carolina.
“Here Duane erroneously transposed the names of the Virginia and South
Carolina delegates.
“ For a complete list of the membership of this committee, see JCC, 1:29.
‘That is, September 5, 1774.
38
September 7, 1774
® MS blank. Duane left space here for the insertion of the names of the Dutchess
County precincts in question but characteristically failed to fill it in. The journals
also fail to name these precincts.
James Duane’s Propositions
Before the Committee on Rights
[September 7-22, 1774] ^
A firm Union between the Parent State and her Colonies ought to
be the great object of this Congress. It is this alone which can ensure
the permanent Stability of the british Empire & the mutual Happiness
of its’ respective Members. In the Resolves therefore to be adopted
the Prerogatives of the Crown, the Interest of Great Britain and the
Rights of the Colonies ought each to have their proper Influence, Sc
our proceedings to be tempered not only with a Regard to justice but
a desire of Reconciliation.
I. The Supremacy of the Crown will be secured upon the Principle
that the King is entitled to the same Allegiance and to the like royal
Prerogatives in the respective Colonies as are due from his Subjects
and appertains to his Sovereignty within the Realm of England.
II. The Rights of the british Nation.
These may be divided into two Branches.
(1) The Advantages of Commerce.
(2) Aids from the Colonists for the Defence of the Empire.
(1) The Advantages of Commerce
These arise .
a. By furnishing the present State in preference to every other (Na¬
tion) Country with so much of the Produce of the Colonies as they
can spare and she may require.
b. By receiving from her exclusively every Commodity which she
may raise or Manufacture, & of which we stand in need.
3. By admitting only her ships navigated with her Subjects to an
commercial intercourse with the respective Colonies.
4. By Yielding up to her the Power of regulating the general Trade
of the Empire to answer these purposes, and to preserve a uniform
System in this respect among the several Colonies.
The difficulty is to establish a Principle upon which we can submit
this Authority to Parliament without the Danger of (a hurtful
Precedent) their pleading a Right to bind us in all Cases whatsoever.
I think a solid Distinction may be taken.
It has hitherto been a receivd Maxim that we brought over as our
Birth right the Common Law of England, and such Statutes, applica¬
ble to our locale Circumstances, as existed at the Time of our Colon-
September 7, 1774
39
ization; and that these, with our Charter Rights, and provincial
Codes, form our Colony Constitutions. This principle seems indisput¬
able: because every Charter comprehends a prohibitory Clause
against the enacting any Laws repugant to those of England; which
necessarily implies that the latter must originally have extended and
been the Basis of our Constitution.
Some of the Colonies have been planted since the navigation Act
passed in the Reign of King Charles the Second which explicitely as¬
serts claims and reserves for the people of England the Commercial
Advantages we have enumerated. In such Colonies therefore this
Statute is a part of the Law of the Land. Others have adopted or ex¬
tended it by positive Law. All have submitted to and acquiesed in its
Authority for more than a Century. By all therefore the Regulation
of Trade may be yielded to Parliament upon the footing of a Com¬
pact, reasonable in itself, & essentiel to the well-being of the whole
Empire as a Commercial People.
The Principle from which our {internal) exclusive Colony Legis¬
lation with respect to Taxation and internal Polity is derived, will not
be crossed by such a Concession 8c this is the point to be guarded.
(2) Aids from the Colonists for the Defence of the Empire.
These are founded in Justice, due for Protection, and necessary for
common Preservation.
The Difficulty of drawing together the Strength, and the Just Con¬
tributions, of so many seperate Branches of the Empire, and the
Danger of leaving it to the discretion of each, is the great Basis on
which the Reasonableness of parliamentary Interposition is built.
Nothing coud be more conciliatory than to obviate this Objection.
For that Purpose it is proper
1. That each Colony shoud engage to provide a Competent and
honourable Support for the administration of Government 8c Justice
within its own Limits.
2. That considering the present perilous state of the Nation’l
Funds, 8c the protection we constantly derive from it’s Fleets, a pres¬
ent Supply be recommended in Lieu of the Mony extorted from Us
under the fallacious Idea of regulating the Trade.
3. That a Plan be offered for ascertaining the Quotas and securing
the Aids of every Colony in Case of future Emergency.
1st. The first we Justly consider as a priviledge instead of a Bur¬
then.
2. To a present Supply is objected the Danger of it’s being em¬
ployed as a Means of Corruption: but this might be prevented by a
specific Application: to the Support, for Instance, of a certain Num¬
ber of the royal Navy on an American Establishment, the Funds to
be raised by the Authority 8c on the Inhabitants of each Colony in
such proportion as might be agreed upon in genrl. Congress.
40
September 7, 1774
3. The Plan for securing the Aids of the Colonies, in future Emer¬
gencies can only be established by the mutual Consent of the Crown
& the respective Colony Assemblies. Would it not be sufficient for this
purpose if Deputies from each respective House of Assembly shoud
be authorized by provincial Laws, when calld Upon by the Crown, to
meet it’s Commissionr in a (Congress) general Continental Council
and adjust the several Quotas and their determination to be declard
decisive and binding upon each Colony.
I do not know that the Dutch States have any other Bond of Un¬
ion; or at least that one Province has by the Terms of the Confedera¬
cy coercive Authority over the other. Common Interest, which, is the
only Cement of such States, will prove a sufficient obligation.
III. The Rights of the Colonies. These as has been already inti¬
mated are derived
1. From the Common Law of England and such antient Statutes,
applicable to our local Circumstances, as existed at the time of our
Colonization which are fundamentals in our Constitution. 2. From
our respective Charters confirming those Rights. 3. From our several
Codes of provincial Laws.
Nothing seems necessary for the preservation of those Rights but
an exclusive provincial Legislation in each Colony respecting Taxa¬
tion and internal Polity, & comprehending the Dispensation of Jus¬
tice both civil and criminal; & Subject only to the Negative of the
Crown where that negative has not been ceded by royal Charter.
If these Ideas are Just, and properly arranged, then the Resolves
of the Congress may be to the following Effect.
I. That his Majesty is entitled to the same Allegiance and to the
like royal Prerogatives in these his loyal Colonies as are due from his
Subjects and constitute his Sovereignty within the Realm of England.
II. That the Acts of Navigation, 8c for the Encouragement of
Trade, passed in the reign of King Charles the second tho’ in some
Respects extremely burthensome to the Colonies do in their general
Tendency establish wise and Salutary (Laws) Regulations, on which
the Wealth Strength and Safety of the whole british Empire greatly
depend; and having taken place before the Settlement of some of the
Colonies; and been adopted (and extended) in others in their Infan¬
cy by positive provincial Law; and in all having been submitted to
and acquiesced in for more than a Century ought to be considered in
the Light of a Compact between the Parent Kingdom and these
Colonies^ which has reserved to the british Parliament (an exclusive
Authority) the Supreme direction 8c superintendance proper over the
general Trade of all his Majesty’s Dominions, And that this Authori¬
ty interwoven with our Establishments from their hrst Rise ought
not to be drawn into Question provided that it is bona fide restrained
to the regulation of our Trade.
September 7, 1774
41
This was changd by:^
And this Authority exercised bona fide for the purposes of securing
the Commercial Advantages of the whole Empire to Great Britain
with a Just Regard to the Interest of its respective Members ought
not to be Questioned. But in this declaration we absolutely exclude
every Idea of Taxation internal & external for raising a Revenue on
the Subjects of America without their Consent.^
[II.] That the Acts of Navigation and for the Encouragement of
Trade passed in the Reign of King Charles the second tho’ in some
Respects extremely burthensome to the Colonies, do in this general
Tendency establish wise & salutary Regulations on which the Wealth
Strength and Safety of the whole british Empire greatly depend; And
having become necessary by the policy of other Nations & taken
place before the Settlement of some of the Colonies; and been adopt¬
ed in others in their Infancy by positive Law; and in all submitted to
and recognized for more than a Century ought to be considered in
the Light of a Compact between the parent State and these Colonies.
That from the Spirit of this Compact, & the Necessity of a Supreme
controuling Power in this Respect, & for the Protection which we
have enjoyed & still derive from Great Britain we cheerfully ac¬
knowledge that it belongs only to Parliament to direct & superintend
the Trade of all his Majesty’s Dominions And that this Authority ex¬
ercised bona fide for the Purposes of securing the Commercial Ad¬
vantages of the whole Empire to Great Britain with a Just Regard to
the Interests of its respective Members ought not to be drawn into
Question. But in this Declaration we absolutely exclude every Idea of
Taxation internal & external for raising a Revenue on the Subjects of
America without their Consent.
[II.] That the Acts of Navigation and for the Encouragement of
Trade passed in the Reign of King Charles the second tho’ in some
Respects extremely burthensome upon the Colonists, do in their gen¬
eral Tendency establish wise & Salutary Regulations on which the
Wealth Strength and Safety of the whole british Empire greatly de¬
pend; {From the Policy of other European Nations they became in¬
dispensable highly expedient and That) And having taken place before
the Settlement of some of the Colonies, in others been adopted in their
Infancy by positive Laws and in all submitted to and recognized for
more than a Century they ought to be considered in the Light of {a
reasonable 8c beneficial) an ancient Compact between the parent State
and the Colonies! Erom the Spirit (of these ancient Acts) whereof the
(Necessity) Expediency of (one) a (Supream) controuling Power
over the general Commerce of the Empire as well as on Account of
the Protection we have derived from the (naval strength of the Par¬
ent Kingdom) parent Kingdom we chearfully acknowledge that it
belongs only to the british Parliament to direct and superintend the
42
September 7, 1774
Trade of all his Majesty’s Dominions, and that this Authority while
it is exercised bona fide for the Purposes of Securing the Advantages
of the Commerce of the whole Empire to Great Britain with a just
Regard to the Interests of its respective Members ought not to be
questioned. In this declaration we nevertheless absolutely exclude
every Idea of Taxation internal and external for raising a Revenue
on the Subjects of America without their Consent.
III. That it is the Duty of the several Colonies not only to provide
a Competent and honourable Support for the Administration of his
Majesty’s Government and the Dispensation of Justice within their
respective Limits; but also to grant a present and annual Supply to¬
wards defraying the Expence of the royal Navy from which we derive
the great Blessings of Protection in Common with the rest of our Eel-
low Subjects throughout the Empire.
IV. That it is the Duty of the several Colonies on every Emergen¬
cy that may threaten the Security {of any part) of the Empire to
contribute their Aids of Men and money in the common Cause, ac¬
cording to their several Abilities And that this Congress is firmly f>er-
swaded that the respective Legislatures of the Colonies will agree to
any reasonable Plan which shall be recommended by his Majesty for
drawing forth the united Strength and Aids of these Branches of his
royal Dominions Whenever it shall be found necessary.
V. That the Colonies are {bound by and) entitled to the benefits
of, the common Law of England and such of the Statutes of that
Realm, [& from Experience have been found] applicable to [their
respective] local Circumstances, as existed at the time of our
Colonization.® We do not however admit but absolutely reject the
Authority of the Statutes of 26th King Henry 8th [Ch. 13th]® and
King Edward 6 respecting [the trials for] Treasons and Misprisions
[or Concealmts] of Treasons [committd out of the Realm as applied
to Us by a late Constructn. which would effectually destroy all Secu¬
rity of the Lives, Liberties & Properties of the Colonists] which can¬
not, nor were intended to be of force where {Justice is duly
administered) [Tribunals are Established For the due Administra¬
tion of Justice] according to the Laws of England, but only in re¬
mote and foreign parts where offenders for want of {proper) such
Tribunals cannot be brought to legal Trial. That these his Majesty’s
Colonies are Lik[ewise] entitled to all the Immunities and Privi-
ledges granted to them by the royal Charter and Confirmed and se¬
cured by their several Codes of provincial Laws; And that these re¬
spective Rights cannot be altered or abridged by any other Authority
than that of their res{>ective Legislatures.
VI. That the Colonists within their several Colonies are respective¬
ly entitled to a free and exclusive power of Legislation in all Cases of
Taxation and internal Polity, Subject only to the negative of the
September 7, 1774
43
Crown when that Negative has not been ceded by royal Charter. And
that to the Representatives of the people in General Assembly consti¬
tute a fundamental indespensable Branch in such Legislation.
MS (NHi) . Endorsed: “Propositions offered by J. Duane, to the Committee for
stating Rights, Grievances and Means of Redress. In Congress at Philadelphia,
between 7th and 22d September 1774.” This MS, although written almost entirely
by Duane, also contains some insertions and emendations by Edmund Pendleton,
possibly William Paca, and a third, unidentified hand, which have been set off
from the rest of the text in regular brackets, with the authors identified in
footnotes.
^ It is unclear from the existing evidence exactly when Duane presented these
propositions. Duane seems to insinuate in his endorsement that he introduced
them separately over a period of time beginning with the committee’s appointment
September 7 and ending with its presentation to Congress on September 22 of a
draft report on American rights and grievances, which received congressional ap¬
proval on October 14.
Although the provenance of these propositions is vague, their relationship to the
final declaration of rights and grievances adopted by Congress on October 14 is
clear. On the one hand, propositions I, III, and IV, set forth in the last half of the
MS and dealing respectively with the royal prerogative, fiscal support for colonial
governments, and colonial contributions to imperial defense, are not reflected at all
in the declaration. On the other hand, portions of propositions II and VI,
concerning the respective authorities of parliament and provincial assemblies, were
incorporated almost verbatim into tbe crucial fourth resolve of the declaration of
rights, which attempted to define parliamentary authority over the colonies. Like¬
wise certain parts of proposition V, notably those dealing with American legal
rights, the administration of justice, and English treason statutes, appear in the
appropriate sections of the preamble as well as in the fifth through seventh and
tenth resolves of the October 14 declaration. JCC, 1:63-73.
^ After “the Parent Kingdom and these Colonies” in the MS Duane first wrote
and then deleted: "which has reserved and secured to the English Parliament an
exclusive authority over the general Trade of all his Majestys Dominions; And that
their Authority which is thus interwoven with our Establishments from their first
Rise [cannot?] & ought not to be drawn into Question or disputed, provided that
such Authority is bona fide restrained to the Regulation of our foreign Trade for
the purpose of securing the commercial Advantages of the whole Empire to Great
Britain & with a due Regard to the commercial benefits of its respective Members
and excluding any Idea of Taxation internal & external for raising a Revenue on
the Subjects of America without their Consent.”
® Duane probably meant by this remark that the alteration in the next para¬
graph was made at the suggestion of another member of the committee, rather
than on his own initiative, since he was not in the habit of noting in this manner
textual changes he made by himself.
‘The next two paragraphs are variant drafts of Duane’s second proposition
defining the scope of parliamentary authority over the colonies. Both were written
on detached sheets and are printed here because it is impossible to determine
which of the three texts of this proposition Duane considered definitive.
Regular brackets contain insertions apparently made by William Paca. Pata
was not a member of the committee to state the rights of the colonies, but this
would not necessarily have prevented Duane from showing him these propositions.
JCC, 1:28.
® Marginal insertion made by Edmund Pendleton, a member of the committee.
With one exception, all the remaining words in regular brackets were added by
44
September 7, 1774
Pendleton. This exception occurs in the next to last insertion, where the clause
beginning with "which” and ending with "Colonists” was written in another,
unidentified hand.
John Rutledge’s? Proposed Resolutions
to the Committee on Rights
[September 7-22, 1774]^
The Colonists in the several Colonies are bound by and intitled to
the Benefit of those parts of the Common Law of England, of the
Civil 8c Maritime Law used there; and of the Statutes of that King¬
dom of Force there at the Settlement of the Colonies which are appli¬
cable to them and from their local Circumstances are not impractica¬
ble here. And the like parts of the Statutes of Great Brittain made
from that time for Securing the Rights 8c Liberties of the Subject.
We do not however admit into this Collection but absolutely reject
the Statutes of Henry the 8 and Edward 6 respecting Treasons and
Misprisions of Treasons.
They are also intitled to the [Immunities] and priviledges which
have been from time to time granted to them respectively by royal
Charters; and to a free and inclusive power of Legislation in All Cas¬
es of Taxation and internal policy. Such parts of the Common Civil 8c
maritime Law and of the Statutes of Great Brittain the Acts of our
several Assemblies 8c the Charters granted to the Colonies 8c these
only constitute the Law of the Land 8c the Rights 8c priviledges of the
peoples in the Colonies. These cannot be alterd or abridged by any
Authority but our respective Legislatures.
MS (NHi) . Endorsed: “Mr Rutledge’s resolutions offered [in?] Committee.”
^ Although these resolutions are written in the hand of James Duane and deal
with several of the same matters as article V of his Propositions before the
Committee on Rights, September 7-22, 1774, the endorsement on them indicates
that they are actually Duane’s notes of proposals offered by John Rutledge,
another member of this committee. The testimony of this endorsement is not
conclusive, however, because it was written by a third, unidentified party instead
of either Duane or Rutledge. Still, there are a sufficient number of substantive and
stylistic variations between these resolutions and Duane’s article V to justify the
ascription of the former to someone other than Duane. Finally, although the
resolutions themselves are undated, they have been assigned the date September
7-22, 1774, because of their physical location next to Duane’s "Propositions” of that
date, in the Duane Papers, NHi.
Robert Treat Paine’s Diary
[September 7, 1774]
Fair. Agreable to a vote of yesterday the Congress was opened this
September 8, 1774
45
morning by Prayer by Revd. Mr. Duch^ Episcopal Minister of this
Town 8c on the morning Psalms for the day. This morning came to
Town from N. York another Express with Israel Putnam’s Letter.
Two grand Com[mitt]ees were chosen by Congress, 8c then adjourn’d
to morrow. We din’d at Mr. Miers Fishers a Lawyer.
MS (MHi) .
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[September 7, 1774]
Sepr. 7th. Mr. Duchee read Prayers 8c Lessons 8c concluded with
one of the most sublime catholic well adapted Prayers I ever heard.
Thanks for it presented by Mr. Cushing 8c Mr. Ward.
A Comee. of two from each Colony appointed to prepare a State
of the Rights of the Colonists, the Infringements of those Rights 8c the
Means of Redress.
A Comee. to report what Acts of Parliament affect the Trade of
the Colonies. (45 members present.)
Door Keepers appointed.
MS (RHi) .
John Adams’ Diary
1774. Septr. 8. Thursday.
Attended my Duty on the Committee all Day, and a most ingen¬
ious, entertaining Debate We had.^ The happy News was bro’t us,
from Boston, that no Blood had been spilVd but that Gen. Gage had
taken away the Provincial Powder from the Magazine at Cambridge.
This last was a disagreable Circumstance.
Dined at Mr. Powells, with Mr. Duch^, Dr. Morgan, Dr. Steptoe,
Mr. Goldsborough, Mr. Johnson, and many others. A most sinfull
Feast again! Every Thing which could delight the Eye, or allure the
Taste, Curds and Creams, Jellies, Sweet meats of various sorts, 20
sorts of Tarts, fools. Trifles, floating Islands, whippd Sillabubs 8cc.
8cc. — Parmesan Cheese, Punch, Wine, Porter, Beer Sec. See.
At Evening We climbed up the Steeple of Christ Church, with Mr.
Reed, from whence We had a clear and full View of the whole City
and of Delaware River.
MS (MHi) . Adams, Diary (Butterfield) , 2:127.
^ Adams and his cousin, Samuel Adams, were the Massachusetts representatives
46
September 8, 1774
on the committee of 22 (North Carolina’s delegates had not yet arrived) , appoint¬
ed September 7 to prepare a statement of the rights of the colonies. In a section of
his autobiography, apparently written without consulting the printed journals,
Adams recalled that “after some days of general discussions, two Committees were
appointed of twelve members each, one from each State, Georgia not having yet
come in. The first Committee was instructed to prepare a Bill of Rights as it was
called or a Declaration of the Rights of the Colonies: the second, a List of
Infringements or Violations of those Rights. Congress was pleased to appoint me,
on the first Committee, as the Member for Massachusetts." Adams, Diary (Butter¬
field) , 3:308; JCC, 1:27-28.
John Adams’ Notes of Debates
Septr. 8. Thursday. [1774]
In the Committee for States Rights, Grievances and Means of Re¬
dress.
Coll. Lee. The Rights are built on a fourfold foundation — on Na¬
ture, on the british Constitution, on Charters, and on immemorial
Usage. The Navigation Act, a Capital Violation.^
Mr. Jay. It is necessary to recur to the Law of Nature, and the bri¬
tish Constitution to ascertain our Rights.
The Constitution of G.B. will not apply to some of the Charter
Rights.
A Mother Country surcharged with Inhabitants, they have a Right
to emigrate. It may be said, if We leave our Country, We cannot
leave our Allegiance. But there is no Allegiance without Protection.
And Emigrants have a Right, to erect what Government they please.
Mr. J. Rutledge. An Emigrant would not have a Right to set up
what constitution they please. A Subject could not alienate his Alle¬
giance.
Lee. Cant see why We should not lay our Rights upon the broad¬
est Bottom, the Ground of Nature. Our Ancestors found here no
Government.
Mr. Pendleton. Consider how far We have a Right to interfere,
with Regard to the Canada Constitution.
If the Majority of the People there should be pleased with the new
Constitution, would not the People of America and of England have
a Right to oppose it, and prevent such a Constitution being estab¬
lished in our Neighbourhood.
Lee. It is contended that the Crown had no Right to grant such
Charters as it has to the Colonies — and therefore We shall rest our
Rights on a feeble foundation, if we rest em only on Charters — nor
will it weaken our Objections to the Canada Bill.
Mr. Rutledge. Our Claims I think are well founded on the british
Constitution, and not on the Law of Nature.
Coll. Dyer. Part of the Country within the Canada Bill, is a con-
September 8, 1774
47
quered Country, and part not. It is said to be a Rule that the King
can give a Conquered Country what Law he pleases.
Mr. Jay. I cant think the british Constitution inseperably attached
to the Person of every Subject. Whence did the Constitution derive
is Authority? From compact. Might not that Authority be given up
by Compact.
Mr. Wm. Livingston. A Corporation cannot make a Corporation.
Charter Governments have done it. K[ing] cant appoint a Person to
make a Justice of Peace. All Governors do it. Therefore it will not do
for America to rest wholly on the Laws of England.
Mr. Sherman. The Ministry contend, that the Colonies are only
like Corporations in England, and therefore subordinate to the Legis¬
lature of the Kingdom. The Colonies not bound to the King or
Crown by the Act of Settlement, but by their consent to it.
There is no other Legislative over the Colonies but their respective
Assemblies.
The Colonies adopt the common Law, not as the common Law,
but as the highest Reason.
Mr. Duane. Upon the whole for grounding our Rights on the Laws
and Constitution of the Country from whence We sprung, and Chart¬
ers, without recurring to the Law of Nature — because this will be a
feeble Support. Charters are Compacts between the Crown and the
People and I think on this foundation the Charter Governments
stand firm.
England is Governed by a limited Monarchy and free Constitu¬
tion.
Priviledges of Englishmen were inherent, their Birthright and In¬
heritance, and cannot be deprived of them, without their Consent.
Objection. That all the Rights of Englishmen will make us inde¬
pendent.
I hope a Line may be drawn to obviate this Objection.
James was against Parliaments interfering with the Colonies. In
the Reign of Charles 2d. the Sentiments of the Crown seem to have
been changed. The Navigation Act was made. Massachusetts denyed
the Authority — but made a Law to inforce it in the Colony.
Lee. Life and Liberty, which is necessary for the Security of Life,
cannot be given up when We enter into Society.
Mr. Rutledge. The first Emigrants could not be considered as in a
State of Nature — they had no Right to elect a new King.
Mr. Jay. I have always withheld my Assent from the Position that
every Subject discovering Land [does .50] for the State to which they
belong.
Mr. Galloway. I never could find the Rights of Americans, in the
Distinctions between Taxation and Legislation, nor in the Distinction
between Laws for Revenue and for the Regulation of Trade. I have
48
September 8, 1774
looked for our Rights in the Laws of Nature — but could not find
them in a State of Nature, but always in a State of political Society.
I have looked for them in the Constitution of the English Govern¬
ment, and there found them. We may draw them from this Soursce
securely.
Power results from the Real Property, of the Society.
The States of Greece, Macedon, Rome, were founded on this
Plan. None but Landholders could vote in the Comitia, or stand for
Offices.
English Constitution founded on the same Principle. Among the
Saxons the Landholders were obliged to attend and shared among
them the Power. In the Norman Period the same. When the Land¬
holders could not all attend, the Representation of the freeholders,
came in. Before the Reign of H[enry] 4., an Attempt was made to
give the Tenants in Capite a Right to vote. Magna Charta. Archbish¬
ops, Bishops, Abbots, Earls and Barons and Tenants in Capite held
all the Lands in England.
It is of the Essence of the English Constitution, that no Law shall
be binding, but such as are made by the Consent of the Proprietors
in England.
How then did it stand with our Ancestors, when they came over
here? They could not be bound by any Laws made by the British
Parliament — excepting those made before. I never could see any
Reason to allow that we are bound to any Law made since — nor
could I ever make any Distinction between the Sorts of Laws.
I have ever thought We might reduce our Rights to one. An Ex¬
emption from all Laws made by British Parliament, made since the
Emigration of our Ancestors. It follows therefore that all the Acts of
Parliament made since, are Violations of our Rights.
These Claims are all defensible upon the Principles even of our
Enemies — Ld. North himself when he shall inform himself of the
true Principles of the Constitution, See.
I am well aware that my Arguments tend to an Independency of
the Colonies, and militate against the Maxim that there must be
some absolute Power to draw together all the Wills and strength of
the Empire.
MS (MHi) . Adams, Diary (Butterfield) , 2; 128-31.
^ Adams recalled in his autobiography that the committee debates revolved
around two points. “1. Whether We should recur to the Law of Nature, as well as
to the British Constitution and our American Charters and Grants. Mr. Galloway
and Mr. Duane were for excluding the Law of Nature. I was very strenuous for
retaining and insisting on it, as a Resource to which We might be driven, by
Parliament much sooner than We were aware. The other great question was what
Authority We should conceed to Parliament; whether We should deny the Author¬
ity of Parliament in all Cases: whether We should allow any Authority to it, in
September 8, 1774
49
our internal Affairs: or whether We should allow it to regulate the Trade of the
Empire, with or without any restrictions.” Adams, Diary (Butterfield) , 3:309.
John Adams to Abigail Adams
My Dear Phyladelphia Septr. 8. 1774
When or where this Letter will find you, I know not. In what
Scenes of Distress and Terror, I cannot foresee. We have received a
confused Account from Boston, of a dreadful Catastrophy. The Par¬
ticulars, We have not heard. We are waiting with the Utmost Anxiety
and Impatience, for further Intelligence. ^
The effect of the News We have both upon the Congress and the
Inhabitants of this City, was very great — great indeed! Every Gen¬
tleman seems to consider the Bombardment of Boston, as the Bom¬
bardment, of the Capital of his own Province. Our Deliberations are
grave and serious indeed.
It is a great Affliction to me that I cannot write to you oftener than
I do. But there are so many Hindrances, that I cannot.
It would fill Volumes, to give you an Idea of the scenes I behold
and the Characters I converse with.
We have so much Business, so much Ceremony, so much Compa¬
ny, so many Visits to recive and return, that I have not Time to
write. And the Times are such, as render it imprudent to write freely.
We cannot depart from this Place, untill the Business of the Con¬
gress is compleated, and it is the general Disposition to proceed slow¬
ly. When I shall be at home I cant say. If there is Distress and Dan¬
ger in Boston, pray invite our Friends, as many as possible, to take
an Assylum with you. Mrs. Cushing and Mrs. Adams if you can.
There is in the Congress a Collection of the greatest Men upon
this Continent, in Point of Abilities, Virtues and Fortunes. The Mag¬
nanimity, and public Spirit, which I see here, makes me blush for the
sordid venal Herd, which I have seen in my own Province. The Ad¬
dressers, and the new Councillors, are held in universal Contempt
and Abhorrence, from one End of the Continent to the other.
Be not under any Concern for me. There is little Danger from any
Thing We shall do, at the Congress. There is such a Spirit, thro the
Colonies, and the Members of the Congress are such Characters, that
no Danger can happen to Us, which will not involve the whole Conti¬
nent, in Universal Desolation, and in that Case who would wish to
live?
Make my Compliments to Mr. Thaxter and Mr. Rice^ — and to
every other of my Friends. My Love to all my dear Children — tell
them to be good, and to mind their Books. I shall come home and
see them, I hope, the latter End of next Month.
Adieu. John Adams
50
September 8, 1774
P.S. You will judge how Things are like to be in Boston, and whether
it will not be best to remove the Office entirely to Braintree. Mr. Hill
and Williams, may come up, if they choose, paying for their Board.®
RC (MHi) . Adams, Family Correspondence (Butterfield) , 1:150-51.
^ Adams apparently wrote this letter before receiving, later in the day, an
accurate account of the British raid on the Quarry Hill powderhouse on September
1.
“John Thaxter (1755-91), first cousin of Abigail, law apprentice of Adams,
1774-77, and tutor to the Adams children. Nathan Rice (1754^1834) also served as
Adams’ law clerk, 1774-75. Adams, Family Correspondence (Butterfield), l:142n.
“ Edward Hill (1755-75) , and Jonathan Williams (d. 1780) were law clerks of
Adams. Ibid., p. 146n; Adams, Diary (Butterfield) , 2:228n.
Silas Deane to Elizabeth Deane
Philadelphia Sepr. 8th. 1774
Thursday Morning. We are all in the greatest anxiety, that of a
most cruel suspence as to the certainty of the Boston rupture, as No
fresh intelligence has as yet arrived. Though intirely in Health, yet to
shake off a Lassitude gathering on me, I rode out this Morning in
Company with Miss Levy, who Lodges here. Five Miles South of this
City before Breakfast. This is jrerfectly fine, both the Natural Soil, &
the improvements, and she was able to give Me the Names of the
Owners of the different Seats We pass’d by, which was as entertain¬
ing, as the Morning Air was refreshing. I wish’d often You could
have taken a Seat with Us, & admired the Country & prospects. A
River on each Side of Us the Delaware & Schuylkill at about Three
Miles distance, the former full of large Topsail Vessels, at Anchor,
or under Sail, & the latter winding through a Fine intervale Mead¬
ow full of Cattle, Fatting for Market, for in these Meadows, they
feed all their Beef for the City. B. Deane sets out in the Morning so
shall close my Journal this Evening.
3 p.m. Having promised to wait on Mr. Marshall my kind Freind,
before mentioned at 4 oClock, I have only Time to add, that to Our
Joy Putnam’s blundering Story is contradicted, and that every thing
as yet wears the most favorable aspect which Zeal &: Unanimity can
promise Us. My Freinds must content themselves with my expensive
Tarry, for to settle the Rights, 8c ascertain the privileges of a Conti¬
nent like this, is a Work of Time, 8c serious beyond the Conception
of a bystander. You will read this in full Circle, 8c the bearer must
explain it. My Love to all, Sally, Hannah, Hetty, Jesse, 8cc, 8cc. I am
most affectionately Yours Silas Deane
[P.S.] Turn to the Morning Service, in the prayer book, for the 7th
Day of the Month, Psalm 35th I think it is. As Doctr. Turner goes in
September 8, 1774
51
the Morning I close my Letter with adding, that The Bells of the City
are Now ringing a peal of Joy on Acct. of the News of Boston’s hav¬
ing been destroy’d being contradicted^
RC (CtHi) . A continuation of Deane to Elizabeth Deane, September 7, 1774.
^For the conclusion of this letter, see Deane to Elizabeth Deane, September 9,
1774.
James Duane’s Speech to the Committee on Rights
[September 8, 1774] i
The Task assigned to this Committee is no less important than it is
difficult. It may be reduced to three Heads^ —
1. To State the Rights of the Colonies.
2. Their Grievances.
3. The Means of Redress.
It is necessary that the first point, our Rights, should be fully dis¬
cussed and established upon solid Principles: because it is only from
hence that our Grievances can be disclosed; & from a clear View of
both that proper Remedies can be suggested and applied.
To ascertain the Constitutions of the Colonies has employed the
Thoughts and the Pens of our ablest Politicians. But no System
which has hitherto been published is solid or satisfactory.
During Disputes which arose from the Stamp Act an Exemption
from internal Taxes (seemed to be the ultimate of the General Voice
Wish) seemed to give general Content. The Regulation of Commerce
was submitted to Parliament. Their Authority to alter the police (and
administration) of our respective Governments was not in Contem¬
plation because it had not been exercised.
Upon the Repeal therefore of the Stamp Act we had Reason to
conclude that the Blessings of Security in our Liberties & Harmony
with the Parent State woud be placed on a permanent Basis.
But short was our Repose and fleeting our Expectations. A despot¬
ic Minister soon discovered that under the Idea of a commercial
Regulation our Property might still be invaded, and that by a guileful
Change of a name we might still be oppressed at his pleasure.
Hence arose Mr Townsends project of loading british Commodi¬
ties (which we are restrained from importing from any other Nation)
with American Duties — As if this poor Evasion coud blind the Colo¬
nists, and conceal the Evil which was cloaked under so thin a dis¬
guise.
The Resentment & Vigorous opposition of this Country, Sc the im¬
mense Loss to which it exposed the british Manufacturers compeled
the Repeal of this detested Law — Excepting the Article of Tea which
has been the fatal Cause of our present Misfortunes.
579-852 0 - 77 - 6 Vol. 1
52
September 8, 1774
It is now Sir essential to place our Rights on a broader & firmer Ba¬
sis to advance and adhere to some solid and Constitutional Principle
which will preserve Us from future Violations — a principle clear &
explicite and which is above the Reach of Cunning, & the Arts of op¬
pression. I hope if we have the Happiness to rest upon such a princi¬
ple, we shall have the Fortitude and the strength to maintain it. Let it
be founded upon Reason and Justice, and satisfy the Consciences of
our Countrymen. Let it be such as we dare refer to the Virtuous and
impartial part of Mankind, and we shall and must, in the issue of the
Conflict, be happy & triumphant.
(7/ this principle can call in to its Support) I conceive it to be the
Duty of every Member to offer his Sentiments on this great Occasion
without Reserve or Scruple. It will be examined with Candour and
have all the weight it merits and if mine is defective it will be Ex¬
cused from the uprightness of the Intention with which it is offered,
& because it is an indispensable Duty.
I shall not forget that we are Colonies, That we are indebted to
her for the Blessings of Protection, and that she ought to derive from
every commercial Advantage which is the Result of our Connection
and Dependence, Nor shall I anticipate either our own past Merit or
the cruel Oppressions under which we now labour, because these will
more properly be the Subject of our next Head of Enquiry. To the
Rights of the Colonies I mean at present to be confin’d.
They may be {divided into two Heads) derived from two Sources.
1st. {As they are derived) from the common Law, & such ancient
Statutes as are coeval with our {Emigration) Colonization.
2. As they are granted and secured by Charter.
Upon This last head 1 shall {refer to) reserve myself for further
Information from Gentlemen whose local Circumstances have led
them to discuss it with more precision- then Leisure has enabled me. I
shall only observe that their Charters are to be esteemed as Com¬
pacts, that they have long been acquiesced in, and if exceptionable in
their origin can not now be violated but by oppression. ^ The first is a
principle that is more general and extensive if not more solid and se¬
cure: and this I shall proceed to consider.
England is governed by a limited Monarchy and a free Constitu¬
tion. But if the Subject is bound by a Law to which he does not as¬
sent, either p)ersonally or by his Representative, he is no longer free
but under an arbitrary power, which may oppress or ruin him at
pleasure.
It is admitted by the English Judicatories and has been solemnly
resolved by the King in privy Council; that the Common Laws of
England and such Statutes as existed prior to our Emigration are
fundamentals in our Colony Constitution. Upon this grand Basis the
September 8, 1774
53
prerogatives of the Crown & the Rights of the Subjects are as fully
ascertained in the Plantations as in the parent State.
By the same Constitution the King has the Excutive power and is
the Fountain of Title offices and Honours. Hence arises his royal Au¬
thority Prerogative® in the formation of Colonies to establish a Sys¬
tem of Governt. legislative, Juridical and executive suitable to the
Circumstance of a People who are blessed with the Priviledges which
they never meant nor were supposed, nor coud forfeit, {hy removing
to a distant a more remote part of the English Empire) by altering
their local situation within the same Empire. The priviledges of
Englishmen were inherent They were their Birth right and of which
they coud only be deprived by their free Consent. Every Institution
legislative and Juridical, essential to the Exercise & Enjoyment of
these Rights and priviledges in constitutional Security, were equally
their Birth right and inalienable Inheritance. They coud not be with
held but by lawless oppression and by lawless oppression only can
they be violated.
It is objected that upon this principle the Colonies are independent
and exempt from the Authority of the British parliament and free
from all Obligation to render to the parent State those advantages
which ought to be the Recompence of Protection, to result from the
very nature of Colonization And to be justified from the Usage of ev¬
ery commercial Nation.
To which it may be answerd that the Sovereignty and Prerogatives
of the Crown {must effectually prevent the Independence of the Col¬
onies) our own Security & the Ties of Friendship & common Interest
the similiarity of our Government Laws and manners will be suffi¬
cient to prevent {a Rupture) an Independence which nothing but
Oppression can ever reconcile to an American Ear.
{With respect to the Advantages arising from our Commerce it is
certain that if we were under no Obligation the principal Advantages
woud center in the parent Country where Manufactures are as cheap
& better in Quality.)
But we need not depend on this observation. Had Great Britain till
this late day taken no measures to secure the Commerce of the Colo¬
nies but left them free to pursue their own Interest and Inclinations I
shoud not hesitate to pronounce {any restrictive Act of Parliament of
this late day to be) that all Restraints by Authority of Parliament
would now be unauthoritative and oppressive.
This however is not the Case. Every Just and reasonable Advan¬
tage the parent Country has long since effectually secured and uni¬
formly enjoyed.^
1. That political Liberty is the great Object of the English Consti¬
tution.
54
September 8, 1774
2. That it is essential to Liberty that the Subject be bound by no
Laws to which he does not assent by himself or his Representative; A
privilege which forms the distinction between Freemen 8c Slaves for
he that is bound to submit to the arbitrary will of another
MS (NHi) . Endorsed: “Committee to State Rights of Colonies in Congress of
1774.” Tr (NN: Bancroft Collection) . Endorsed: “from J. Duane’s memoranda”;
“Committee-State Rights of Colonies— in Congress 1774.” Printed, with the last
two paragraphs omitted, in Samuel W. Jones, Memoir of the Hon. James Duane,
Judge of the District Court of the U. States for New York (Schenectady, N.Y.:
Keyset, Printer, 1852) , pp. 4S-45.
^ A comparison between this MS and John Adams’ record of Duane’s remarks
before the committee on September 8 demonstrates almost conclusively that Duane
delivered this speech on that date. See John Adams’ Notes of Debates, September 8,
1774.
“This sentence, which Duane wrote in the margin of the MS in pencil, is so
faded that the present reading is based mainly on Bancroft Tr and Jones, Memoir
of Duane, p. 44.
® Duane first wrote “Authority" and then inserted “Prerogative” above it; but
since he crossed out neither word, both have been allowed to stand here.
‘ Here the main body of Duane’s speech ends. The next two paragraphs, the
second of which ends abruptly, were written on a detached sheet and conceivably
were intended for insertion somewhere in the preceding text.
Robert Treat Paine’s Diary
[September 8, 1774]
Fine day. By the Post came advice from N. York that a person
had arrived from Boston 8c Newport since the time Supposed in Put¬
nams Letters 8c that Boston was quiet 8c no hurt done. I attended first
Comttee of Congress all A.M.^ Bind at Mr. [SamueZ] Powells. P.M.
Went into Christ Ch [urch] ’s steeple 8c viewed the City.
MS (MHi) .
^ Although Paine was not a member of either of the two major committees
appointed on September 7, this diary entry suggests that he attended the commit¬
tee to “state the rights of the Colonies,” which was the first committee of Congress
appointed. JCC, 1:26-29.
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[September 8, 1774]
8th. The Comee’s met, entered into the Subject 8c adjourned.
Accts. arrived that the News from Boston was not true.
MS (RHi) .
September 9, 1774
55
Samuel Adams to Joseph Warren
[Philadelphia, September 9, 1774.'\ “After settling the Mode of
voting, which is by giving each Colony an equal Voice, it was agreed
to open the Business with Prayer. As many of our warmest Friends
are Members of the Church of England, [/] thought it prudent as
well on that as on some other Accounts to move that the Service
should be performed by a Clergyman of that Denomination. Accord-
ingly the Lessons of the Day and Prayer were read by the Reverend
Mr. DuChe, who afterwards made a most excellent extemporary
Prayer, by which he discovered himself to be a Gentleman of Sense
and Piety, and a warm Advocate for the religious and civil Rights of
America.”
MS not found; reprinted from extract in Boston-Gazette, and Country Journal,
September 26, 1774. This extract was printed with a letter of September 24 from
Joseph Warren to the printers of the Boston Gazette. Warren (1741-75) , Boston
physician, patriot political leader, and later president of the Massachusetts Provin¬
cial Congress, sought to undermine charges that Massachusetts’ leaders were hostile
to members of the Church of England. DAB; and Shipton, Harvard Graduates,
14:510-26.
Silas Deane to Elizabeth Deane
Friday Morning Sepr 9th [1774]
Bar[nabas] will not set out untill Tomorrow,^ or Monday, and on
the whole I find my Letter will reach You as early by him as by
Doer. Turner, and it being of such a Miscellaneous composition, I
am unwilling it should pass through Too many hands, lest curiosity,
should overcome delicacy in the passage, and the Consequence be a
misconstruction of my Sentiments.
It gives me some uneasiness to think that You will be disappointed
by this Post that is this Week’s post, but You will not blame Me,
when You receive this Budget, and Find I have wrote to You every
Day, and oftener. Yesterday After Noon my Freind Marshall call’d
on Freind Deane, & Brother &c, & waited on Us to what is called the
bettering House, in other Words, a poor House the particular De¬
scription of which must omit 8c say only, that it vastly exceeds all of
the kind in America, put together, 8c I guess, equalls, in its excellent
institutions any thing in Europe. It has ample room for Five
Hundred Lodgers. There are about Three Hundred in it Old 8c
Young, from the poor old Mortal expiring with Age to the Foundling
pick’d up in the Streets but the Night before perhaps. All is Neat, 8c
Clean, even the Rooms of the Sick, 8c the Walks & Yard very airy,
and lightsome, the Yard 8c garden very Spacious. Here all that can
56
September 9, 1774
Labor, are put to it, and what they earn, goes into the common
Stock. Here are above Fifty Looms, Wheels, See, Sec, in proportion, &
those that can work at no Trade mend Cloaths, and clean Rooms,
fetch 8c carry as We may say For those that do Labour. This House I
judge, must have Cost Forty Thousand pounds and the annual Sup¬
port of it, amounts To about Two Thousand, here are Two schools
for the poor Children, and Nothing, that serves at once, to alleviate
the Wants, 8c distresses of Age, Sickness, and poverty is unattended
to. It put Me in mind at entering the house and meeting some poor
old Women at the Door, who seemed as rejoiced at seeing my
Freind, as if he were their Son, of the Line of Pope — “Where Age ir
Want, sat Smiling at the Gate.” All this is done by private donation,
8c cheifly by the people Called Quakers, among whom the Marshalls
are some of the First- — yet as if these People determined to outdo all
the rest of the World, they never permit any of their Own poor to be
sent here, but support them in a Neat House by themselves, which is
provided With Gardens, but Too much in the Center of the City oc¬
casioned by its being built early whereas the Bettering House stands
without the City in the Feilds. Returning We took a View of a more
Melancholy Scene, a Prison Now erecting the Construction of which
is most curious. It is 190 Feet in length, besides Two Wings of 120
Feet each. This I say is a more melancholy Scene, as it gives more
gloomy Ideas, to view the punishments prepared for the Wicked, than
provisions for the Releif of the Unfortunate 8c the miserable. I write
as I view things, and as You will preserve this budget, after showing
it To J. Webb 8cc will explain it on my Return more at Large.
The following is the List of the Congress, in the order they stand.
For New Hampshire — Col. Fulsome, Majr. Sullivan.
Massachusetts — Honl. Mr. Cushing, Mr. Sami. Adams, Mr. Jno.
Adams, Mr. Robt. T. Paine.
Rhode Island — Honl. Mr. Ward, Honl. Mr. Hopkins.
Connecticut — Honl. Elipht. Dyer, Mr. S. Deane, Honl. Mr.
Sherman.
New York^ — Mr. P. Livingston, Mr. Isaac Low, Mr. Jno. Jay,
Mr. Jno. Alsop, Col. Floyd.^
New Jersey — Mr. Wm. Livingston, Mr. DeHart, Mr. Crane,
Mr. Smith, Mr. McKinsey.
Pennsylvania — Honl. Joseph Galloway, Mr. Mifflin, Mr. Biddle,
Mr. Morton, Mr. Ross, Mr. Rhoads, Mr. Humphreys.
Lower Counties — Honl. Cesar Rodney, Mr. McKean, Mr. Read.
Maryland — Mr. Tilghman, Mr. Johnson, Mr. Goldsborough,
Mr. Paca, Mr. Chase.
Virginia — Honl. Peyton Randolph President, Col. Washington,
Col. Bland, Col. Harrison, Mr. Henry, Mr. Pendleton, Mr. Chas.
Henry Lee.
September 9, 1774
57
South Carolina— Mr. Lynch, Mr. Rutledge, Mr. Gadsden, Col.
Middleton, Mr. Rutledge junr.
Charles Thompson Secretary.
Two Committees are now out, and when they report I shall be
able to judge better of Our Business. The one is to ascertain Our
Rights, enumerate the Violations of them, & recommend a proper
Mode of Redress. The other to take a View of all those Acts, of the
British Parliament, which affect Our Trade & Manufactures. I am in
the latter Committee — which must attend directly.
^74 ■ Conclusion of Deane to Elizabeth Deane, August 29-September 9,
Silas brother Barnabas Deane. For another reference to Barnabas’ departure
from Philadelphia, see Roger Sherman to Unknown, this date.
^Although James Duane’s name was omitted, he was definitely in attendance. In
a memorandum attached to his claim for attendance at Congress, Duane explained:
"I set out from New York to attend Congress the 1st Sept. 1774 & returned to New
York 1st Novem.” NN: Emmet Collection. Deane apparently constructed this list
from the credentials which had already been presented to Congress. Matthew
Tilghman (Md.) did not appear in Congress until September 12; John Alsop
(N.Y.) and George Ross (Pa.) took their seats September 14. JCC, 1:30-31. Alsop’s
activities in early September are not known. His account “for attendance at the
Continental Congress” contains a claim for service “from this day [September 1,
1774] to the 1st November, being the days on which I sett out & returned from
Philada. (inclusive) 62 days (ffi 32d.” NNPM.
Robert Treat Paine’s Diary
[September 9, 1774]
Fair A.M. P.M. Rained. Went to see Wax Work Images. Orders
came for the Troops here abt. 200 to march to N. York.^
MS (MHi) .
^ Three companies of the British Eighteenth Regiment of Foot were detached
and transferred to Boston, where they took up positions in October 1774. C. T.
Atkinson, “British Forces in North America, 1774-1781: Their Distribution and
Strength,” Journal of the Society for Army Historical Research 16 (1937) : 5.
Caesar Rodney to Thomas Rodney
Sir,i Philadelphia Sepr. 9th 1774
On Thursday the 1st of this month, after a verry Warm, disagre-
able Ride I arrived in Town, together with Some of the Virginia Gen¬
tlemen. By Sunday evening last the delegates from all the different
Colonies (Except North Carolina & Georgia) Came to Town And
On Munday they met at Carpenters Hall. When the Hon. Peyton
58
September 9, 1774
Randolph was unanimously Elected to the Chair by the name of
President. Charles Thompson was Chose Secretary and two Door
keejrers and Mesengers was also appointed. The Congress then pro¬
ceeded to business and have Set every day since. I doubt their Rising
before some time in October. Perhaps the Middle. All the Seven del¬
egates appointed for Virginia are here, & more Sensible, fine fellows
you’d Never Wish to See, in short it is the greatest Assembly (in pro¬
portion to the Number) that ever was Collected in America. And the
Bostonians who (we know) have been Condemned by Many for
their Violence, are Moderate men. When Compared to Virginia,
South Carolina and Rode Island. In Short all the Colonies Seem to
be hearty in the Cause, and have the greatest Respect paid them by
all the first people here. A Letter to Mr. Cushing by Express from
Boston informs that all is Quiet as Yet, That their Superior Court
had Met under the act of Parliament for altering their Government,
but that it Could not proceed for want of Jury men who would not
attend. That allmost all the Judges appointed under that act had
waited on the Governor with Resignations.^ Captain Inglis is arrived
with Some dry Goods from London, George Emlens Ship is Expect¬
ed every day quite full, there is an Accot. of her Sailing, All & Eort-
ner are also Expected soon. I have been Verry poorly ever Since I
Came to town, but hope Shall get better. Remember me to Betsey,
Sally, Caesar and to all Enquiring friends, the Congress Meets at
Nine, therefore have not more time than to Say I am Yr. Humble
Servt. Caesar Rodney
RC (PHi) . Addressed: “To Mr. Thomas Rodney at Dover, favoured by Mr.
McFerson."
^Thomas Rodney (1744-1811), brother of Caesar Rodney, Delaware political
leader, and later a delegate to Congress, 1781-82, 1786. DAB.
^ Suffolk County jurors at the August term of the Massachusetts Superior Court
of Judicature refused to take their oath when Peter Oliver, who stood impeached
by the House of the General Court, attempted to sit as chief justice. While a mob
roamed Boston, the court sat but heard only nonjury cases. John Adams, Legal
Papers of John Adams, ed. L. Kinvin Wroth and Hiller B. Zobel, 3 vols. (Cam¬
bridge: Harvard University Press, 1965) , l:xc.
Roger Sherman to Unknown
Philadelphia Sept. 9th. 1774. Reports information concerning
types and prices of stocking looms available in Philadelphia and re¬
quests further instructions from a third party who apparently ordered
one. Continues: “I Send this by Mr. Barnabas Deane. . . . The
Congress have entered on Business but not come to any Conclusions.
We were Alarmed a few Days ago with a report that Boston was
September 9, 1774
59
fired upon by the Land and Sea forces, but it has been Since Contra¬
dicted.”
RC (CtY) .
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[September 9, 1774]
9th. The Comee. met, agreed to found our Rights upon the Laws
of Nature, the Principles of the english Constitution 8c Charters 8c
Compacts; ordered a Sub. Comee. to draw up a State of Rights.^
MS (RHi) .
^John Adams’ diary for this day consists of the terse entry; “Attended my Duty
upon Committees. Dined at home.” Adams, Diary (Butterfield) , 2:131.
Samuel Ward to Samuel Ward, Jr.
My dear Children Philadelphia 9th Sepr. 1774
Through the divine Goodness I am very well. Cajoe had some
Complaints yesterday like the small Pox but he is much better this
Day that We think it was only a cold or Fatigue. As far as I can
judge there will be very little Danger of my taking it.
The Congress is full excepting the Gentlemen from North Caroli¬
na. We chose the Honble Payton Randolp Esqr. of Virginia Presi¬
dent 8c Mr. Charles Thompson of this Town Secry. Agreed that each
Colony should have one Voice on every Question. This was warmly
debated, some of the larger Colonies wanted a larger Number of
Voices. We agreed upon Honor not to discover any of the Proceed¬
ings until it was determined to make them public. You must there¬
fore expect nothing from Me on that Head. We are as unanimous as
I expected.
Much the largest Part of the Province is hearty in the Cause of
Liberty.
The southern Gentlemen have been used to do no Business in af¬
ternoon so that We rise about 2 or 3 o’Clock 8c set no more that Day
8c as we meet late in a Morning We shall sett a long while, I dont
doubt but You will do all You can in the Business. Be careful of the
shop 8c charge every thing unpaid for. I hardly think I shall want
much Money if any so that you need not be uneasy on that Acct.
Your Orchard ought to be carefully shut up that You may save what
Apples you can, try to buy some Cyder for none is to be had here or
on the Road. It is Time your fat Cattle were on the Island. They
60
September 9, 1774
should be fed with Potatoes. Your Hogs also ought to have Potatoes
plentifully every Day.
I had the Pleasure of seeing Mr. Davis here this Day. He is gone
to preach in the Country 8c is to call upon Me as he comes back but I
fear I shall not be able to go home with him. All that I can say is that
I shall endeavour to do my Duty here as soon as I can 8c if I am well
return as soon as possible. You have my daily Prayers 8c I hope you
will all pray for yourselves. If your dear Sister^ be alive May God of
his infinite Goodness still support 8c comfort her 8c carry her chearful-
ly through her great Change. My most affectionate Regards to your
Aunt. I hope She will stay till my Return. That the Lord may be with
You 8c bless you is the ardent Prayer of your affect. Father.
S Ward
RC (RHi) . Addressed: “To Mr. Samuel Ward Junr. In Westerly in the Colony of
Rhode Island.”
1 Hannah Ward (1749-74) , Samuel Ward’s eldest daughter, died the day before
this letter was written. Ward, Correspondence (Knollenberg) , p. 214.
John Adams’ Diary
1774 Septr. 10. Saturday.
Attended my Duty upon the Sub Committee. ^ Dined at home. Dr.
Morgan, Dr. Cocks [Cox?], Mr. Spence [Spencer?], and several
other Gentlemen, Major Sullivan and Coll. Folsom dined with us
upon Salt Fish. Rambled in the Evening with Jo. Reed, and fell into
Mr. Sprouts Meeting where We heard Mr. Spence preach.
Mr. Reed returned with Mr. Adams and me to our Lodgings, and
a very social, agreable and communicative Evening We had.
He says We never were guilty of a more Masterly Stroke of Policy,
than in moving that Mr. Duche might read Prayers, it has had a very
good Effect, 8cc. He says the Sentiments of People here, are growing
more and more favourable every day.
MS (MHi) . Adams, Dfary (Butterfield) , 2:131.
^The exact composition of the subcommittee remains unknown, but Samuel
Ward and John Rutledge were also members. Adams later stated that the subcom¬
mittee was appointed because the grand committee’s “discussions spun into great
length, and nothing was decided.” Adams asserted his own leading role in compos¬
ing the resolves reported by the subcommittee. Adams, Diary (Butterfield) ,
3:309-10.
Silas Deane to Elizabeth Deane
My Dear [September lO-l 1, 1774]
Barney supp’d with Us last Night, and set out this Morning at
September 10, 1774
61
Five. By him You will receive Our proceedings to The Time of his
Departure. The Family we Lodge in here consists of a Widow Lady
turned of Forty as I judge, genteel 8c sensible, has been handsome, 8c
is still comely. She has a Daughter her eldest Child, lately married to
a Lieutenant, in the Regiment here, one Mr. Trist, who lodges with
Us.^ She has also Two Sons, that are one at Apprentice with a Mer¬
chant, the other at School. This is the standing Family, but every
Room is now full. Two more Gentlemen from Charlestown So. Caro¬
lina — 8c a Sick Gentleman from Jamaica lodge here. The Two former
arrived last Evening, the Latter poor Man has been here sometime, 8c
will probably never more remove but by help of others to his last
Lodgings, — the Grave. I have not seen him. The Officer here, is
much to be pitied, his Commission is his principal dependence. He
loves this Country, he loves his Young Wife, who is very deserving,
and who is a warm daughter of Liberty, yet is ordered this Morning,
to be ready, to March in the After Noon for Boston. This is really af¬
fecting and my passions are too sensible of soft impressions to view
the Struggle between duty so called. Interest 8c Honor military on the
one hand, and Affection, 8c an honest Regard 8c Tenderness on the
other. As We have all dined, 8c supp’d together, on a free footing at
the same Table, he seems the nearer to Us, and Our repeatedly as¬
serting that the Troops at Boston would be cut off if they attempted
anything against That Town 8c province, gives him 8c his Connections
the most Uneasy 8c Melancholy Apprehensions. Could he get rid of
his Commission on any Terms, short of ruining himself he would
gladly do it.
The Troops here which are to assist in reducing New England, 8c
all America amount to One Hundred 8c Eighty of which [Sixty?] are
old worn out, invalids, unable to March [as far] as Boston in Six
Weeks were they to have the [plunder] of the Town for their asking
— and the rest disaffected to the unnatural employ. It is a doubt with
Me, whether the People here will let them March. Had Blood been
shed by the Soldiery at Boston, there would have been No doubt at
all, for these Soldiers in that Case would before this have been dis¬
armed, 8c dispersed, but it is dangerous to begin hostility, but on the
most urgent occasion 8c indeed absolute Necessity. I design to view
them when on their March.
I gave you the Character of the South Carolina Delegates or rather
a Sketch. I will now pursue the plan I designed. Mr. Randolph our
worthy President may be rising of Sixty, of noble appearance, 8c pre¬
sides with dignity. Col. Harrison may be Fifty an uncommonly large
Man, and appears rather rough in his address, 8c speech. Col. Wash¬
ington is nearly as Tall a Man as Col. Fitch and almost as hard a
Countenance, yet with a very young Look, 8c an easy Soldierlike Air,
8c gesture. He does not appear above Forty five, yet was in the first
62
September 10, 1774
Action in 1753 8c 1754 on the Ohio, 8c in 1755, was with Braddock,
8c was the means of saving the remains of that unfortunate Army. It
is said That in the House of Burgesses in Virginia, on hearing of the
Boston port Bill, he offered to raise 8c Arm, 8c lead One Thousand
Men himself at his Own Expence for the defence of the Country
were there Need of it. His Fortune is said to be equall to such an Un¬
dertaking. Col. Bland, is a plain sensible Man, deeply studied into, 8c
acquainted with the Antiquities, of Virginia, 8c of this Continent in
General, has wrote several very sensible peices on the Subject, 8c is a
tolerable Speaker in public, as is Col. Washington who speaks very
Modestly, 8c in cool but determined Stile 8c Accent. Mr. Pendleton is
a Lawyer of eminence, of easy, and chearful Countenance, polite in
address, 8c elegant, if not eloquent in Stile 8c elocution. Mr. Henry is
also a Lawyer, and the compleatest Speaker I ever heard. If his fu¬
ture Speeches, are equall to the small Samples he had hitherto given
Us, they will be worth preserving, but in a Letter I can give You no
Idea of the Music of his Voice, or the highwrought, yet Natural ele¬
gance of his Stile, 8c Manner. Col. Lee, is said to be his Rival in Elo¬
quence, 8c in Virginia 8c to the Southward they are stiled the Demos¬
thenes, 8c Cicero of America. God Grant they may not. Like them,
plead in Vain for the Liberties of their Country. These last Gentlemen
are Now in full Life, perhaps near Fifty 8c have made the Constitution,
8c history of G Brittain, 8c America their Capital Study ever since the
late Troubles between them have arose.
Sunday. We dined Yesterday with Mr. Wharton a plain, hospita¬
ble, quaker Family, of great Connections in this City, 8c on this Con¬
tinent as well as in Europe but I think has as much of the Serpent, as
the Dove in his Composition. He treated Us, with the utmost polite¬
ness and Carried Us in his Coach after Dinner to his Country Seat, 8c
about Ten Miles South of this City to view the Country which is fine,
8c rich, almost beyond Comparison. The Industry of this City exceeds
any thing You can have an Idea of. The Delaware naturally over¬
flowed at every Tide, a large Tract of Land, on which Consequently
nothing grew but Alders 8c Rushes. This they enclosed with a Dike
for miles in Length and by keeping The Tide Out have made it the
richest Meadow, I ever saw, it is said to contain Fifty Thousand
Acres. I honestly owned beat To Mr. Wharton, for though I have
seen as good Land in Wethersfield, I never saw such an extent of it.
This Morning We set out to look up Mr. Deshay, but being un¬
well, he only read prayers, 8c Mr. White preached. After Dinner We
went to Mr. Sprouts but finding that Neither Mr. Sprout, nor Mr.
Spencer preached, but an indifferent old Gentleman, I push’d on, 8c
heard Mr. Coombs who is call’d a Rival to Mr. Deshay and at Eve¬
ning heard Mr. Spencer who is a very sensible good preacher.^
September 11, 1774
63
RC (CtHi) . Deane apparently composed this letter over the space of 10 days,
concluding it "Monday Evening 11 oClock 19th Sepr. 1774.” It is printed here in
three parts under the dates September 10-11, September 12-18, and September 19,
^Ensign Nicholas Trist, Eighteenth Regiment of Foot, whose company had just
been ordered to march to Boston. See Robert Treat Paine’s Diary, September 9,
® For the continuation of this letter, see Deane to Elizabeth Deane, September
12-18, 1774.
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[September 10, 1774]
10th. Met, added two to the sub. Comee. which sat & considered
the Subject & adjourned to 9 o’Clock on Monday.
MS (RHi) .
John Adams’ Diary
1774. Septr. 11. Sunday.
There is such a quick and constant Succession of new Scenes,
Characters, Persons, and Events turning up before me that I cant
keep any regular Account.
This Mr. Reed is a very sensible and accomplished Lawyer of an
amiable Disposition — soft, tender, friendly, &c. He is a friend to his
Country and to Liberty.
Mr. Reed was so kind as to wait on us to Mr. Sprouts Meeting,
where we heard Mr. Spencer. These Ministers all preach without
Notes.
We had an Opportunity of seeing the Custom of the Presbyterians
in administering the Sacrament. The Communicants all came to a
Row of Seats, placed on each Side of a narrow Table spread in the
Middle of the Alley reaching from the Deacons Seat to the front of
the House. Three setts of Persons of both sexes, came in Succession.
Each new sett had the Bread and the Cup given to them by a new
Minister — Mr. Sprout first, Mr. Treat next and Mr. Spencer last.
Each Communicant has a token, which he delivers to the Deacons or
Elders, I dont know which they call em.
As We came out of Meeting a Mr. Webster join’d us, who has just
come from Boston, and has been a generous Benefactor to it, in its
Distresses. He says he was at the Town Meeting, and he thinks they
managed their Affairs with great Symplicity, Moderation, and Dis¬
cretion. ^
64
September 11, 1774
Dined at Mr. Willings, who is a Judge of the Supream Court here,
with the Gentlemen from Virgina, Maryland and New York. A most
splendid Feast again — Turtle and every Thing else.
Mr. Willing told us a Story of a Lawyer here, who the other Day,
gave him upon the Bench the following Answer, to a Question Why
the Lawyers were so increased.
“You ask me why Lawyers so much are increas’d
Tho most of the Country already are fleec’d
The Reason I’m sure is most strikingly plain
The Sheep are oft sheered yet the Wool grows again
And tho you may think e’er so odd of the Matter
The oft’ner they’re fleeced, the Wool grows the better
Thus downy-chin’d Boys as oft I have heard
By frequently shaving obtain a large Beard.”
By Mr. Peters, written at the Bar and given to a Judge Mr. Will¬
ing, who had asked the Question at Dinner, in Pleasantry.
Mr. Willing is the most sociable, agreable Man of all. He told us
of a Law of this Place, that whereas oysters, between the Months of
May and Septr. were found to be unwholesome food, if any were
brought to Markett they should be forfeited and given to the Poor.
We drank Coffee, and then Reed, Cushing and I strolled, to the
Moravian Evening Lecture where we heard soft, sweet Music and a
dutchified english Prayer and Preachment.
MS (MHi) . Adams, Diary (Butterfield) , 2:131-32.
^ Pelatiah Webster (1726-95) , a Connecticut native who became a Philadelphia
merchant. The Boston town meeting of August 30, 1774, voted to provide employ¬
ment for those made jobless by the Port Act. A Report of the Record Commission¬
ers of the City of Boston, Containing the Boston Town Records . . . , 39 vols.
(Boston: Rockwell and Churchill, 1887) , 18:188-89.
John Adams’ Diary
1774. Septr. 12. Monday.
Attended my Duty on the Committee, untill one O Clock, and
then went with my Colleagues and Messrs. Thompson and Mifflin to
the Falls of Schuylkill, and viewed the Museum at Fort St. Davids, a
great Collection of Curiosities. Returned and dined with Mr. Dickin¬
son at his Seat at Fair Hill, with his Lady, Mrs. Thompson, Miss
Norris and Miss Harrison. Mr. Dickinson has a fine Seat, a beauty-
full Prospect, of the City, the River and the Country — fine Gardens,
and a very grand Library. The most of his Books, were collected by
Mr. Norris, once Speaker of the House here, father of Mrs. Dickin¬
son. Mr. Dickinson is a very modest Man, and very ingenious, as
September 12, 1774
65
well as agreable. He has an excellent Heart, and the Cause of his
Country lies near it. He is full and clear for allowing to Parliament,
the Regulation of Trade, upon Principles of Necessity and the mutual
Interest of both Countries.
MS (MHi) . Adams, Diary (Butterfield) , 2: 132-33.
Silas Deane to Elizabeth Deane
[September 12-18, 1774]
Monday. This Day as usual was sprent on Committees. Tuesday
We dined with Mr. Smith a Merchant of this City — and on Wednes¬
day 8c Thursday attended Our Business. Friday We had a grand En¬
tertainment at the State House. Sammy Webb must describe it.
About Five Hundred Gentlemen sat down at once, and I will only
say there was a plenty of everything eatable, & drinkable & no scarci¬
ty of good Humor, 8c diversion. We had besides the Delegates, Gen¬
tlemen From every province on the Continent present.^ Saturday. I
send the Resolves of this Day which are applauded to the skies by
the Inhabitants of this City, so will say nothing more about them.^
When I shall return is as uncertain as it was, on my First entering the
City. I arm myself with Patience, and determine not to desert the
Cause. I hope your Health returns. J Webb says it does, but I had
rather see it under your own hand. Mr. Revere sets out in the Morn¬
ing early and by him I send This Letter, which brings me to Sunday
Evening, having heard Mr. Deshay in the Morning, & a Highland
parson just imported the last Week from the Mountains of North
Scotland, this After Noon. I saw Wm. Goddard here, but he looks
dejected, and I thought, did not much choose being seen in public.
He most certainly engaged Two potent Adversaries, when he dif¬
fered with Galloway & Wharton.^ My most Affectionate Regards to
all of both Eamilies and to the Neighborhood. I am my Dear Your
most Affectionate Husband'^ Silas Deane
RC (CtHi) . A continuation of Deane to Elizabeth Deane, September 10-11, 1774.
^An account of this entertainment appeared in Dunlap’s Pennsylvania Packet
or, the General Advertiser, September 19, 1774, and was widely reprinted. George
Washington’s presence is indicated by his September 16 diary entry. Washington,
Diaries (Fitzpatrick) , 2:164.
^ Resolutions adopted in response to resolves received from Suffolk County,
Mass. See Peyton Randolph to Joseph Warren, September 17, 1774; and JCC,
1:39-40.
•■’William Goddard (1740-1817), printer, was apparently in Philadelphia to
promote congressional support and management of his proposed independent
postal system. The journals of October 5 indicate that an address by Goddard,
probably on this subject, “was read and ordered to lie on the table.” JCC, 1:55. See
66
September 12, 1774
also Deane’s Diary. October 5, 1774. For further discussion on this point as well as
the history of Goddard’s controversy with Galloway and Wharton, see Ward L.
Miner, William Goddard, Newspaperman (Durham: Duke University Press, 1962) ,
pp. 65-136.
‘For the conclusion of this letter, see Deane to Elizabeth Deane, September 19,
1774.
Robert Treat Paine’s Diary
[September 12, 1774]
Fine day. 2 oClock we rode in our Coach to the falls of Schuylkill
River & saw the Collection of Curiositys in the Museum of Fort St.
David a place of Bachanalian Rendezvous so called, 5 miles to this
place. We returned & dind at Mr. John Dickensons, the Celebrated
Farmer, whose Seat is 2 1/2 miles from the City, Sc is a convenient,
decent, elegant. Philosophers Rural R.etreat. Tarried till sun sett &
returned. Found my self surprizingly vivant considering how ill I was
yesterday.!
MS (MHi) .
‘Paine awoke September 10 “in great Paine in my Bowells wch prov’d to be a
bilious Cholick,” and had continued “feverish” the following day. Robert Treat
Paine’s Diary, September 10, 11, 1774. MHi.
Caesar Rodney to Thomas Rodney
Sir, Philadelphia Monday Sepr. 12th 1774
With this You have inclosed the Pensylvania Packet of this day, as
Also another Letter intended to have been Sent by Mr. McFarson^
who intends going to Lewis adjourned Court, but finding he did not
purpose being at Dover before Saturday next, and Seeing Mr. Wil¬
liam Gray in Town by Whom it might get a Quicker Conveyance
Gave it him with this. Mr. McPherson Will give you the New York
paper of Thursday last, I Gave it him for that purpose. You’l find in
that paper a Speech of the Bishop of St. Asaph intended to have
been Spoken in the house of Lords — and is now printed here in pam¬
phlets — it is one of the Best peices I ever Read.^ 1 continue in a Ver-
ry poor State of health But not so bad but that I have given my Con¬
stant attendance in the Congress. The Congress does not now Set in
form having appointed two Committees, one Consisting of 24 the
other of 12 Members. I am one of the 24 Who are to report the
Rights of the Colonies, the infringements of those Rights, and the
means of Relief. What Shall be done after this appointmt. of the
September 12, 1774
67
Committee the Congress has injoined every member to keep a Secret
till the Whole business is done, When the Whole of their proceedings
Will be published to avoid needless disputations out of Doors. This is
much to the disappointment of the Curious.® We do not Expect to
rise till Some time in October. There are more Strangers in Town
now (Exclusive of the Gentlemen of the Congress) than ever was
known at any one time. George Emlen’s Ship Captn. Miller is Ar¬
rived from London as full as She Can Swim with dry Goods. All is
Looked for every day, and it is Supposed Fortner will not be Long
behind him. An Irish Ship is just Come to town Who Landed her
passengers at Newcastle, and says that in puting them on Shore a
Small Boat with 22 of them With their Effects was overset 19 of
Whom Lost their lives between the Ship and the Warff. I beg you’l
Write me by the first oppertunity Giving a State of Affairs below
both public and private, and if any thing occur’s out of the Common
Road I Shall take Care to advise you of it. I am Sorry for the Loss of
our poor Neighbour Minchall, more especially for his family Who
must most Sensibly feel it. The gentlemen of the City are entertaining
the Gentlemen of Congress every day by parcels — and on Fryday
next the Citizens in General are to entertain the Whole Congress at
the Statehouse. It is intended to be the greatest enertainment that
ever was made in this City, the Expence of Which is Computed to a
Thousand pounds at least. I Do not now Recollect any thing more by
way of news. Therefore desire to be Remember’d as heretofore. I am
Your friend & Relation Caesar Rodney
RC (PHi) .
^John Macpherson, Jr. (1754-75), Pennsylvania lawyer, became aide-de-camp to
Gen. Richard Montgomery. William Macpherson Hornor, “Extracts from the Let¬
ters of John Macpherson, Jr., to William Patterson, 1766-1773,” PMHB 23 (1899) :
51-59.
® Jonathan Shipley (1714-88) , Bishop of St. Asaph, wrote the pamphlet, A
Speech Intended to Have Been Spoken by the Bishop of St. Asaph, on the Bill for
Altering the Charters of the Colony of Massachusetts. The Speech went through
several London editions and was widely republished in the colonies. For a broader
discussion of Shipley and for a reprint of both the Speech and his similarly
popular Sermon Preached before the Incorporated Society for the Propagation of
the Gospel in Foreign Parts, see Paul H. Smith, comp., English Defenders of
American Freedoms, 1774-1778 (Washington: Library of Congress, 1972) , pp. 9-14,
29-43.
® Efforts to keep debates and activities of Congress secret were a limited success.
Thomas Wharton (1735-78) , Philadelphia merchant and subsequently President of
Pennsylvania, claimed that “by a rule established at the opening of the Congress,
we cannot get copies of their proceedings, but my intimacy with the leading
members of most of the colonies, gives me an opportunity in conversation of
knowing their daily results. . . .” Thomas Wharton to [Thomas Walpole], Sep¬
tember 23, 1774, “Selections from the Letter- Books of Thomas Wharton of Phila¬
delphia, 1773-1783,” PMHB 33 (1909) ; 446.
579-852 O -7 Vol. 1
68
September 12, 1774
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[September 12, 1774]
12th. The Sub. Comee. met, made some Progress in stating the
Rights and adjourned. (Some No. Carolina Delegates arrived.) ^
MS (RHi) .
^Joseph Hewes and William Hooper. JCC, 1:30. The parenthetical phrase with
which this entry ends appears to have been written after the 12th. It is crowded
into a comparatively small space in the MS after ‘‘adjourned,’’ the probable initial
concluding point of the September 12 entry, but above the first line of Ward’s
entry for the 13th. Ward generally kept his diary faithfully, but occasionally he
inserted passages which were not composed on the day of the events described.
John Adams’ Diary
1774. Septr. 13. Tuesday.
Attended my Duty all Day, on the Sub Comtee. Agreed on a
Report. 1
MS (MHi) . Adams, Diary (Butterfield) , 2: 133.
^Between his diary entries for September 13 and 14, Adams penned a detached
note: “1. & 2. Phil. & Mary. C. 10. ss. 7.” The British statute cited is “An Acte
wherby certayne Offences bee made Tresons," 1554—55, the seventh section of which
discusses one of the exemptions of the law. This is one of the few surviving written
references that reveals Adams’ interest in statutes relating to treason.
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[September 13, 1774]
13th. The Sub. Comee. met & went on with the Business & ad¬
journed.
MS (RHi).
John Adams’ Diary
1774. Sept. 14. Wednesday.
Visited Mr. Gadsden, Mr. Deane, Coll. Dyer, &c. at their Lodg¬
ings. Gadsden is violent against allowing to Parliament any Power of
regulating Trade, or allowing that they have any Thing to do with
Us. Power of regulating Trade he says, is Power of ruining us — as
bad as acknowledging them a Supream Legislative, in all Cases
September 14, 1774
69
whatsoever. A Right of regulating Trade is a Right of Legislation,
and a Right of Legislation in one Case, is a Right in all. This I deny.
Attended the Congress and Committee all the forenoon. Dined
with Dr. Cox. Dr. Morgan, Dr. Rush, Mr. Bayard, old Mr. Smith
dined with us. Dr. Rush lives upon Water Street and has from the
Windows of his back Room and Chamber, a fine Prospect of Dela¬
ware River, and of New Jersey beyond it. The Gentlemen enter¬
tained us, with Absurdities in the Laws of Pensylvania, New Jersey
and Maryland. This I find is a genteel Topic of Conversation here. A
mighty Feast again, nothing less than the very best of Claret, Mad¬
eira, and Burgundy. Melons, fine beyond description, and Pears and
Peaches as excellent.
This Day Mr. Chase introduced to us, a Mr. Carrell [Carroll] of
Anapolis, a very sensible Gentleman, a Roman catholic, and of the
first Fortune in America.^ His Income is Ten thousand Pounds ster¬
ling a Year, now, will be fourteen in two or 3 years, they say, besides
his father has a vast Estate, which will be his, after his father.
MS (MHi) . Adams, D*ary (Butterfield) , 2:133-34
^ Charles Carroll of Carrollton (1737-1832) , Maryland lawyer and statesman.
Although his national career did not begin until 1776 with his appointment by
Congress as a commissioner to Canada and subsequent election as a delegate,
Carroll had gone to Philadelphia on September 6 to monitor the activities of
Congress. His observations are contained in three letters to his father, Charles
Carroll, Sr., September 7, 9, and 12, 1774. MdHi: Carroll Papers. Although "their
debates are kept secret, and the deputies are under a tie of honour not to reveal
what passes,” Carroll apparently acquired intimate knowledge of the proceedings
and was pleased with his trip. "When I see you,” he continued in his letter of the
12th, "I shall be able to give you a full account of their deliberations.” For a
similar claim, made by Thomas Wharton, that affairs of Congress were discussed in
the presence of outsiders out-of-doors, see Caesar Rodney to Thomas Rodney,
September 12, 1774, note 3.
John Adams to Abigail Adams
My Dear Phyladelphia Septr. 14. 1774
I have written but once to you since I left you.^ This is to be im¬
puted to a Variety of Causes, which I cannot explain for Want of
Time. It would fill Volumes to give you an exact Idea of the whole
Tour. My Time is to totally filled from the Moment I get out of Bed,
untill I return to it. Visits, Ceremonies, Company, Business, News
Papers, Pamphlets &c. 8cc. &:c.
The Congress will, to all present Appearance be well united and in
such Measures, I hope will give Satisfaction to the Friends of our
Country.
A Tory here is the most despicable Animal in the Creation. Spi-
70
September 14, 1774
ders, Toads, Snakes, are their only proper Emblems. The Massachu¬
setts Councillors, and Addressers are held in curious Esteem here, as
you will see.
The Spirit, the Firmness, the Prudence of our Province are vastly
applauded, and We are universally acknowledged the Saviours and
Defenders of American Liberty.
The Designs, and Plans of the Congress, must not be communicat¬
ed, untill compleated, and We shall move with great Deliberation.
When I shall come home I know not, but at present I dont expect
to take my Leave of this City these four Weeks.
My Compliments, Love, Service where they are due. My Babes
are never out of my Mind, nor absent from my Heart.
Adieu. John Adams
RC (MHi) . Adams, Family Correspondence (Butterfield) , 1:155.
^ Adams had written twice previously on this trip: from Princeton, N. J., August
28, and Philadelphia, September 8.
John Adams to William Tudor
My Friend Phyladelphia Septr. 14. 1774
I have been so totally taken up, that I dont know whether I have
acknowledged your Agreable Letters or not.^ They have been of Use
as well as Amusement to me I assure you.
You can hardly conceive the avidity with which your Letter and
Mr Trumbulls, and indeed every Scrap of Letter or Newspaper from
Boston is read here. You cannot conceive the Esteem and Honour in
which the Mass, is held here.
While I write this, the Gentlemen Delegates are all around me
reading your News Papers. I hear them all around me praising and
admiring. By {God) g-d says one, I dont believe there is such a Peo¬
ple in the Worldl — another Answers him, I really dont think there is
so fine a People upon the Globe — So cool. So cautious, so prudent,
and yet So unalterably determined.
My Dear Friend, pray write to me by every opportunity. Dont
wait for Returns from me. I have so much Business — so much Plea¬
sure — so much Ceremony and so much Trifling to do here that I
have not Time to write a Line. Yet I will give you a remembrancer
when I can.
The Congress are well united — but all is secret as yet. We shall do
tolerably well.
As Choice a Collection as North America can afford, I will an¬
swer for it.
Adieu John Adams
September 14, 1774
71
[P.S.] Thank Mr Williams, Mr Hill & Mr Trumble for their Letters
to me and pray them to continue them.
RC (MHi) . Recipient identified in William Tudor to John Adams, September 26,
1774, MHi.
^William Tudor (1750-1819), Massachusetts attorney and Adams’ former law
clerk, served as judge advocate general of the Continental Army, 1775-78. “Memoir
of Hon. William Tudor,” Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 2d
ser. 7 (1826) : 285-325.
Samuel Adams to the Boston Committee
of Correspondence
Gentlemen Philada. Sept 14 1774
I have been waiting with great Impatience for a Letter from the
Committee of Correspondence for the Town of Boston upon whose
Wisdom and Judgment I very much rely.^ The Congress is resolved
into Committees and Sub Committees and all seem fully sensible of
the Intollerable Grievances which the Colonies are struggling under,
and determined to procure effectual Redress. The Subject Matter of
their Debates I am restraind upon Honor from disclosing at present;
but I may assure you that the Sentiments of the Congress hitherto
discovered and the Business assignd to the several Committees are
such as perfectly coincide with your Expectations.
The Spirit of our Countrymen does them great Honor. Our Breth¬
ren of the County of Middlesex have resolved nobly, and their Reso¬
lutions are read by the several Members of this Body with high
Applause.^
It is generally agreed that an opposition to the new Mode of Gov¬
ernment ought to be maintained. A warm Advocate for the Cause of
Liberty to whom America is much obligd for his former Labors told
me that he was fully of opinion that no officer under the new Estab¬
lishment ought to be acknowledgd; on the other hand that each of
them should be warned against exercising any Authority upon pain
of the utmost Resentment of the people. It is therefore greatly to his
Satisfaction to observe the Measures that have been taken. I am
pleasd to hear that a provincial Congress is proposd, & cannot but
promise my self that the firm manly and perservering opposition of
that single province will opperate to the total frustration of the villan-
ous designs of our Tyrants and their Distruction.
I hope the Committee will continue to Act up to their Dignity and
Importance. I am yet of opinion that Heaven will Honor them with a
great Share of the Merit of saving the Rights of all America. May
God inspire them with Wisdom 8c Eortitude. I must beg them to ex-
72
September 14, 1774
cuse this hasty Effusion of an honest heart, having been just now
(while in a Committee) informed that a Vessell is immediately about
to Sail to Marblehead. Pray let me hear from the Committee. Being
as you all know a Man of Fortune, you need not fear putting me to
the Expence of postage — direct to Mr Sami Smith and Sons Merchts
in this City. I conclude with my warmest Prayers to the Supreme
Being for the Salvation of our Country. Your Friend Fellow Coun¬
tryman Sc Fellow Labourer Samuel Adams
RC (NN) .
Adams’ correspondence with the Boston committee suggests that a preplanned
flow of news from Boston was maintained to sustain an air of crisis and to generate
support in Congress for vigorous measures in behalf of Massachusetts. The commit¬
tee’s letter of September 29 subsequently served this precise purpose, stimulating
the debates of October 7-10 in protest against Gen. Thomas Gage’s fortification of
Boston. ]CC, 1:55; Robert Treat Paine’s Diary, October 6, 1774.
^ The Middlesex County Convention Resolves were read in Congress on Septem¬
ber 14, but the more militant Suffolk County Resolves that arrived two days later
attracted more attention in Congress and provoked a spirited exchange of views on
what course America should take. JCC, 1:31.
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[September 14, 1774]
14th. The Sub. Comee. met, reported to great Comee. who ap¬
pointed next Morning for Consideration of the Report. A Sub. Co¬
mee. appointed to state the Infringements of our Rights.
MS (RHi) .
Robert Treat Paine’s Diary
[September 15, 1774]
Fine day. Dind Mr. Wallace. Wrote to Dr. Cobb Sc Brother Green-
leaf by Capt. Goodhue of Salem.
MS (MHi) .
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[September 15, 1774]
15 th. The large Comee. met, went on with the Report & ad¬
journed.
MS (RHi) .
September 15, 1774
73
Samuel Adams
74
September 16, 1774
John Adams to Abigail Adams
Phyladelphia Septr. 16. 1774
Having a Leisure Moment, while the Congress is assembling, I
gladly embrace it to write you a Line.
When the Congress first met, Mr. Cushing made a Motion, that it
should be opened with Prayer. It was opposed by Mr. Jay of N.
York and Mr. Rutledge of South Carolina, because we were so divid¬
ed in religious Sentiments, some Episcopalians, some Quakers, some
anabaptists, some Presbyterians and some Congregationalists, so
that We could not join in the same Act of Worship. Mr. S. Adams
arose and said he was no Bigot, and could hear a Prayer from a Gen¬
tleman of Piety and Virtue, who was at the same Time a Friend to
his Country. He was a Stranger in Phyladelphia, but had heard that
Mr. Duche (Dushay they pronounce it) deserved that Character,
and therefore he moved that Mr. Duch6, an episcopal Clergyman,
might be desired, to read Prayers to the Congress, tomorrow Morn¬
ing. The Motion was seconded and passed in the Affirmative. Mr.
Randolph our President, waited on Mr. Duch^, and received for An¬
swer that if his Health would permit, he certainly would. Accordingly
next Morning he appeared with his Clerk and in his Pontificallibus,
and read several Prayers, in the established Form; and then read the
Collect for the seventh day of September, which was the Thirty fifth
Psalm. You must remember this was the next Morning after we
heard the horrible Rumour, of the Cannonade of Boston. I never saw
a greater Effect upon an Audience. It seemed as if Heaven had or¬
dained that Psalm to be read on that Morning.
After this Mr. Duche, unexpected to every Body struck out into
an extemporary Prayer, which filled the Bosom of every Man pre¬
sent. I must confess I never heard a better Prayer or one, so well
pronounced. Episcopalian as he is. Dr. Cooper himself never prayed
with such fervour, such Ardor, such Earnestness and Pathos, and in
Language so elegant and sublime^ — ^for America, for the Congress,
for The Province of Massachusetts Bay, and especially the Town of
Boston. It has had an excellent Effect upon every Body here.
I must beg you to read that Psalm. If there was any Faith in the
sortes Virgilianas, or sortes Homericae, or especially the Sortes biblicae,
it would be thought providential.
It will amuse your Friends to read this Letter and the 35th. Psalm
to them. Read it to your Father and Mr. Wibirt. I wonder what our
Braintree Churchmen would think of this? Mr. Duch^ is one of the
most ingenious Men, and best Characters, and greatest orators in the
Episcopal order, upon this Continent — Yet a Zealous Friend of Lib¬
erty and his Country.^
September 17, 1774
75
I long to see my dear Family. God bless, preserve and prosper it.
Adieu. John Adams
RC (MVLi) . Adams, Family Correspondence (Butterfield) , 1:156-57.
^See Adams’ Diary, September 7, 1774, and JCC, 1:27. Adams misjudged the
strength of Duche’s attachment to America. Duche fled to England in late 1777,
after urging Washington to repudiate the Declaration of Independence. Adams to
Abigail Adams, October 25, 1777. Adams, Family Correspondence (Butterfield) ,
2:359-60.
Robert Treat Paine’s Diary
[September 16, 1774]
Fine day. This A.M. Paul Revere arrived Express from Boston
bringing advices to the 11th. & praying Advice of the Congress.^
This day a No. of Gentlemen of Philada. gave a grand Dinner to the
Congress at the State House abt. 500 dined at once.
MS (MHi) .
A reference to the Suffolk County Resolves, which were laid before Congress
the following day. JCC, 1:31-32.
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[September 16, 1774]
16th. The large Comee. met, resumd the Business & adjourned.
MS (RHi) .
John Adams’ Diary
1774. Sept. 17. Saturday.
This was one of the happiest Days of my Life. In Congress We
had generous, noble Sentiments, and manly Eloquence. This Day
convinced me that America will support the Massachusetts or perish
with her.i
Dined with old Mr. Smith, with much Company. Visited the bet¬
tering House, a large Building — very clean, neat, and convenient for
the Poor. Viewed the Gardens, &c.
MS (MHi) . Adams, Diary (Butterfield) , 2:134-35.
^ Congress adopted resolutions approving the Suffolk Resolves and pledging
support for Boston. JCC, 1:31^0.
76
September 17, 1774
Thomas Cushing to Joseph Warren
SIR, PHILADELPHIA, September 17, 1774.
We received your Favor of the 11th Instant, together with the
Resolutions of the County of Suffolk,^ and communicated the same
to the Congress: In Consequence of which, they passed the several
Resolutions which will be delivered you by Mr. Revere, together
with a Letter from the President. They highly applaud the wise, tem¬
perate and spirited Conduct of our People, in their Opposition to the
late Act of altering our Constitution. These Resolves will, we trust,
support and comfort our Friends, and confound our Enemies. In Be¬
half of myself and Brethren, I am with Respect, Your most humble
Servant, Thomas gushing.
MS not found; reprinted from the Boston-Gazette, and Country Journal, Septem¬
ber 26, 1774.
^ Although Joseph Warren wrote the resolves which the Suffolk County Conven¬
tion approved on September 9, the Massachusetts’ delegates in Congress, particular¬
ly Samuel Adams, had conferred with Warren about this convention before leaving
Boston. John H. Cary, Joseph Warren: Physician, Politician, Patriot (Urbana:
University of Illinois Press, 1961) , pp. 149-58.
Peyton Randolph to Joseph Warren
SIR, Philadelphia, 17th Sept. 1774.
Your Letter of the 11th Instant, directed “To the Honorable
Thomas Cushing, Esq; and the other Gentlemen of the Congress,
Members for Massachusetts-Bay,” together with the Resolutions en¬
tered into by the Delegates of the several Towns in the County of
Suffolk, and their Address to his Excellency Governor Gage were
communicated to the Congress, whereupon the Congress came into
the following unanimous Resolves, which by their Order I transmit to
you to be communicated to the Committee of Correspondence for
the Town of Boston.^ I am. Sir, your most obedient Servant,
PEYTON RANDOLPH.
MS not found; reprinted from the Boston-Gazette, and Country Journal, Septem¬
ber 26, 1774.
^The resolutions of Congress were adopted on September 17, but in the printed
Journals they appear erroneously under the date, “Saturday, September 18, 1774.”
JCC, 1:39-40. The proceedings therein recorded under the September 18 date
appear in the manuscript journals as a continuation of the September 17 entry.
PCC, item 1.
September 17, 1774
77
Robert Treat Paine’s Diary
[September 17, 1774]
Fine day. Congress consider & form a Resolve on the Boston Case.
Din’d Mr. Sami. Smith. P.M. visited the Bettering House.
MS (MHi) .
Caesar Rodney to Thomas Rodney
Sir, Philadelphia. Saturday Sepr. 17th 1774
By Express Which arrived here Yesterday, from the Committee of
the Town of Boston to the general Continental Congress, Who are
Informed the County of Suffolk of which the Town of Boston is the
Capital, had entered into Certain Resolutions, a Copy of Which was
inclosed us. Generally to the purport of not Suffering the Command¬
er in Chief to Execute the Act of Parliament changing their Govern¬
ment by Persuading, protecting and Compelling officers under the
new Regulation to Resign and by a Refusal in jurymen to Serve 8cc,
That they have ordered all those able to bear Arms to keep in Readi¬
ness, to defend their inherent rights. Even with Loss of Blood &
Treasure; That they are determined not [to] Injure the General or
any of the Kings Troops, Unless Compelled thereto by an Attack
made by the Troops on them.
They complain of the General’s Seizing the Powder at Cambridge
Which they say was private property; and also that he is now fortify¬
ing the only pass that leads from the Town of Boston into the Coun¬
try from Whence the inhabitants of the Town are daily Supplied.
This pass is a Narrow Neck of Land about 120 yards wide, at Which
he has placed a Number of Troops and 28 Canon. That the Country
people passing and repassing this place are Suffered to be insulted by
the Soldiery. And that the inhabitants feared (from those Move¬
ments of the General) he had designs of Apprehending and sending
to England those persons who have Stood foremost in the great
Cause of Liberty. That in Consequence of his Conduct, and these
their Suspitions, the inhabitants of Suffolk sent (by a Committee ap¬
pointed for that purpose) An address to the General, enquiring the
Cause of his Stopping up and fortifying the pass. Seizing and Secur¬
ing the Magazine’s &c., 8c Their disaprobation of his Conduct — and
that they had no Intention to assault either him or his Soldiers — But
that if he Continued to block up the pass, and thereby prevent them
of the only Means of Supplying the Town with necessaries — they
Should Look upon it, as a Commencement of Hostilities. Upon the
whole They Sent an Express to the General Congress here, for their
78
September 17, 1774
Instructions as to their future Conduct. The Congress met on that
business this day and have Resolved thereon — Which You Will see
in the Packet of Monday being ordered imediately to be printed, as
Well that the General, as the people might know What they thought
of the Matter. If Morris or Henry Stays till Monday I Will Send you
the Monday’s paper.
Mr. Richard Penn has got Hockley office^ — about £'1200 a
Year. Your Accot. of Politicks in Kent as Set forth in Your Letter by
Butler, places them in that State I Expected they would be. However
do not Doubt but a great Majority of the people Will Show Such a
firm Attachment to the Cause in Which I am embarked as (With the
assistance of My Real friends) Will defeat their little. Low, Un-
greatfull Schemes. ^ If the Shallops go before Munday I shall Inclose
you the New York paper of Thursday in this — if not Shall inclose the
Mondays paper with it in another Cover. Let me here every thing, by
Every opportunity. V. Loockerman will give you accot. of the Enter¬
tainment of Yesterday — by Whom I "Wrote Several days ago. Re¬
member me kindly to all friends — and next to Relations, to Doctr.
McCall who did not forget me. I am Yrs. Caesar Rodney
RC (PHi) .
^Richard Penn, Jr. (1735-1811) , son of proprietor Richard Penn and brother of
John Penn, lieutenant governor of Pennsylvania. Richard Hockley, merchant,
served as receiver general of Pennsylvania, 1753-68, and then assumed the duties of
naval officer, which he performed until his death in 1774. His father, Richard, had
been a business partner of proprietor Thomas Penn. Nicholas B. Wainwright, “An
Indian Trade Failure: The Story of the Hockley, Trent and Croghan Company,
1748-1752,” PMHB 72 (1948) : 352, 372n.
^ In a letter of September 11, 1774, Thomas had warned Caesar that his political
opponents were attempting to gain their purpose “of throwinge you off the
assembly.” Rodney, Letters (Ryden) , p. 46.
Charles Thomson to the Printer
of the Pennsylvania Packet
Sir, [September 17? 1774]
Please to insert in your paper, the following extract from the Min¬
utes of the Congress now sitting at Philadelphia. ^
By Order of the Congress, Charles Thomson, Secretary
MS not found; reprinted from Dunlap’s Pennsylvania Packet, or the General
Advertiser, September 19, 1774.
^ The “extract from the Minutes” printed in the Packet included the Suffolk
County Resolves, the county’s address to Gen. Thomas Gage, and the two resolu¬
tions supporting Massachusetts passed by Congress September 17. JCC, 1:31-40. See
also Peyton Randolph to Joseph Warren, September 17, 1774.
September 18, 1774
79
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[September 17, 1774]
17th. The Congress met, considered the Situation & Conduct of
the County of Suffolk, approved their Conduct & recommended to
them to persevere according to their Resolutions as formed at a late
County Meeting and recommended to the sevral Colonies to continue
Donations as long as necessary. (Mr. Hopkins sick.)
MS (RHi) .
John Adams to Abigail Adams
My Dear Phyladelphia Septr. 18. 1774
I received your very agreable Letter, by Mr. Marston, and have
received two others, which gave me much Pleasure. I have wrote sev¬
eral Letters, but whether they have reached you I know not. There is
so much Rascallity in the Management of Letters, now come in
Fashion, that I am determined to write nothing of Consequence, not
even to the Friend of my Bosom, but by Conveyances which I can be
sure of.
The Proceedings of the Congress, are all a profound Secret, as yet,
except two Votes which were passed Yesterday, and ordered to be
printed. You will see them from every Quarter. These Votes were
passed in full Congress with perfect Unanimity.
The Esteem, the Affection, the Admiration, for the People of Bos¬
ton and the Massachusetts, which were expressed Yesterday, And
the fixed Determination that they should be supported, were enough
to melt an Heart of Stone. 1 saw the Tears gush into the Eyes of the
old, grave, pacific Quakers of Pensylvania.
You cannot conceive my Dear, the Harry of Business, Visits and
Ceremonies which we are obliged to go through.
We have a delicate Course to steer, between too much Activity
and too much Insensibility, in our critical interested situation. I flat¬
ter myself however, that We shall conduct our Embassy in such a
manner as to merit the Approbation of our Country.
It has taken Us much Time to get acquainted with the Tempers,
Views, Characters, and Designs of Persons and to let them into the
Circumstances of our Province. My dear do, intreat every Eriend I
have to write me. Every Line which comes from our Eriends is
greedily enquired after, and our Letters have done us vast service.
Middlesex and Suffolk have acquired unbounded Honour here.
There is No Idea of Submission, here in any Bodies head.
80
September 18, 1774
Thank my dear Nabby for her Letter— tell her it has given me
great Spirits. Kiss all my sweet ones for me.
Adieu. John Adams
RC (MHi) . Adams, Family Correspondence (Butterfield) , 1:157-58.
John Adams to Abigail Adams
My Dear Phyladelphia Septr. 18. 1774
In your last you inquire tenderly after my Health, and how we
found the People upon our J ourney, and how We were treated.
I have enjoyed as good Health as usual, and much more than I
know how to account for, when I consider the extream Heat of the
Weather, and the incessant Feasting I have endured ever since I left
Boston.
The People, in Conecticutt, New York, the Jerseys and Pensylvan-
ia, we have found extreamly well principled, and very well inclined,
altho some Persons in N. York and Phyladelphia, wanted a little An¬
imation. Their Zeal however has increased wonderfully since we be¬
gan our Journey.
When the horrid News was brought here of the Bombardment of
Boston, which made us compleatly miserable for two days. We saw
Proofs both of the Sympathy and the Resolution, of the Continent.
WarI War! War! was the Cry, and it was pronounced in a
Tone, which would have done Honour to the Oratory of a Briton or
a Roman. If it had proved true, you would have heard the Thunder
of an American Congress.
I have not Time nor Language to express the Hospitality and Ci¬
vility, the studied and exp>ensive Resp>ect with which we have been
treated, in every Stage of our Progress. If Cambden, Chatham, Rich¬
mond and St. Asaph had travelled thro the Country,^ they could not
have been entertained with greater Demonstrations of Respect, than
Cushing, Paine and the Brace of Adams’s have been.
The Particulars will amuse you, when We return.
I confess the Kindness, the Affection, the Applause, which has
been given to me and especially, to our Province, have many a Time
filled my Bosom, and streamed from my Eyes.
My best Respects to Coll. Warren and his Lady when you write to
them. I wish to write them.
Adieu. John Adams
RC (MHi) . Adams, Family Correspondence (Butterfield) , 1:158-59.
^Charles Pratt (1714—94), first Earl Camden, William Pitt (1708-78), first Earl
of Chatham, and Charles Lennox (1735-180G) , third Duke of Richmond and
Lennox, were Whig lords widely identified in the colonies as opponents of the
September 18, 1774
81
North ministry’s American policy. For more information related to Jonathan
Shipley (1714-88) , Bishop of St. Asaph, see Caesar Rodney to Thomas Rodney,
September 12, 1774.
John Adams to Richard C ranch
My dear Brother Phyladelphia Septr. 18. 1774
I thank you^ most kindly for your obliging Letter. And beg the
Continuance of your Correspondence. Every Line from Boston is a
Cordial, and of great Use to us in our Business.
It is a grief to my Heart that I cannot write to my Friends so often
and particularly as I wish.^
But Politicks I can’t write, in Honour. I send the Votes of Yester¬
day, which are ordered to be printed, and this is the only Thing
which we are yet at Liberty to mention even to the People out of
Doors here. The Congress will support Boston and the Massachusetts
or Perish with them. But they earnestly wish that Blood may be
spared if possible, and all Ruptures with the Troops avoided. Break
open my Letters to my Wife, and then send them as soon as possible.
Adieu. John Adams
[P.5.] My Love to sister, the Children and every Body.
RC (MHi) . Adams, Family Correspondence (Butterfield) , 1; 159-60.
Richard Cranch (1726-1811), glass manufacturer and watchmaker, married
Mary, elder sister of Abigail Smith Adams. Adams, Family Correspondence (But¬
terfield) ,1:1.
^ Adams’ busy schedule is attested to by his diary, in which he noted this day
that he attended two church services, wrote several letters, and “spent the evening
at home with General Lee, Capt. Dagworthy, Mr. McDougall and others.’’ Adams,
Diary (Butterfield) , 2: 135.
John Adams to Josiah Quincy, Jr.
Dr sir Philadelphia Septr. 18. 1774
I am to acknowledge the Receipt of your kind Letter, and to thank
you for it, and then Seal my Letter.
Business, Ceremony, Visits and a thousand et ceteras take up my
Time so entirely that I can scarce find half enough for Sleep.
I have Spoken to several Gentlemen concerning you and Shall to
more. I wish you a prosperous Voyage and much of the exalted Plea¬
sure of serving your Country.^
You are surrounded with active scenes in our Province at present.
We are not idle here — but how long it will be before the World will
know our Meditations I cant Say.
82
September 18, 1774
Our Country is in the Post of Honour, and of Danger and she be¬
haves in Character. The Congress is sensible of it, and will Act in
Character too, I hope and believe. Adieu. John Adams
RC (MHi) .
*Josiah Quincy (1744-75), Boston attorney, who had previously traveled
through the southern colonies to test whig sentiment, sailed for England on
September 28, 1774, ostensibly for the purpose of recovering from tuberculosis.
Secretly, he was to present the patriot case to British leaders and sample sentiment
toward the colonies. Quincy died on his return voyage in April 1775, just as his
ship reached Boston, before communicating the information he had gathered in
England. DAB; and Shipton, Harvard Graduates, 15:479-91. See also George H.
Nash, III, ‘‘From Radicalism to Revolution: The Political Career of Josiah Quincy,
Jr.,’’ Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society 79 (October 1969) : 253-90.
George Read to Gertrude Read
[September 18, 1774]
I flatter myself that I am rid of my intermittent, though I had a
slight fit on Thursday last, the day I wrote by Captain Young, since
which I have taken fourteen doses of bark. I shall take a short ride
on horseback this morning. ... I long to be with you, but dare not
hint a time lest I could not keep it, but you may be assured, if I can
discover a few days that I can with propriety be absent, I will seize
the opportunity. If I had been able to have travelled through yester¬
day, I should have blamed myself for being absent, as two matters
were debated which I would have chosen to appear in — to wit, a re¬
solve of approbation of the conduct of the p>eople of Boston and
county of Suffolk, which includes Boston, since the operation of the
port-bill; and another resolve for a further contribution from all the
colonies for the support of the poor of Boston, both of which will be
published to-morrow. These were suddenly done in consequence of
an application from Boston to the Congress for their advice upon the
late measures of General Gage, in fortifying the neck of land that
leads into Boston. John Penn made, and Richard Penn accepted, the
offer of the naval office on the day of Hackley’s death. ^
MS not found; reprinted from extract in William T. Read, Life and Correspond¬
ence of George Read, a Signer of the Declaration of Independence . . . (Philadel¬
phia: J. B. Lippincott & Co., 1870) , pp. 94—96.
‘ See Caesar Rodney to Thomas Rodney, September 17, 1774.
Samuel Adams to Charles Chauncy
Revd Sir, Philadelphia Sep 19 1774
I have had the pleasure of receiving a Letter from you^ since my
September 19, 1774
83
Arrival in this City. Our Friend Mr Quincy informd me before I left
Boston of his Intention to take a Passage for England. I am perswad-
ed he may do great Service to our Country there. Agreable to his and
your Request I have desired Gentlemen here to make him known to
their Friends and Correspondents. Last Fryday Mr Revere brought
us the spirited and patriotick Resolves of our County of Suffolk. We
laid them before the Congress. They were read with great Applause,
and the inclosed Resolutions were unanimously passed, which give
you a faint Idea of the Spirit of the Congress. ^ I think I may assure
you that America will make a point of supporting Boston to the Ut¬
most. I have not time to enlarge, & must therefore conclude with as¬
suring you that I am with great Regard Your affectionate Humble
Servant Samuel Adams
RC (MHi) .
^ Charles Chauncy (1705-87) , Congregational minister of the First Church in
Boston and one of the most influential religious leaders in New England. DAB;
and Shipton, Harvard Graduates, 6:439-60.
MCC, 1:39-40.
Thomas Cushing to
Richard Devens and Isaac Foster, Jr.
Gentlemen Boston [i.e., Philadelphia] Sept. 19. 1774
We have received your Favor of the 5th Instant inclosing a Copy
of the Proceedings of the Comttee from the Several Towns &: districts
in the County of Middlesex and communicated them to the
Congress.! The Members of the Congress were highly pleased with
your Resolutions & much applaud The Wisdom, temperance and
Fortitude of your Conduct but as at the time your Proceedings came
to hand the Congress were very Busy 8c several large Committees
were closely engaged upon matters of great Importance there was
then no opportunity particularly to take under Consideration the
State of the Province of the Massachusetts Bay. However on the 16
Instant an Express arrived 8c brought us the Resolutions of the Coun¬
ty of Suffolk and as in the Letter Accompaning them there was an
express application to the Congress for advice. The affairs of the
Massachusetts were immediately taken up 8c several Resolutions
passed,^ which I now Inclose, approving of the Wisdom 8c Fortitude
with which our People in general had Conducted the opposition to the
late ministerial Measures. And we trust, they will strengthen the
hands 8c Comfort the hearts of the Freinds to American Liberty as
well as Confound 8c Discomfit its Enemies. In great haste I am in be-
579-852 0 - 77 - 8 Vol. 1
84
September 19, 1774
half of myself & Bretheren Your most humble Servt.
Thomas Cushing
RC (MHi).
* The proceedings of the Middlesex County Convention, which met at Concord
August 30-31, arrived at Congress on September 14. Congress took no concrete
action on the resolutions from Middlesex County, in contrast to its response to the
more militant Suffolk County Resolves.
* ]CC, 1:39-40.
Silas Deane to Elizabeth Deane
Monday Evening 11 oClock 19th Sepr. 1774
P.S. I shall possibly write again before I return, but not so lengthy, as
I am really hurried, and have many more engagements than I wish
for, though they are Agreeable. Am engaged to dine out every Day
this Week, once with Mr. Dickinson, Sc once with a Quaker just Mar¬
ried. You will begin to suspect We do nothing else, but I assure You
it is hard Work. We meet at Nine and set untill Three, by which
Time We are unable to do any thing but eat &: drink the rest of the
Day. Love to All. S.D.
I tell you on the other page that I shall not be so particular in my
future Letters. I shall not have Time for the Business of the Congress
having been at Committees, 8c the Committee I was upon having the
least Difficulty has given Me Time to scribble, but as both Commit¬
tees are Now ready to report We shall attend Night 8c Day untill We
get Through, or adjourn.^ I beleive We shall adjourn untill May
Next, but this is out Door Talk. If We do, I hope You will then have
an Opportunity of seeing this City which I do think is a healthy one,
8c my Countenance shows it for every one of my Quaker Freinds I
meet tells Me, Thee lookest very well Freind Dean.
RC (CtHi) . Conclusion of Deane to Elizabeth Deane, September 10-19, 1774.
^The committee “to examine & report the several statutes, which affect the trade
and manufactures of the colonies,” to which Deane was appointed September 7,
submitted its report to Congress September 17, which in turn referred it to the
committee "to state the rights of the Colonies.” JCC, 1:29, 40-^1.
Silas Deane to
Wethersfield Committee of Correspondence
Cientlemen, Philadelphia Sepr. 19th. 1774
I have the pleasure of inclosing to you Two Resolves of the Con-
September 19, 1774
85
gress, which were pass’d without one dissenting Voice, though all the
Members were present.^ I wish To have these dispersed through the
Colony, into every Town at least. Mr. Webb can inform you of the
general Sentiments of this part of the Contiilent. Particulars will not
be published by the Congress, untill they rise or adjourn, except in
those cases where it is judg’d. To be [publikly?] necessary. I may
take Liberty however to assure You that the greatest Unanimity has
hitherto prevailed among the Members. I am with regard Gentlemen
Your Most Obed. & most Hum. Servt. Silas Deane
P.S. Mr. Webb to whom I refer sets out Tomorrow, but Mr. Rever[e]
going this instant I forward by him.
RC (NNPM) .
^Undoubtedly the resolutions of September 17 endorsing the Suffolk Resolves.
]CC, 1:39-40.
Robert Treat Paine’s Diary
[September 19, 1774]
Wrote to Mr. Jos. Greenleaf 8c Joshua Bracket & David Cobb by
Mr. Revere who set out this morning. We dind at Dr. Rush’s.^
MS (MHi) .
^John Adams recorded for this day: “Dined with Dr. Rush in Company with
Dr. Shippen, and many others. Folsom and Sullivan , from N. Hampshire. Mr. Blair
Sec. 8cc." Adams, Diary (Butterfield) , 2:135.
Caesar Rodney to Thomas Rodney
Sir, Phila. Monday Sept, the 19th 1774.
I wrote you on Saturday by John Morris, the St. Jones’s Creek
Shallop man who was to leave town that night, with him also I direct¬
ed another paper inclosing the New York news-paper of Thursday
last. With this letter which will go by Matthew Henry’s Shallop, I
shall inclose you the Penna. packet of this day.
Some time ago, I do not doubt but you were all much alarmed on
a report that the King’s ships were firing on the town of Boston.
When that news came to this city the Bells were muffled 8c kept ring¬
ing all that day. However, in a few days after that news was contra¬
dicted here, 8c hope by this time it is so with you. By some late very
authentick acets. from Boston govt, to the gentn of that place now at
the Congress, We are informed that there was about 3 days between
this reports passing thro’ the Mass. 8c Conn, govts. 8c its being contra-
86
September 19, 1774
dieted. That when the expresses went to contradict this false report,
they found in those 2 govts, in different parties upward of 50,000
men well-armed, actually on their march to Boston for the relief of
the inhabitants 8c that every farmer who had a cart or waggon (8c not
able to bear arms) were with them loaded with provisions, ammuni¬
tion, baggage 8cc, all headed by experienced officers who had served
in the Late American war, 8c That vast numbers more were preparing
to march. Upon the news being contradicted, they returned peace¬
ably to their several places of abode — but not till they had sent some
of their officers from the different parties to Boston to know the real
situation of affairs there 8c to direct them what principal officers in
the different parts of the country they should hereafter send express¬
es to — in case they should stand in need of their assistance. It is sup¬
posed by some of the friends of liberty at Boston that the alarm was
set on foot by some of the friends to the ministerial plan in order to
try whether there was that true valor in the people. If this was the
case, I suppose you will think with me that by this time they can
have no doubts remaining. Indeed, I think it is proved by the Gens,
own conduct, for ever since that, he has been fortifying himself,
which I imagine is more for his own security than to attack the in¬
habitants. Yesterday afternoon Capt. All from London came up to
town. But no news that he may have bro’t has as yet transpired, ex¬
cept that friends to the American Cause are daily increasing on the
other side of the water. I am yours, Caesar Rodney
Tr (DLC).
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[September 19, 1774]
19th. The Congress met 8c resumed the Business 8c adjourned. ^
The Comee. met, resumed the Consideration of Rights 8c adjd. (Mr.
Hopkins sick.)
MS (RHi) .
^The "Business” in question was the report of the committee investigating
British statutes affecting American trade and manufacturers, which this day Con¬
gress considered and referred to the committee to state the rights of the colonies.
/CC, 1:40-41.
John Adams’ Diary
1774 Tuesday Septr. 20.
Had Cards a Week ago to dine with Mr. Maese [Mease] — but
September 20, 1774
87
forgot it, and dined at home. After We had dined after 4 O Clock,
Mr. Maes’s Brother came to our Lodgings after Us. We went, after
Dinner, and found Mr. Dickinson, Mifflin, Dr. Rush, Mr. West, Mr.
Biddle, and Captn. All and Mr. Maes’s Brother — a very agreable
Company. Our Regret at the Loss of this Company was very great.
Mr. Dickenson was very agreable.
A Question was started about the Conduct of the Bostonian Mer¬
chants since the Year 1770, in importing Tea and paying the Duty.
Mr. Hancock it is said has received the Freight of many Chests of
Tea. I think the Bostonian Merchants are not wholly justifiable — yet
their Conduct has been exaggerated. Their fault and guilt has been
magnified. Mr. Hancock I believe is justifiable, but I am not certain,
whether he is strictly so. He owned a Ship in Partnership with Geo.
Hayley, who is agreed here to be a ministerial Man, and Haley I sup¬
pose sent the Tea in the Ship.
MS (MHi) . Adams, Diary (Butterfield) , 2:135.
John Adams to Abigail Adams
Philadelphia Septr. 20. 1774. “I am anxious to know how you can
live without Government. But the Experiment must be tryed. The
Evils will not be found so dreadfull as you a[ppreh]end them.” Ex¬
tols the virtues of frugality and economy, which will save Americans
from “ignominious Domination.”
RC (MHi) . Adams, Family Correspondence (Butterfield) , 1:161.
Richard Henry Lee to William Lee
Dear Brother, Philadelphia 20th Septr 1774
We have been here in full Congress of Deputies from the Principal
Colonies near three weeks proceeding slowly but with great unanimi¬
ty on the important business that brought us to this Town. The pro¬
ceedings are yet on honor to be kept secret, but we have great hopes
that their vigor and unanimity will prove the ruin of our Ministerial
Enemies and the salvation of American Liberty. About a fortnight
more will produce a publication of our plan, after which you shall
have it by the first opportunity. Since we came to this place, a univer¬
sal alarm has been occasioned by a report that Boston had just been
Cannonaded. This proves not true, and took its rise from a night ma-
neuvre of the Generals, to seize some Provincial Powder that had
been stored by law for Militia uses. The report served however to
88
September 20, 1774
show the spirit and situation of the people in that part of America,
for we have good intelligence that 50,000 Men were in Arms in the
Massachusetts Government and Connecticut, and that 30,000 were
on march, well armed and provided, to Boston when they were in¬
formed all was peace at that place, on which they quietly returned
home. Does not this shew that no small difficulty will attend forcing a
submission from these people, and they are most firmly resolved to
dye rather than submit to the change of their Government. In this too
they will have the concurring support of the other Colonies as the
Congress have in fact already published their determination by ap¬
proving in strong terms the resolves of the County of Suffolk as the
ipclosed Paper will shew you. It seems to me, that if Ministry have
not their hearts hardened, as the Scripture has it, they will best con¬
sult the good of their Country and their own safety by a prudent and
speedy reversal of their ill judged measures. For they may be certain
of a full, complete, and steady opposition from all North America — I
mean every part of it that is worth regarding. Give my love to the
Doctor and communicate this letter to him.^
I heartily wish my Sister & yourself health and happiness.
Farewell. Richard Henry Lee
RC (NN) .
'Arthur Lee (1740-92), doctor, lawyer, diplomat, Massachusetts’ agent in Lon¬
don, 1770-75, was actively involved in British politics and an important source of
news from Britain. DAB; and Shipton, Harvard Graduates, 13:245-^.
Isaac Low to William Wickham and David Matthews
Gentlemen Philadelphia, September 20, 1774
I did not receive your favor of 16th instant time enough to answer
it by return of the post. Mr. Herring [Haring] has not yet made his
second appearance; nor did we imagine Mr. Wisner would have had
the confidence to present himself as a delegate after knowing the cir¬
cumstances which were communicated to us relative to his election. '
It was therefore thought by my colleagues most advisable to show
him your letters on that subject. He was not in the least disconcerted,
but expressed great satisfaction at being treated with so much can¬
dor, and in return thought himself bound in gratitude to show us with
equal frankness the certificates on which he founded his pretensions,
leaving us at full liberty afterwards to make such use of the intelli¬
gence received from you as we thought proper. From the face of his
certificates,^ the one signed by Col. IVincentJ Matthews, the other
by Ba[l]thazar De Hart (copies of which I now enclose), we were
of opinion his election would appear too regular to be set aside by
anything we could produce to the contrary; especially as the fact we
September 21, 1774
89
principally relied on, as related in a letter to you from Col. Mat¬
thews, the chairman, might seem to be in a great measure invalidated
by his certificate as chairman “at a meeting of the inhabitants of the
precincts of Goshen and Cornwall.” And Mr. De Hart’s certificate
might probably pass for those others of the county. Upon the whole
it was our unanimous opinion that we could not with any prospect of
success oppose Mr. Wisner’s qualifications on the evidence we were
yet possessed of, but to wait for the vouchers which you seem so de¬
termined to exhibit against him, which we must submit to your dis¬
cretion.
MS not found; reprinted from Franklin Burdge, A Second Memorial of Henry
Wisner (New York: Privately Printed, 1898) , pp. 15-16.
^John Haring and Henry Wisner were elected as delegates for Orange County
on August 16 at a meeting "of all the Committees of the County of Orange,”
reportedly attended by only 20 of the county’s estimated 1,000 eligible freeholders.
Wisner, perhaps in an effort to broaden his support, had his election confirmed on
September 3 at a meeting of the inhabitants of the Orange County precincts of
Goshen and Cornwall, after which he went to Philadelphia and took his seat in
Congress on the 14th. Wisner won this second election by only two votes, however,
and then alledgedly only through some electoral irregularities, which William
Wickham and David Matthews, both conservatives, described to Low in a letter of
September 16, now lost. Wisner managed to overcome the complaints of Wickham
and Matthews, as Low goes on to explain here, by producing certificates attesting
to the validity of his joint election with Haring in August and his own confirmato¬
ry election in September. Hence he retained his seat and was joined on the 26th by
Haring, who was then admitted to Congress. Burnett, who in this respect was
otherwise very scrupulous, knew that Wisner attended the First Congress but failed
to mention it in his record of Wisner’s service as a delegate. Burnett, Letters,
Llvii, 17n.l5; Am. Archives, 4th ser. 1:879; NYHS Collections 10 (1878) : 367;
and Burdge, Second Memorial, p. 15.
^ There are facsimile reprints of these certificates in G. Franklin Wisner, The
Wisners in America and their Kindred: A Genealogical and Biographical History
(Baltimore: Privately Printed, 1918) , pp. 25, 27.
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[September 20, 1774]
20th. The Comee. met, resumed &c, and adjourned. (Mr. Hopkins
sick.)
MS (RHi) .
John Adams’ Diary
1774. Wednesday. Septr. 21.
Captn. Callender came to breakfast with Us. Coll. Dagworthy and
90
September 21, 1774
his Brother Captn. Dagworthy breakfasted with Us. Mrs. Yard enter¬
tained Us, with Muffins, Buck Wheat Cakes and common Toast.
Buckwheat is an excellent grain, and is very plenty here. Attended
Congress from 9 to after 3.^ Rode out of Town six Miles to Mr.
Hills where we dined with Mr. Hill and Lady, Mr. Dickinson and his
Lady, Mr. Thompson and his Lady, old Mr. Meredith, father of Mrs.
Hill, Mr. Johnson of Maryland and Mr. Jo Reed.^
MS (MHi) . Adams, Diary (Butterfield) , 2:136.
^ Adams must have meant that he attended the committee to state the rights of
the colonies. JCC, 1:41.
“Robert Treat Paine also "dind at Mr. Henry Hills at his seat 6 miles out of
Town.” Robert Treat Paine’s diary, September 21, 1774, MHi.
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[September 21, 1774]
21st. The Comee. met, resumed & adjourned. (Mr. Hopkins sick.)
Desird a Congress to be held.i
MS (RHi) .
^ Since Congress was in adjournment September 20-21, Ward’s remark at the end
of this entry probably signified nothing more than a wish by the committee to
state the rights of the colonies (of which he was a member) for all the delegates
to reconvene in order to receive the committee’s report, as indeed they did on
September 22. JCC, 1:41-42.
John Adams’ Diary
1774. Thursday. Septr. 22.
Dined with Mr. Chew, Chief Justice of the Province, with all the
Gentlemen from Virginia, Dr. Shippen, Mr. Tilghman and many
others. 1 We were shewn into a grand Entry and Stair Case, and into
an elegant and most magnificent Chamber, untill Dinner. About four
O Clock We were called down to Dinner. The Furniture was all rich.
Turttle, and every other Thing — Flummery, Jellies, Sweetmeats of
20 sorts. Trifles, Whip’d Syllabubbs, floating Islands, fools — See., and
then a Desert of Fruits, Raisins, Almonds, Pears, Peaches-— Wines
most excellent and admirable. I drank Madeira at a great Rate and
found no Inconvenience in it.
In the Evening General Lee and Coll. Lee, and Coll. Dyer and
Mr. Deane, and half a Score friends from Boston came to our Lodg¬
ings. Coll. Lee staid till 12 o Clock and was very social and agreable.
MS (MHi) . Adams, Dmrv (Butterfield) , 2: 136.
September 23, 1774
91
^ In their diary entries for this date, both Robert Treat Paine and George
Washington explicitly noted their presence at Chews’ dinner. Robert Treat Paine’s
diary, September 22, 1774, MHi; Washington, Diaries (Fitzpatrick) , 2:165.
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[September 22, 1774]
22nd. The Congress met, made 8c ordered publick a Request to the
Merchts. not to import 8c also to direct a delay of Orders already sent
until the Congress came to Resolutions on that Point. ^ The Comee.
met afterwards.
MS (RHi) .
^ For the text of this resolution, see JCC, 1:41.
John Adams’ Diary
1774. Fryday. Sept. 23.
Walked along Second Street Southward, untill I got out of the City
into the Country. The Uniformity of this City is dissagreable to some.
I like it.
Dined with the late C[hief] Justice Allen — with all the Gentlemen
from North Carolina, and Mr. Hambleton [Hamilton], late Gover¬
nor — and Mr. Andrew Allen Attorney General.
We had much Conversation, about Mr. Franklin. The C[hief]
J[ustice] and Attorney General had much droll Chat together.
MS (MHi) . Adams, Diary (Butterfield) , 2:136-37.
Silas Deane to Elizabeth Deane
My Dear Friday 23d. Sepr. 1774
My last by S Webb brought Me down to Tuesday of this week, the
22d.i when he left Us, much regretted by the Younger Lodgers in
the Family and I assure You, not a little miss’d, by a Numerous, 8c I
may add a very genteel acquaintance in the City. I told you in my
Last That I could not in future be so particular, but as I gave you a
sketch of the S. Carolina, 8c Virginia Delegates and the North Caroli¬
na being now arrived I will fill up the space by telling You there are
Three of Them, Mr. Hooper, Mr. Caswell, 8c Mr. [Hewes] The
first is a Bostonian bred 8c Educated at Cambridge College, Class¬
mate with Jos. Trumbull: a Lawyer by profession, ingenious, polite.
92
September 23, 1774
spirited, 8c tolerably eloquent, the other Two are Men of about Forty,
to appearance of sedate, 8c settled Characters, well affected, to the
general Cause, but have not spoke as yet publicly. On Tuesday We
dined with Mr. Read [Joseph Reed], a Gentleman of the Law, very
polite, 8c sensible, he married the Boston Agent Mr Deberts Daugh¬
ter in London, and though small is of a most elegant figure, 8c coun¬
tenance. She is a Daughter of Liberty zealously affected in a good
Cause. On Wednesday We dined with Mr. Biddle, a Freind lately
married to a young Lady, in Rhode Island. He brought her home but
last Week. Her Name I think was [Cornel?^ of a Freind Family
there, though indeed the younger, 8c politer part of that profession in
this City are not distinguishable, but in a very few particulars, from
other people. Mr Biddle was a young Widower, is a peculiar Freind
to the New England People, and seems to have even a great preju¬
dice in their favor. It is not probable, that a most beautiful Young
Wife will alter his Opinion. Mr. Galloway, Mr. Hooper 8cc dined
with Us 8c Yesterday we dined with the Celebrated Pensylvania
Farmer alias Mr. Dickinson at his Country Seat Four Miles from
Town, a description of which must be omitted untill my Return.
Our Business You begin To Think proceeds slow, but it is not in
Consequence of any Divisions, or Altercation in the Congress but
from the vast, extensive, 8c lasting importance of the Questions before
Us. I wish. You could have come here, with Me. I think it is as
healthy a place, as any on the Continent, 8c other ways very agree¬
able. I fear I shall have too high an Opinion of this City, it is so much
to be preferr’d to New York in point of Civility, 8c hospitality, as well
as of frugality 8c Oeconomy, but the Country round, is vastly inferior
to Ours on Connecticut River, nor will any part except those Mead¬
ows I mentioned bear any Comparison with The Towns of Middle-
town, Wethersfield, Hartford 8cc. I expect a Lettr. by Tomorrows
post, so will not add untill I receive that. I am 8cc. SD
Saturday Evening. The post arrived, but no Letters, save one
Word from J Webb, 8c but one, have an Opjxjrtunity of sending this
in the morning therefore add tho: late at Evening that you or your
Freinds for you, must write me, more particularly. For here, I have
wrote, into Connecticut, more than One Hundred pages, 8c can re¬
ceive nothing in return, or what is worse than Nothing, a perfect un¬
certainty as to Your situation in point of Health. Nothing but the
Business before Us, could detain Me one Moment having seen, 8c
been acquainted with, all I wish connection with, in this City either
for Curiosity, or instruction, 8c to be detained Three Weeks longer
is intolerable in Thought. I will not therefore think of it — but praying
for Your Repose this Evening 8c your happiness forever subscribe
Your most Affectionate Husband Silas Deane
P.S. Sally, Hannah, Jesse, 8cc are in my Remembrance.
September 24, 1774
93
RC (CtHi) .
^ Deane apparently meant his letter of September 19, which Samuel Webb
carried with him when he left Philadelphia Tuesday, September 20.
“Joseph Hewes, who arrived with William Hooper September 14. Richard
Caswell took his seat September 17. JCC, 1:30-31.
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[September 23, 1774]
23rd. The Comee. met, considered Greivances & adjd.
MS (RHi) .
John Adams’ Diary
1774 Saturday. Septr. 24.
Dined with Mr. Charles Thompson, with only Mr. Dickenson, his
Lady and Niece in Company.^ A most delightfull Afternoon we had.
Sweet Communion indeed we had — Mr. Dickinson gave us his
Thoughts and his Correspondence very freely.
MS (MHi) . Adams, Diary (Butterfield) , 2; 137.
^Accompanying Adams was Robert Treat Paine who also “Din’d at Mr. Charles
Thompsons out of Town.’’ Robert Treat Paine’s diary, September 24, 1774, MHi.
John Adams’ Notes on
Means to be Pursued for a Restoration of Rights
September 24-October 12? 1774
Non Importation, Non Consumption, Non Exportation to Britain,
& W. Indies.
Petition to the King — Address to the People of England — Address
to the People of America.
Societies of Arts & Manufactures in every Colony.^
A Militia Law in every Colony. Encouragement of Militia & mili¬
tary Skill.2
Raising 500,000£ st. and 20,000 Men.
Offering to raise a sum of Money, and appropriate it to the Sup¬
port of the Navy.3
Sending home Agents from the Congress to negociate — and pro¬
pose an American Legislature.’^
94
September 24, 1774
Petitions
1. Petition to the King.
Agents to carry it.
2. Offers to raise Money 200,000£ say, & appropriate it to the
Support of the Navy.
Agents to negotiate this^ — and propose an American Legislature
— to lay Taxes in certain Cases & make Laws in certain others.
Addresses
3. Address to the People of England — & America — commercial
Struggle
4. Societies of Arts & Manufactures, in every Colony.
Auxiliary to.
5. N. Importation, N. Consumption, N. Exportation.
Preparations for War, procuring Arms
and Ordnance, 8c military Stores
6. Raising Money and Men.
7. A Milita Law in every Colony. Encouragement of Militia and
military skill.
MS (MHi) . Adams, Diary (Butterfield), 2:145-46. This entry consists of two lists,
written on separate sheets of paper and separated by several pages, in Adams’ loose
notes of debates in Congress. The various subjects listed are topics discussed
intermittently during debates on “the means most proper to be pursued for a
restoration of our rights,” which took place between September 24 and October 12.
The second list— the numbered items organized under the headings “Petitions,”
“Addresses,” and “Preparations for War, procuring Arms and Ordnance, & military
Stores”— is little more than a rearrangement of the first.
' Incorporated into the eighth item of the Association adopted October 20, 1774.
JCC, 1:78.
^ See Richard Henry Lee’s Proposed Resolution, October 3, 1774.
^ Discussed under the heading “Aids from the Colonists for the Defence of the
Empire,” among James Duane’s Propositions before the Committee on Rights,
September 7-22, 1774.
‘Recommended by Joseph Galloway, September 28. John Adams’ Notes of
Debates, September 28, 1774.
Samuel Adams to Joseph Warren?
My dear sir Philadelphia Sept [24] 1774
Your Letter of the 12 Instant directed to Mr Cushing and others
came duly to hand. The Subject of it is of the greatest Importance. It
is difficult at this Distance to form a Judgment with any Degree of
Accuracy of what is best to be done. The Eastern and Western
Counties appear to differ in Sentiment with regard to the two Meas¬
ures mentiond in your Letter. This Difference of Sentiment might
produce opposition in Case either part should be taken. You know
September 24, 1774
95
the vast Importance of Union. That Union is most likely to be ob-
taind by a Consultation of Deputies from the several Towns either in
a house of Representatives or a provincial Congress. But the Ques¬
tion still remains, which Measure to adopt. It is probable the people
would be most united as they would think it safest to abide by the
present form of Government, I mean according to the Charter. The
Governor has been appointed by the Crown according to the Chart¬
er, but he has placed himself at the head of a different Constitution.
If the only constitutional Council chosen last May have honesty and
Courage enough to meet with the Representatives chosen by the Peo¬
ple by Virtue of the last Writ and joyntly proceed to the publick
Business, would it not bring the Governor to such an explicit Con¬
duct as either to restore the General Assembly or give the two houses
a fair Occasion to declare the Chair vacant, in which Case the Coun¬
cil would hold it till another Governor should be appointed. This
would immediately reduce the Government prescribed in the
Charter, and the people would be united in what they would easily
see to be a constitutional opposition to Tyranny. You know there is a
Charm in the Word Constitutional.
FC (NN) . Unsigned draft in the hand of Samuel Adams; recipient designated in
Adams, Writings (Cushing), 3:156-57. The document provides no clue to its exact
date, but Adams’ September 25 letter to Warren stating that “I wrote you yester¬
day” suggests that he wrote this letter on September 24.
John Jay to John Vardill
Dear Vardill Philadelphia 24 Septr 1774
The Reel, of your Letter (which Mr Laight kindly forwarded to
this Place) was exceedingly grateful to me.^ I am so attached to my
old Friends that I feel myself interested in all that concerns them, 8c
am always happy in hearing of their Welfare.
I am most obliged to you for the political Hints containd in your
Letter. I wish they had as much Influence on others as they have
upon me.
The Indignation of all Ranks of People is very much roused by the
Boston 8c Canada Bills. God knows how the Contest will end. I sin¬
cerely wish it may terminate in a lasting Union with Great Britain. I
am obliged to be very reserved on this Subject by the Injunction of
Secrecy laid on all the Members of the Congress, and tho I am aware
of the Confidence I might repose in your Prudence, I must nevertheless
submit to the Controul of Honour perhaps on this occasion too deli¬
cate. By the next opportunity I hope I shall be able to be more ex¬
plicit. You may then expect my Sentiments at large.
I thank you for the Attention you pay to certain other matters.
96
September 24, 1774
Nothing in your Letter pleases me more than the Circumstance of
your returning to us in the Spring.
Pray inform me whether you ever see or hear of my Brother
James. Where is he, what is he doing? We have reed, no Letters from
him for some time past. Be so kind as to forward the inclosed to him.
Adieu my dear Vardill. I am your Friend John Jay
RC (PRO: A.O. 15, 105) .
’^John Vardill (1749-1811), fellow and professor of natural law at King’s Col¬
lege, New York, journeyed to London in 1774 to seek prefennent. His efforts to
attract important New York leaders to the king’s cause won him an appointment
as King’s College Regius Professor of Divinity, an office which he never exercised.
Detained in England by the war, Vardill became an agent for William Eden,
under secretary of state and head of the British Secret Service. An earlier letter by
Jay declining Vardill’s offer of an official post is located in PRO: A.O. 13, 105 and
partially printed in Frank Monaghan, John Jay, Defender of Liberty against Kings
& Peoples, Author of the Constitution & Governor of New York, President of the
Continental Congress, Co-Author of the Federalist, Negotiator of the Peace of 178J
& the Jay Treaty of 1794, First Chief Justice of the United States (Indianapolis:
Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1935), pp. 53-54. For Vardill’s career in England, see Lewis
Einstein, Divided Loyalties: Americans in England during the War of Independ¬
ence (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1933) , pp. 51-71.
Caesar Rodney to Thomas Rodney
Sir, Philadelphia Sepr 24th 1774, Saturday
There is little or nothing new since I Wrote you last; I think I
wrote you of Mr. Hawkley’s death and that Mr Richard Penn had
got his office. 1 I have now the pleasure to tell you of a Truith that in
this the Governor has the whole and Sole Merit, and that it has
brought about an entire Reconciliation, Mr. Penn has (since) been
to See the Governor and the Governor him, their wives have also
Visited. I shall tell you more of this Matter if I live to see you. Mr.
R. Penn is a great friend to the Cause of Liberty and has treated the
Gentlemen delegates with the greatest Resp>ect. More or less of them
dine with him every day, and his brother Wishes his Station would
admit of his acting the same part. All these Matters are for your own
private Speculation, and not for Public View, by this you may see
that Some p>eople with you are Mistaken in their Politic’s, and you
may also take for granted every Body here are not Well pleased with
the coalition of the two Brothers.
Since I wrote last Fortner and Allen two London ships Quite full
Came to. town and are now nearly discharged. There are three or
four more Exp>ected verry soon, in Short every Body say half the
Quantity of Dry goods never was before imported, as now are, and
September 24, 1774
97
likely to be this fall. So that it will not be necessary for you to Come
up for the purpose of purchasing till after the Election. You may tell
those whom it may Concern that Misses Charlton who used to take in
Some of our Kent Ladies to Lodge, Was buried the day before Yes¬
terday from Whence they will (no Doubt) Readily Suppose She is
dead.
This Letter is intended to Come by Allen McClain by Whom I
Shall Send you the Last Wednesday’s paper Which will furnish you
with the News up to that time. This day the post Came in by Whom
we have the Boston News, Wherein is inserted General Gages’s an¬
swer to the Committee for the County of Suffolk Whoes address to
him you had in the last paper I sent you. His answer is to the follow¬
ing purport — Gentmn: 1 have no intention to Stop up the pass be¬
tween the Town and the Country, hut that the people Shall pass and
Repass as usual without Molestation; I have no intention to disturb
the peace and Quiet of the inhabitants of the Town; But as I find the
people of the Massachuset’s Bay are determined not to Submit to the
Several Acts of Parliament, Shall Write to his Majesty for further in¬
structions &zt. or to this Effect.
From this you Will readily Suppose the General is about to Act a
prudent part. Query, was he not friten’d into that prudence by the
manly prudent opposition of the inhabitants of that Government. I
have never Reed but one Letter from you Since I Came up, and Can
say of a Truith I never wanted to have one from you much more
than at present, therefore live in hopes everyday that Some Chance
hand will throw one in my way. I Expected one of the Shallops
would have been here by this time but Can neither see or hear any
thing of them. Tell Betsy and Sally that I have not got well Yet, and
that I have verry little Expectation that I Shall While I am under the
necessaty of Spending all those that ought to be my Leisure Hours, in
Feasting or be thought to neglect those who kindly invite. However
Remember me kindly to them both, and tell Caesar that I will send
his fiddle by the first Shallop. I am as Usual Your friend. Relative, &
humble Servt. Caesar Rodney
P.S. I have inclosed you a Request from the Congress to the Mer¬
chants, that [you'] might know in time what they may Expect.^
RC (PHi) .
^ See Rodney to Thomas Rodney, September 17, 1774.
^An allusion to a resolution of September 22, calling upon American merchants
to cancel “any orders for goods” from Great Britain until Congress decided “on the
means to be taken for the preservation of the liberties of America.” Congress
formally adopted a nonimportation agreement on September 27. JCC, 1:41, 43.
98
September 24, 1774
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[September 24, 1774]
24th. Congress met, considered Rights, Greivances & Ways &
Means & adjd.
MS (RHi) .
Samuel Ward to Samuel Ward, Jr.
My dearest Children Philadelphia 24th Septr. 1774
The Letters which I first received from Nancy & Sammy gave Me
great Pleasure, to find that you bore the Shock which the News from
Boston must give you so well and that such a Spirit prevailed in the
Town and in my own Family in particular gave Me the highest Satis¬
faction. A noble Ardor prevailed here. We proposed turning the
Congress into a Council of War (had the News been confirmed
which was much doubted) and some had Thoughts of removing to
Rhode Island that We might be at Hand to give any necessary Ad¬
vice.
The Accts. given Me by Nancy & Kitty of the last Stage in this
fleeting World of that blessed Child whom infinite Goodness hath re¬
moved from Pain & Sickness to a Country where all sighing Sc Sorrow
are excluded effected Me much.^ Though daily thought of and ex¬
pected I could have been glad to have been present Sc enjoyed the di¬
vine Instructions Given to all around her. May they sink deep into
every Heart, may those who are not yet prepared for the last Change
be sensible that youth is no Security against Death and immediately
sett about that great, I was going to say only important Business of
this Life, a due Preparation for Death and may you all learn that in
that happy Situation Death though sometimes a painful is a kind 8c
most desirable Messenger to introduce You to real and eternal Life
and Bliss. I wuld have been glad to have performed the last offices to
that dear Saint but some other had the melancholy Pleasure of clos¬
ing her Eyes and it is enough that She is happy. May We all (as She
desired) Give Glory to God.
I have enclosed you two Hand Bills^ which you’l carefully send to
your Uncle Ward and desire him to get printed in the Newport and
Providence Papers as soon as possible. What has been done in Con¬
gress relative to the Massachusetts You’l have in the Paper probably
before this reaches you.
I long to write to your Aunts 8c to each of you but go into Con¬
gress about 9 o’clock A.M. sitt until 3 or after, dine at 4 or after
September 25, 1774
99
that. The Remainder of the Day is necessary for Relaxation Sc my
Eyes are such I dont think it prudent to write by Candle Light. I fear
my Friends will take it unkindly & how to help it I know not but shall
comply with their Expectations as much as possible.
Give my most affectionate Regards to your Aunts and to all my
immediate Connections.
I reed, a kind Letter from Mr. Ethan Clarke but could write him
nothing certain, in my next may be able.
May God of his infinite Mercy preserve You from all evil and lead
You in the Way everlasting. Your most affectionate Father
Sam: Ward
[P.S.] I say nothing about my own Business because of the
Sabbath.3
RC (RHi) . Addressed: “To Mr. Samuel Ward Junr. In (Rhode Island) Westerly."
^ A reference to the death on September 8 of Ward’s eldest daughter, Hannah.
See Ward to Samuel Ward, Jr., September 9, 1774.
^Very likely these were broadsides containing Congress’ resolution of September
22, requesting American merchants to suspend importations of British goods until
Congress had publicly announced “the means to be taken for the preservation of
the liberties of America.’’ For a facsimile reproduction of the broadside with the
September 22 resolution see the page facing JCC, 1:42.
®Ward was a Sabbatarian Baptist who observed the Sabbath on Saturday. Ward,
Correspondence (Knollenberg) , p. 20; Frank S. Mead, Handbook of Denominations
in the United States, 2d ed. rev. (New York: Abingdon Press, 1961) , pp. 50-51.
John Adams to Abigail Adams
My Dear Phyladelphia Septr. 25. 1774^
I would not loose the Opportunity of writing to you — tho I must
be short.
Tedious, indeed is our Business. Slow, as Snails. I have not been
used to such Ways.
We sit only before Dinner. We dine at four O Clock. We are
crowded with a Levee in the Evening.
Fifty Gentlemen meeting together, all Strangers, are not acquaint¬
ed with Each others Language, Ideas, Views, Designs. They are
therefore jealous, of each other — fearfull, timid, skittish, — ^
RC (MHi) . Adams, Family Correspondence (Butterfield) , 1:162-65.
^Adams’ activities this Sunday included attendance at a Quaker Meeting and
supper at the home of Stephen Collins. Adams, Diary (Butterfield) , 2:137.
‘‘This unfinished letter was probably not sent; it bears no seal, address, or
endorsement.
579-852 0 - 77 - 9 Vol. 1
100
September 25, 1774
Samuel Adams to Joseph Warren?
My dear sir Phil Sept. 25th 1774
I wrote you yesterday by the Post. A frequent Communication at
this critical Conjuncture is necessary. As the all important American
Cause so much depends upon each Colony acting agreably to the
Sentiments of the whole it must be useful to you to know the Senti¬
ments which are entertaind here of the Temper and Conduct of our
Province. Heretofore we have been accounted by many, intemp>erate
and rash; but now we are universally applauded as cool and judicious
as well as Spirited and brave. This is the Character we sustain in
Congress. There is however a certain Degree of Jealousy in the
Minds of some that we aim at total Independency not only of the
Mother Country but of the Colonies too: and that as we are a hardy
and brave People we shall in time over run them all. However
groundless this Jealousy may be, it ought to be attended to, and is of
Weight in your Deliberations on the Subject of your last Letter. I
spent yesterday Afternoon and Evening with Mr. Dickinson. He is a
true Bostonian. It is his opinion that if Boston can safely remain on
the defensive the Liberties of America which that Town have so nob¬
ly contended for will be secured. The Congress have in their resolve
of the 17 Instant given their Sanction to the Resolutions of the Coun¬
ty of Suffolk^ — One of which is to act merely upon the defensive so
long as such Conduct may be justified by Reason Sc the principles of
Self preservation, but no longer. They have great Dependence upon
your tryed Patience and fortitude. They suppose you mean to de¬
fend your civil Constitution. They strongly recommend Perseverance
in a firm & temperate Conduct and give you a full pledge of their
united Efforts in your Behalf. They have not yet come to final reso¬
lutions. It becomes them to be deliberate^ I have been assured in pri¬
vate Conversation with Individuals that if you should be driven to
the Necessity of acting in Defence of your Lives or Liberty, you
would be justified by their Constituents and openly supported by all
Means in their power but whether they will ever be prevaild upon to
think it necessary for you to set up another form of Government, I
very much question for the Reason I have before suggested. It is of
the greatest Importance that the American opposition should be unit¬
ed, and that it should be conducted so as to concur with the opposi¬
tion of our friends in England. Adieu.
FC (NN) . Unsigned draft in the hand of Samuel Adams; recipient designated in
Adams. Writings (Cushing) , 3:157.
VCC, 1:39-40.
September 25, 1774
101
Robert Treat Paine’s Diary
[September 25, 1774]
Fine day. A.M. [Wind Rains?] Stopped. P.M. to Quaker Meet¬
ing. General Meeting of Quakers in Philada. Evening reed letters
from J. Greenleaf, B. Kent 8c J. Palmer.
MS (MHi) .
George Read to Gertrude Read
Sunday Morning half past 7 O’Clock [September 25? 1774]^
My dear Gitty
This being Sunday Morning I was in hopes Betsey Biddle wou d
have set off to see you but she went to Pat. Turners yesterday 8c did
not return last Evening. I have not seen her since this day Week
though we are in the same Street and hardly A Square s distance.
The day is Consumed in this Way — Shaving, Washing, breakfasting,
waiting an Hour for the Barber’s coming, near half an Hour under
his hands — running to the Congress, sitting there ’till 3 O Clock then
running to dine upon Invitation — waiting an hour before dinner ap-
p)ears — then running home to avoid the Night Air. Not A moment to
spare is disagreeable yet very little in all the bustle. We are wide of
our business. I shall send the Carriage down this Week that you may
return with it when you please but think the sooner the better on Ac¬
count of the Weather. This is to go by Mr. Barclay who is waiting. I
dine to day at Gurney’s where I expect to meet Mr. Biddle — tomor¬
row at Mr. Dickinson’s a 2d time and Wednesday at Mr. Rd. Penn’s
8cc. This is tiresome duty. Prepare to come up as I wish to see You. I
cannot come to you but conclude abruptly yours most Affectly.
Geo. Read
RC (MdHi photostat) .
‘ Read’s remarks indicate that he wrote this letter during September, but atter
he had been in Philadelphia some time. Since he wrote another letter to Mrs. Read
on September 18, he must have written this one September 25. Richard Penn
entertained the delegates (an invitation mentioned by Read) on Wednesday,
September 28. John Adams’ Diary, September 28, 1774.
George Washington to Joseph Ghew
Dear Sir, Philadelphia Sept. 25. 1774
It would have given me sincere pleasure to have serv d you in your
request of March the 10th (which by the by did not come to my
102
September 25, 1774
hands till sometime late in May; after Colo. Pendleton, at the desire
of Mr. Maddison, had made an unsuccesful application to Lord
Dunmore for the Land you claim under your Brother Colby; whose
merits well entitles his heir to the Kings bounty) I say to have
serv’d you in this affair would have given me a singular pleasure,
and I should have set about the work with great chearfulnejs had I
not in an exact similar Instance been repuls’d by his Lordship before;
and made acquainted much abt. that time, by him, that he had just
receivd orders to grant no more Lands to any person whatsoever till
his Majestys further pleasure should be known. In consequence of
which (though it would not, he added affect the Warrants he had
granted antecedant thereto, and which were many) he absolutely re¬
fused to Issue Warrants to those who personally applied. Under these
Circumstances, and, as I before observed, a refusal to Colo. Pendle¬
ton, I Judg’d it altogether inexpedient to apply till things should put
on a different face; but if I can at any time hereafter serve you in
this, or any other matters, I shall do it with great chearfulness, as I
shall always retain a grateful Remembrance of the Civilities I have
receivd at your hands.
It gave me exceeding great concern to hear that any untoward ac¬
cident or losses should injure you either in your property, or domes-
tick felicity — and the more so, as the death of Sir William Johnson,
on whom you seem’d to rely, may possibly be attended with some ad¬
ditional misfortune.
In respect to the New Government on the Ohio, I scarce know
what acct. to give you of it. For four years last past we have been
told that the next Packet was to bring a confirmation of the Grant
8cc. This is still the cry among the friends to that Government in this
City, but the authorities for the Report I am ignorant of. In the
meanwhile, the Country is filling with People, and but for the dis¬
turbances with the Indians, I suppose by next Spring all the valuable
Lands within the limits of their Grant would have been claim’d if not
settled. What will be the consequence of all this I know not — great
confusion I fear will ensue if the Government should take place.
Not knowing before, in what manner to convey a Letter to you, is
the cause of My silence till this time, & not the want of Inclination as
I shall always be glad to hear from you — being Dr Sir Yr. Most
Obedt. Servt. G. Washington
RC (NjHi).
Joseph Chew (ca. 1725-98) , of Orange County, Va., a cousin of James Madison,
Sr., had solicited Washington’s favor in behalf of an application for a land grant
based on his late brother’s service in Washington’s Virginia regiment during the
French and Indian War. James Madison, The Papers of James Madison, ed.
William T. Hutchinson and William M. E. Rachal (Chicago: University of Chica¬
go Press, 1962—) , l;69n. His letter is in DLC: Washington Papers, and is printed in
Stanislaus M. Hamilton, ed.. Letters to Washington and Accompanying Papers:
September 26, 1774
103
Published by the Society of the Colonial Dames of America, 5 vols. (Boston:
Houghton Mifflin Co., 1898-1902) , 4:351-53. Washington had been especially active
since 1770 in pursuit of claims promised the volunteers of 1754. Freeman, Wash¬
ington, 3:chaps. 13-14.
John Adams’ Notes of Debates
[September 26-27? 1774] i
Mr. Lee made a Mo[tion] for a Non Importation.
Mr. Mifflin. The 1st of Novr. ought to be fixed, for no honest or¬
ders were sent after the first of June. Orders are generally sent in
April and May. But the Intention was known, of a Non Importation.
Coll. Bland. I think the Time ought to be fixed, when Goods are
shipp’d in Great Britain, because a ship may have a long Voyage.
Mr. Gadsden. For the 1st of Novr. We may be deceived and de¬
frauded, if we fix it to the Time when Goods are shipped.
Coll. Lee. Invoices have been antedated.
Mr. John Rutledge. I think all the Ways and Means should be
proposed.
Mr. Mifflin. Proposes Stoppage of Flax seed and Lumber to the
West Indies — and Non Importation of dutied Articles — to com¬
mence 1st. Aug. 1775.
Mr. Chace. Force, I apprehend is out of the Question, in our present
Enquiry.
In 1770, the annual Tax was 13 millions. Last Year it was only 10
millions.
Land Tax, Malt Tax, p>erpetual Funds, amount to only 10 mil¬
lions. They are com{>elled to raise 10 millions in time of Peace.
The Emigrations from G. Britain prove that they are taxed as far
as they can bear.
A total Non Import and Non Export to G. Britain and W. Indies
must produce a national Bankruptcy, in a very short Space of Time.
The foreign Trade of G. Britain is but four Million and an half.
As great a Man as ever Britain produc’d, calculated the Trade with
the Colonies at two Millions. I believe the Importation to the Colo¬
nies now represented, may be three millions.
A Non Exportation amounts to 3 millions more, and the Debt due
to four Million. Two thirds in the Colonies, are cloathed in British
Manufactures. Non Exportation of vastly more importance than a
Non Importation — it affects the Merchants as well as Manufactur¬
ers, the Trade as well as the Revenue.
60 thousand Hdds. of Tobacco — 225 british Ships employed.
I am for a Non Exportation of Lumber to W. Indies immediately.
The Importance of the Trade of the West Indies to G. Britain al¬
most exceeds Calculation.
104
September 26, 1774
The Sugar carries the greatest Revenue — the Rum a great deal.
If you dont stop the Lumber immediately, you cant stop it at all. If
it takes Place immediately, they cant send home their next Years
Crop.
A Non Exportation at a future day, cannot avail us.
What is the Situation of Boston and the Massachusetts.
A Non Exportation at the Virginia Day, will not opperate before
the fall 1766 [1776].
I[t] would not affect the Trade of the Colonies to the Mediterra¬
nean or other Parts of the World.
I am for a more distant Day than the first of November.
Mr. Linch. We want not only Redress, but speedy Redress. The
Mass, cant live without Government I think one Year. Nothing less
than what has been proposed, by the Gentleman last sf>eaking, will
put the Colonies in the State I wish to see them in. I believe the Par¬
liament would grant us immediate Relief. Bankrupcy would be the
Consequence if they did not.
Mr. Gadsden. By saving our own Liberties, we shall save those of
the West Indies. I am for being ready, but I am not for the sword.
The only Way to prevent the sword from being used is to have it
ready.
’Tho the Virginians are tied up, I would be for doing it without
them.
Boston and New England cant hold out — the Country will be del¬
uged in Blood, if We dont Act with Spirit. Dont let America look at
this Mountain, and let it bring forth a Mouse.
Mr. Chace. We cant come into a Non Exportation immediately
without Virginia.
Mr. Cushing. For a Non Importation, Non Exportation and Non
Consumption, and immediately.
Coll. Bland. It has been our Glory [. . . .]^
Mr. Hooper. We make some Tobacco. I was instructed to Protest
vs. Petitioning alone.
Tar, Pitch, and Turpentine We can ship nowhere but to Great
Britain. The whole of the Subsistence of the People in the Southern
Parts, are from naval Stores.
G. Britain cannot do without Naval Stores, from N. Carolina,
Mr. Ed. Rutledge. A Gentleman from the other End of the Room
talked of Generosity. True Equality is the only public Generosity. If
Virginia raises Wheat instead of Tobacco they will not suffer. Our
Rice is an enumerated Commodity. We shall therefore loose all our
Trade.
I am both for Non Im and Exportation to take Place immediately.
Mr. Henry. We dont mean to hurt even our Rascalls — if We have
any. I move that December may be inserted instead of November.
September 26, 1774
105
Mr. Jay. Negociation, suspension of Commerce, and War are the
only three things. War is by general Consent to be waived at present.
I am for Negociation and suspension of Commerce.^
Coll. Lee. All Considerations of Interest and Equality of Sacrifice
should be laid aside.
Produce of the other Colonies, is carried to Markett, in the same
Year when it is raised, even Rice.
Tobacco is not untill the next Year.
Mr. Sullivan. We export Masts, Boards, Plank, Fish, Oil and some
Potash. Ships, we load with Lumber for the West Indies, and thence
carry Sugar to England and pay our Debts that Way.
Every kind of Lumber, We export to West Indies.
Our Lumber is made in Winter. Our Ships sale in Jany. or Feby.
for W. Indies.
Coll. Dyer. They have now drawn the Sword, in order to execute
their Plan, of subduing America. And I imagine they will not sheath
it, but that next Summer will decide the Fate of America.
To withdraw all Commerce with Great Britain at once, would
come upon them like a Thunder Clap. By what I heard Yesterday,
G. Britain is much more in our Power, than I expected — the Masts
from the Northward — the Naval Stores from N. Carolina.
We are struggling for the Liberties of the West Indies and of the
People of G. Britain as well as our own — and perhaps of Europe.
Stopping the Flax Seed to Ireland would greatly distress ’em.
Govr. Ward.
Mr. Cushing. Whoever considers the present State of G. Britain
and America must see the Necessity of spirited Measures. G.B. has
drawn the sword against Us, and nothing prevents her sheathing it in
our Bowells but Want of Sufficient Force.
I think it absolutely necessary to agree to a Non Importation Non
Exportation immediately.^
MS (MHi) . Adams, Diary (Butterfield) , 2:137-40.
^Although the MS is undated, it contains debates on "the means most proper to
be used for a restoration of American rights.” The topic was introduced on
September 24 and debated at length on September 26 and 27. JCC, 1:42-43. See
also Adams, Diary (Butterfield) , 2:140n for a description of the MS.
^ Adams failed to finish the sentence.
® There is a break here in the MS, and the continuation was probably written at
another time or with another pen. Although there is no apparent shift in the
subject of the debate, Adams’ notes to this point may pertain to debates which
occurred September 26, while the following paragraphs pertain to September 27.
* Although there is no significant break in the MS at this point, the next
paragraph clearly covers Galloway’s remarks delivered at the time he submitted his
Plan of Union on September 28. The remainder of the MS is therefore printed
separately under that date.
106
September 26, 1774
John Adams to Joseph Palmer
Dr Sir Phyladelphia September 26. 1774
Yesterday I had the Pleasure of receiving yours of the fourteenth
Instant, for which I am very much obliged to you. I receive a greater
Pleasure from the Letters of my Friends, than ever, and every Line
We receive is of Use to us.
Before this reaches you, the Sense of the Congress concerning
your Wisdom, Fortitude and Temperance, in the Massachusetts in
general and the County of Suffolk in particular, will be public, in our
Country. It is the universal Sense here that the Mass. Acts and Mur¬
der Act ought not to be Submitted to a Moment. But then, when you
ask the Question what is to be done? they answer Stand Still. Bear,
with Patience. If you come to a Rupture with the Troops all is lost.
Resuming the first Charter, Absolute Independency &c are Ideas
which Startle People here.
It Seems to be the general opinion here that it is practicable for
Us, in the Massachusetts to live wholly without a Legislature and
Courts of Justice as long as will be necessary to obtain Relief. If it is
practicable, the general Opinion is, that We ought to bear it. The
Commencement of Hostilities is exceedingly dreaded here. It is
thought that an Attack upon the Troops, even tho it should prove
successful! and triumphant, would certainly involve the whole Conti¬
nent in a War. It is generally thought here that the Ministry would
rejoice at a Rupture in Boston, because that would furnish him with
an Excuse to the People at home, and unite them with him in an
opinion of the Necessity of pushing Hostilities against Us.
On the Contrary, the Delegates here and other Persons from all
Parts, are universally, very Sanguine, that if Boston and the Massa¬
chusetts can possibly Steer a middle Course between Obedience to
the Acts, and open Hostilities with [thel Troops, the Exertions of
the Colonies, will procure a total Change of Measures and full Re¬
dress for us.
However my Friend, I cannot, at this Distance pretend to judge. We
must leave all to your Superiour Wisdom.
What you propose. Sir, of holding out Some Proposal which shall
shew our Willingness to pay for our Protection at Sea is a Subject,
often mentioned in private Conversations here. Many Gentlemen have
pursued the Thought, and digested their Plans. But what is to be the
Fate of them I cant say.
It is my opinion. Sir, that We do our full Proportion towards the
Protection of the Empire, and towards the Support of the naval
Power. To the Support of the Standing Army, We ought never to
contribute voluntarily.
A gentleman, put into my Hands a Plan, a few Days ago, for of-
September 27, 1774
107
fering to raise 200,000 £. St[erling] annually and to appropriate it
to the maintenance of a Ship of War.
But is not this Surrendering our Liberty? I have not Time however
to discuss these Questions, at present. I hop>e to have the Pleasure of
considering these Things in private Ck)nversation. Mean Time, I pray
God to direct assist and protect you, and all our Friends, amidst the
Dangers that Surround you.
Am glad to hear Mr. Cranch is about taking Refuge at Braintree. I
wish every living Creature, except the Tories, was well provided for
in the Country. My Respects to all your worthy Family. I remain,
with great Respect your Friend 8c humb Sevt John Adams^
RC (MeHi) .
^ In his diary Adams recorded these activities for the day. "Dined at old Dr.
Shippens with Mr. And Mrs. Blair, young Dr. Shippen, the Jersey Delegates and
some Virginians. Afterwards went to the Hospital and heard another Lecture upon
Anatomy, from young Dr, Shippen.” Adams, Diary (Butterfield) , 2:137.
Robert Treat Paine’s Diary
[September 26, 1774]
Fine weather. Dind Dr. Shippten. P.M. went to Hospital. Wrote to
J. Greenleaf, Dr. Cobb.
MS (MHi) .
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[September 26, 1774]
26th. The Congress met agreed upon non Importation* 8c ad-
journd.
MS (RHi) .
^ Although Congress generally agreed on the desirability of nonimportation in
its debates on September 26, not until the next day did it approve a formal
resolution in favor of this action. John Adams’ Notes of Debates, September 26-27,
1774; JCC, 1:42-43.
Samuel Adams’ Notes on Trade
[September 27? 1774]*
A Suspension of our Trade with G B will leave the Value of 2
Million Sterling in Manufactures 8c India goods on their hands.
108
September 27, 1774
It will shorten the Revenue near one million, one half of which
arises from Tobacco.
It will deprive them of many raw Materials viz Indigo, potash.
Lumber, Iron, Pitch, Tar See.
A Suspension of Trade with the W Indies — they will want Lumber
to save their Crops — provision to feed their Slaves — Horses to work
their Lands. Britain will feel it severely, for many Plantations are
ownd there — those which are ownd in the West Indies owe to British
Merchts one Crop before it is made.
Stoping Exportation of Flax Seed to Ireland will put at least
300,000 Linnen Manufacturers out of Employ — 34000 hhds are
usualy exported from America in the Winter — the Irish can get but
little from Holland or elsewhere — half the Irish Linnen Manufacture
is due to G B before it is made. Many Gentn & members of Par in
Engd own Estates in Ireland.
MS (NN) . In the hand of Samuel Adams.
^ After devoting several days to "consideration of the general state of American
rights,’’ the delegates decided on September 24 to “deliberate on the means most
proper to be pursued for a restoration of our rights,” and on September 26-27
discussed suspension of trade with Britain as a “means” to be used to obtain
restoration of those rights. On the 27th Congress resolved to begin nonimportation
effective December 1, 1774, and on the 30th voted to prohibit “the exportation of
all merchandize and every commodity whatsoever to Great Britain, Ireland and the
West Indies” effective September 10, 1775. JCC, 1:42-43, 51-52. Simultaneously a
committee was appointed to prepare a plan to carry these resolves into effect, and
at various times during the following week Congress debated a motion for the
immediate suspension of certain exports upon which Britain was particularly
dependent— a proposal that was not finally rejected until October 6. It was surely
in the context of weighing the impact of a suspension of trade with Britain that
Adams drafted these notes, but it is not known when or for what specific purpose
they were prepared, although it seems more likely that they were written before
rather than after the nonimportation resolution of September 27 was adopted.
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[September 27? 1774]
27th. The Congress met & conside [re] d non Imp [ortatio] n & non
Exp[ortatio] n.^
MS (RHi) .
^ Ward probably wrote this passage on September 30 or October 1 . The ptassage
itself has been inserted into a small space in the MS between Ward’s entries for
September 26 and 28. Since Ward initially misdated his diary entries for September
28, 29, and 30 one day too early and did not rectify his error until September 30 or
October 1, the obvious conclusion is that at this time Ward also realized that he
had made no entry for September 27 and inserted the entry printed above.
September 28, 1774
109
John Adams’ Diary
1774. Wednesday. Sept. 28.
Dined with Mr. R. Penn. A magnificent House, and a most splen¬
did Feast, and a very large Company. Mr. Dickinson and General
Lee were there, and Mr. Moiland [Moylan], besides a great Num¬
ber of the Delegates. Spent the Evening at Home, with Coll. Lee,
Coll. Washington^ and Dr. Shippen who came in to consult with us.
MS (MHi) . Adams, Diary (Butterfield) , 2:140.
^ George Washington’s diary for this day reads: “Dined at Mr. Edward Ship-
pen’s. Spent the afternn. with the Boston Gentn.’’ Washington, Diaries (Fitzpat¬
rick) , 2:165.
John Adams’ Notes of Debates
[September 28, 1774]
Mr. Galloway. The Proposal I intended to make having been op¬
posed, I have waited to hear a more effectual one. A general Non
Importation from G. Britain and Ireland has been adopted, but I
think this will be too gradual in its Operation for the Relief of Bos¬
ton.
A General Non Exportation, I have ever looked on as an indigest¬
ed Proposition. It is impossible America can exist, under a total Non
Exportation. We in this Province should have tens of Thousands of
People thrown upon the cold Hand of Charity. Our Ships would lie
by the Walls, our Seamen would be thrown out of Bread, our Ship¬
wrights &c. out of Employ and it would affect the landed Interest. It
would weaken us in another Struggle which I fear is too near.
To explain my Plan I must state a Number of facts relative to
Great Britain, and relative to America.
I hope no facts which I shall state will be disagreable.
In the last War, America was in the greatest Danger of Destruc¬
tion. This was held up by the Massa[chusetts] and by the Congress
in 1754. They said We are disunited among ourselves. Their is no in¬
different Arbiter between us.
Requisitions came over. A No. of the Colonies gave most exten¬
sively and liberally, other [s] gave nothing, or late. Pensylvania gave
late, not for Want of Zeal or Loyalty, but owing to their Disputes,
with Proprietors — their disunited State.
These Delinquencies were handed up to the Parent State, and
these gave Occasion to the Stamp Act.
America with the greatest Reason and Justice complained of the
Stamp Act.
110
September 28, 1774
Had they proposed some Plan of Policy — some Negociation but
set afoot, it would have terminated in the most happy Harmony be¬
tween the two Countries.
They repealed the Stamp Act, but they passed the declaratory Act.
Without some Supream Legislature, some common Arbiter, you
are not, say they, part of the State.
I am as much a friend of Liberty [as] exists — and No Man shall
go further, in Point of Fortune, or in Point of Blood, than the Man
who now addresses you.
Burlamaqui, Grotius, Puffendorf, Hooker. There must be an Un¬
ion of Wills and Strength. Distinction between a State and a Multi¬
tude. A State is animated by one Soul.
As We are not within the Circle of the Supream Jurisdiction of the
Parliament, We are indep>endent States. The Law of Great Britain
dont bind us in any Case whatever.
We Avant the Aid and Assistance and Protection of the Arm of our
Mother Country. Protection And Allegiance are reciprocal Duties.
Can We lay claim to the Money and Protection of G. Britain upon
any Principles of Honour or Conscience? Can We wish to become
Aliens to the Mother State.
We must come upon Terms with G. Britain.
Some Gentlemen are not for Negociation. I wish I could hear some
Reason against it.
The Minister must be at 20, or 30 millions to inforce his Meas¬
ures.
I propose this Proposition. The Plan. 2 Classes of Laws. 1. Laws
of Internal Policy. 2. Laws in which more than one Colony were con¬
cerned, raising Money for War. No one Act can be done, without the
Assent of Great Britain. No one without the Assent of America. A
British American Legislature.
Mr. Duane. As I mean to second this Motion, I think myself
bound to lay before the Congress my Reasons. N. York thought it
necessary to have a Congress for the Relief of Boston and Mass. And
to do more, to lay a Plan for a lasting Accommodation with G. Brit¬
ain.
Whatever may have been the Motive for departing from the first
Plan of the Congress, I am unhappy that We have departed from it.
The Post Office Act was before the Year 1763. Can we expect last¬
ing Tranquility. I have given my full Assent to a Non Im and Expor¬
tation Agreement.
The Right of regulating Trade, from the local Circumstances of
the Colonies, and their Disconnection with each other, cannot be ex¬
ercised by the Colonies.
Mass, disputed the Navigation Act, because not represented, but
made a Law of their own, to inforce that Act.
September 28, 1774
111
Virginia did the same nearly.
I think Justice requires that we should expressly ceed to Parlia¬
ment the Right of regulating Trade.
In the Congress in 1754 which consisted of the greatest and best
Men in the Colonies, this was considered as indispensable.
A civil War with America, would involve a national Bankruptcy.
Coll. Lee. How did We go on for 160 Years before the Year
1763? We flourished and grew.
This Plan would make such Changes in the Legislatures of the Col¬
onies that I could not agree to it, without consulting my Constituents.
Mr. Jay. I am led to adopt this Plan.
It is objected that this Plan will alter our Constitutions and there¬
fore cannot be adopted without consulting Constituents.
Does this Plan give up any one Liberty? — or interfere with any
one Right.
Mr. Henry. The original Constitution of the Colonies, was founded
on the broadest and most generous Base.
The Regulation of Our Trade, was Compensation enough for all
the Protection we ever experienced from her.
We shall liberate our Constituents from a corrupt House of Com¬
mons, but thro them into the Arms of an American Legislature that
may be bribed by that Nation which avows in the Face of the World,
that Bribery is a Part of her System of Government.
Before We are obliged to pay Taxes as they do, let us be as free as
they. Let us have our Trade open with all the World.
We are not to consent by the Representatives of Representatives.
I am inclined to think the present Measures lead to War.
Mr. Ed. Rutledge. I came with an Idea of getting a Bill of Rights,
and a Plan of permanent Relief.
I think the Plan may be freed from almost every objection. I think
it almost a perfect Plan.
Mr. Galloway. In every Govennment, Patriarchal, Monarchical,
Aristocratical or democratical, there must be a Supream Legislature.
I know of no American Constitution. A Virginia Constitution, a
Pensylvanian Constitution We have. We are totally independent of
each other.
Every Gentleman here thinks, that Parliament ought to have the
Power over Trade, because Britain protects it and us.
Why then will we not declare it.
Because Parliament and Ministry is wicked, and corrupt and will
take Advantage of such Declaration to tax us — and will also Reason
from this Acknowledgment, to further Power over us.
Answer. We shall not be bound further than We acknowledge it.
Is it not necessary that the Trade of the Empire should be regulat¬
ed by some Power or other? Can the Empire hold together, without
112
September 28, 1774
it. No. Who shall regulate it? Shall the Legislature of Nova Scotia, or
Georgia, regulate it? Mass, or Virginia? Pensylvania or N. York. It
cant be pretended. Our Legislative Powers extend no farther than the
Limits of our Governments. Where then shall it be placed. There is a
Necessity that an American Legislature should be set up, or else that
We should give the Power to Parliament or King.
Protection. Acquiescence. Mass. Virginia.
Advantages derived from our Commerce.
MS (MHi) . Adams, Dfary (Butterfield) , 2:141-44.
^ These notes are a continuation of the MS printed under the date September
26-27? 1774. For the date of this entry, see JCC, 1:43 and Samuel Ward’s Diary,
September 28, 1774.
Joseph Galloway’s Proposed Resolution
[September 28, 1774]
Resolved
That this Congress will apply to his Majesty for a Redress of
Grievances under which his faithful Subjects in America labour, and
assure him that the Colonies hold in Abhorrence the Idea of being
considered independant Communities on the British Government and
most ardently desire the Establishment of a political Union not only
among themselves but with their Mother State upon those principles
of Safety and Freedom which are essential in the Constitution of all
free Governments and particularly that of the British Legislature.
And as the Colonies from their local Circumstances cannot be repre¬
sented in the parliament of Great Britain, they will humbly propose
to his Majesty and his two Houses of Parliament the following plan
under which the Strength of the whole Empire may be drawn togeth¬
er on any Emergency, the Interest of both Countries advanced and
the Rights and Liberties of America secured. ^
MS (NHi) . In the hand of Joseph Galloway and endorsed by James Duane:
“Resolves intended to be offered by Mr Galloway & Seconded by J. D. for
promoting a Plan of Union between G. B. & A. But as the plan itself was rejected
by the Congress; the Resolves became fruitless & were not proposed.”
^Galloway introduced his plan of union on September 28, when Congress was in
the midst of debate on the subject of “the means most proper to be used for a
restoration of American rights,” which had been under discussion since the 22d.
Although not entirely germane to the discussion, the plan was apparently offered
as an alternative to the use of economic pressure against Britain, as Galloway and
others were reluctant to form an association to enforce a boycott. From John
Adams’ notes of debates it is clear that Galloway spoke at length on the subject
and that Duane, John Jay, and Edward Rutledge supported him. But the evidence
on whether the proposed resolution printed above was ever formally submitted is
conflicting. Although Duane’s endorsement on this document suggests that it was
September 28, 1774
113
not— “the Resolves became fruitless & were not proposed’’— his endorsement on
Galloway’s Plan of Union printed below— “Seconded & supported by the New York
Delegates. But finally rejected and ordered to be left out of the minutes’’— supports
a contrary conclusion.
Aside from Adams’ notes of debates and the two Duane endorsements quoted,
the contemporary evidence bearing on this question and not originating with
Galloway himself consists of two Samuel Ward diary entries of September 28 and
October 22, 1774, and Charles Thomson’s manuscript journal of proceedings (see
illustrations) . Within a few months of Congress’ adjournment, a story was in
circulation that Galloway’s plan had been rejected by a single vote, and all
mention of it had been erased from the minutes of proceedings. Galloway first gave
this account to Gov. William Franklin, who reported it to Lord Dartmouth,
together with copies of Galloway’s plan and proposed resolutions, in a letter of
December 6, 1774. /CC, 1:48-51; N. J. Archives, 1st ser. 10 (1886): 504. “They
[Congress] not only refused to resume Consideration of it, but directed both the
Plan and Order to be erased from their Minutes, so that no vestige of it might
appear there.” And Galloway restated this version in a pamphlet which he sent to
James Rivington for publication in February 1775. A Candid Examination of the
Mutual Claims of Great-Britain, and the Colonies: with a Plan of Accommodation,
on Constitutional Principles (New York: James Rivington, 1775) , p. 52.
In London William Franklin’s letter to Dartmouth was apparently circulated
within the ministry, and by February Congress’ dismissal of Galloway’s plan had
been discussed in the House of Commons. This was reported to Galloway in a
February 25, 1775, letter from Benjamin Franklin, who had also received a copy of
the plan from Galloway. “Lord Gower I believe alluded to it, when in the House
he censur’d the Congress severely, as first resolving to receive a Plan for uniting
the Colonies to the Mother Country, and afterwards rejecting it, and ordering
their first Resolution to be eras’d out of their Minutes.” Franklin, Writings
(Smyth) , 6:311.
It is unlikely, nevertheless, that Congress ever formally voted upon the question
of “the Establishment of a political Union” with Britain or that Secretary Thom¬
son made and then expunged from the journals a regular entry pertaining to the
plan. Rather, Galloway apparently was dissuaded on September 28 from actually
submitting his resolution to a vote; whereupon a motion was made and adopted to
have the plan “lye upon the table,” presumably to be taken up for reconsideration
at any later appropriate time. His most carefully phrased statement on the subject,
given in testimony before the House of Commons in 1779, supports this view. It
was proposed and debated a whole day, and carried upon the question, six
Colonies to five, that it should be resumed and further considered. I have in my
hand the introductory resolve [the same as that printed above] of Congress in my
own writing, which identically was delivered by me in Congress. It is indorsed in
the hand of Charles Thompson, the then and present Secretary to the
Congress. . . . ‘Mr. J. Galloway’s Motion 28th Sept. 1774.’ ” The Examination of
Joseph Galloway, Esq; Late Speaker of the House of Assembly of Pennsylvania.
Before the House of Commons, in a Committee on the American Papers, 2d ed.
(London: J. Wilkie, 1780) , p. 48.
It is not at all improbable that Thomson returned to Galloway the endorsed
copy of the motion, which had been read and discussed at length, after the vote
had been taken to reconsider at a later date. And no special significance should be
attached to the fact that Thomson made no regular entry in the minutes for
September 28. He often made cumulative entries summarizing two or three days’
activities— thus: “Wednesday and Thursday being taken up in the consideration
and debates on the means, &c., the Congress met on Friday, Septr. 30 and upon the
question. Resolved . . . .” And many proposals came before Congress which
Thomson formally ignored altogether. Perhaps the most significant of these was
114
September 28, 1774
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115
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116
September 28, 1774
Benjamin Franklin’s plan of confederation, introduced July 21, 1775, which had a
reception similar to that accorded Galloway’s plan. JCC, 2:194-99; and Benjamin
Harrison to Unknown, November 24, 1775. Thomson’s notation, following his
September 27 entry and marked for insertion at the point of his “x”— “Wednesday.
Here insert Mr. Galloway’s motion & plan’’— was probably meant only as a copyist’s
instruction and was obviously added and lined out after he made the entry for
September 30. Of course Galloway, as a member of the committee appointed
October 21 “to revise the minutes of the Congress,” would have seen this deletion.
JCC, 1:101. It is understandable that he would have been distressed, particularly
since on October 22 the delegates rejected a motion to reconsider the plan, and
even that he later portrayed himself to governors William Franklin and Cadwal-
lader Golden as the victim of a conspiracy. But if he pardonably exaggerated his
treatment in his reports to high-ranking royal officials and in various pamphlets
written during the next six years, he was not the only delegate who could have
denounced Congress for ignoring his proposed recommendations.
Little evidence survives to explain the circumstances which led to rejection of the
motion to reconsider his plan on October 22. Perhaps the most telling is to be
found in the exchange that took place between John Dickinson and Charles
Thomson on the one hand and Galloway on the other, early in 1775. In a lengthy
rebuttal to Galloway’s Candid Examination, which they submitted to the Pennsyl¬
vania Journal; and the Weekly Advertiser, March 8, 1775, Dickinson and Thomson
provided some interesting details which merit equal consideration with Galloway’s
story. “Much has been said against the Congress, for rejecting this plan. The
matter, I am told, stands thus— When it was first introduced in Congress, most of
the members heard it with horror— as an idle, dangerous, whimsical, ministerial
plan. Some of the ‘Pennsylvania Oracles,’ Friends, with whom infinite pains had
been taken before hand, moved to have it committed. This was rejected, then, a
motion was made that the plan might lye on the table to be taken up at any
future day. This was cairied in the affirmative. When the minutes came to be
revised, towards the end of the sitting, the Plan was omitted. Here the patriot
\Galloway'\ raged— and insisted on his right to have it on the Minutes. The
question was put, and a great majority thought the inserting it in the Journal
would be disgracing their records, and accordingly rejected it. Certainly, in such a
Society, every question must, of course, be determined by a majority. If then a
majority were of opinion, that the inserting it on their Journal would be disgrace¬
ful and injurious, they unquestionably had a right to reject it. If his plan was
defencible, why did he not enter into the argument with a Gentleman from
Virginia who challenged him to it, and who said, he could prove it to be big with
destruction to the Colonies? ’Tis true he did, when thus called upon, say, that he
would defend it, if the Congress would appoint a day for that purpose. But this.
Sir, was when all was hurry, and the forms of business only, delayed their breaking
up.”
For Galloway’s “reply” to Dickinson and Thomson, and further discussion of the
entire exchange, see Joseph Galloway, A Reply to an Address to the Author of a
Pamphlet, entitled, ‘A Candid Examination of the Mutiml Claims of Great Britain
and her Colonies,’ &c. (New York: James Rivington, 1775) ; Julian P. Boyd,
Anglo-American Union: Joseph Galloway’s Plans to Preserve the British Empire,
1774-1788 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1941) , pp. 45-50; and
Robert M. Calhoon, “ ‘I Have Deduced Your Rights’: Joseph Galloway’s Concept
of His Role, 1774-1775,” Pennsylvania History 35 (October 1968) : 372-73.
Finally, in addition to the sources noted above and the account Galloway
elaborated in his 1780 statement printed below, another account that he sent to
two Philadelphia newspapers in April 1775 also bears significantly on the consider¬
ation given his plan. In response to a charge appearing in William and Thomas
Bradford’s Pennsylvania Journal; and the Weekly Advertiser on April 5, 1775— that
September 28, 1774
117
Galloway claimed credit not due him and that Benjamin Franklin (at the Albany
Congress in 1754) was the true author of the plan— Galloway asserted that Frank¬
lin’s name had been deliberately associated with the plan when it was circulated
among the delegates in Congress. “I shall offer but one argument more in
vindication . . . that he [Galloway , speaking in the third person] could entertain
no design of taking from Doctor Franklin, or the Congress of 1754, the merit of the
first [plan]. He carried with him to the Congress the plan of 1754, with the
reasons, under every article, which induced the then Commissioners to adopt them,
in the Doctor’s own writing. He shewed it to several of the members, as the plan
proposed by the Doctor, and agreed to by the Commissioners. He delivered it to
one of the Delegates, without the least injunction or reserve. From that Delegate it
passed into the hands of several others, until the gentleman to whom it was first
delivered could not, for some time, discover in whose hands to find it. This was
done to enable the members to compare the two plans, to digest the better the one
then proposed, and if any addition could be made to it, that it might be done when
it should be taken into consideration agreeable to the rule of the Congress [i.e., to
the motion to reconsider the plan]." The Pennsylvania Gazette, April 26, 1775; and
Story & Humphreys’s Pennsylvania Mercury, and Universal Advertiser, April 28,
1775.
Joseph Galloway’s Plan of Union
[September 28, 1774]
A plan of a proposed Union between Great Britain and the
Colonies of New Hampshire, The Massachusets Bay, Rhode
Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pensylvania,
Maryland, the three lower Counties on Delaware, Virginia,
North-Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia. ^
That a British and American Government^ for regulating the Ad¬
ministration of the general Affairs of America be proposed and es¬
tablished in America, including all the said Colonies: within and un¬
der which Government each Colony shall retain its present Constitu¬
tion and powers of regulating and governing its own internal Police
in all Cases whatsoever.
That the said Government be administer’d by a president General
to be appointed by the King and a Grand Council to be chosen by
the Representatives of the people of the several Colonies in their re¬
spective Assemblies, once in every three years.
That the several Assemblies shall choose Members for the Grand
Council in the following Proportions — Viz.
New Hampshire
Massachusets Bay
Rhode Island
Connecticut
New York
New Jersey
Pensylvania
118
September 28, 1774
Delaware Counties
Maryland
Virginia
North Carolina
South Carolina
Georgia
Who shall meet at the City of [ for the first Time being
called by the President General as soon as conveniently may be after
his Appointment.
That there shall be a new Election of Members for the Grand
Council every three Years, and on the Death Removal or Resigna¬
tion of any Member his place shall be supplied by a new Choice at
the next sitting of the Assembly of the Colony he represented.
That the Grand Council shall meet once in every Year if they shall
think it necessary, and oftener if occasion shall require, at such Time
and place as they shall adjourn to at the last preceeding Meeting, or
as they shall be called to meet at by the president General in any
Emergency.
That the grand Council shall have power to choose their Speaker
and shall hold and exercise all the like Rights Liberties and privileges
as are held and exercised by and in the House of Commons of Great
Britain.
That the president General shall hold his Office during the plea¬
sure of the King, and his Assent shall be requisite to all Acts of the
Grand Council and it shall be his Office and Duty to cause them to
be carried into Execution.
That the president General by and with the Advice and Consent of
the Grand Council hold 8c exercise all the Legislative Rights Powers
and Authorities necessary for regulating and administering all the
general Police 8c Affairs of the Colonies in which Great Britain and
the Colonies or any of them, the Colonies in general or more than
one Colony are in any Manner concerned as well civil and criminal
as commercial.
That the said president General and Grand Council be an inferior
and distinct Branch of the British Legislature united and incorporat¬
ed with it for the aforesaid general purposes; and that any of the said
general Regulations may originate and be formed and digested either
in the Parliament of Great Britain or in the said Grand Council, and
being prepared transmitted to the other for their Approbation or Dis¬
sent and that the Assent of both shall be requisite to the Validity of
all such general Acts or Statutes.
That in Time of War all Bills for granting Aids to the Crown pre¬
pared by the Grand Council and approved by the president General
shall be valid and passed into a Law without the Assent of the British
parliament.
September 28, 1774
119
MS (NHi) . In the hand of Joseph Galloway and endorsed by James Duane: "Mr
Galloway’s Motion & Plan of Union, proposed in Congress 28th Septr 1774.
Seconded & supported by the New York Delegates. But finally rejected and ordered
to be left out of the minutes. Jas. Duane.”
^ For a discussion of the authorship of this document and minor differences in
phraseology between the manuscript and the version printed in JCC, 1:49-51, see
Julian P. Boyd, Joseph Galloway’s Plans to Preserve the British Empire, 1774-1788
(Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1941) , pp. 112-14.
^The word "Legislature” appears above “Government.” In the version presented
to the public in a pamphlet printed early in 1775, "legislature” is used. Joseph
Galloway, A Candid Examination of the Mutual Claims of Great-Britain, and the
Colonies: with a Plan of Accommodation, on Constitutional Principles (New York:
James Rivington, 1775) , p. 53.
® MS blank.
Joseph Galloway’s Statement on His Plan of Union
[September 28, 1774]
The Congress met at Philadelphia in September, 17744 They
brought with them their appointments and instructions. The latter
plainly discover the dispositions of the assemblies, and of the people
who gave them, and demonstrate their aversion to every thing which
might tend to a seditious or illegal opposition to Government. They
strictly enjoined their delegates to “pursue proper, prudent, and law¬
ful measures, and to adopt a plan for obtaining a redress of Ameri¬
can grievances, ascertaining American rights upon the most solid and
constitutional principles, and for establishing that union and harmony
between Great Britain and the Colonies, which is indispensably nec¬
essary to the welfare and happiness of both." Under these instruc¬
tions, it was the general expectation that decent petitions would be
presented to Parliament, explicitly pointing out the measures by
which its authority over the Colonies might be rendered more consti¬
tutional, and the grievances complained of might be redressed; be¬
cause this was nothing more than the reasonable duty of subjects,
and it was the sincere wish of the jreople.
Upon the meeting of Congress, two parties were immediately
formed, with different views, and determined to act upon different
principles. One intended candidly and clearly to define American
rights, and explicitly and dutifully to petition for the remedy which
would redress the grievances justly complained of — to form a more
solid and constitutional union between the two countries, and to avoid
every measure which tended to sedition, or acts of violent opposition.
The other consisted of persons, whose design, from the beginning of
their opposition to the Stamp Act, was to throw off all subordination
and connexion with Great-Britain; who meant by every fiction, false¬
hood and fraud, to delude the people from their due allegiance, to
120
September 28, 1774
throw the subsisting Governments into anarchy, to incite the ignorant
and vulgar to arms, and with those arms to establish American Inde¬
pendence. The one were men of loyal principles, and possessed the
greatest fortunes in America; the other were congregational and pres-
byterian republicans, or men of bankrupt fortunes, overwhelmed in
debt to the British merchants. The first suspected the designs of the
last, and were therefore cautious; but as they meant to do nothing
but what was reasonable and just, they were open and ingenuous.
The second, fearing the opposition of the first, were secret and hypo¬
critical, and left no art, no falsehood, no fraud unessayed to conceal
their intentions. The loyalists rested, for the most part, on the defen¬
sive, and opposed, with success, every measure which tended to vio¬
lent opposition. Motions were made, debated and rejected, and noth¬
ing was carried by either.
While the two parties in Congress remained thus during three
weeks on an equal balance, the republicans were calling to their as¬
sistance the aid of their factions without. Continual expresses were
employed between Philadelphia and Boston. These were under the
management of Samuel Adams — a man, who though by no means
remarkable for brilliant abilities, yet is equal to most men in popular
intrigue, and the management of a faction. He eats little, drinks little,
sleeps little, thinks much, and is most decisive and indefatigable in
the pursuit of his objects. It was this man, who by his superior appli¬
cation managed at once the faction in Congress at Philadelphia, and
the factions in New England. Whatever these patriots in Congress
wished to have done by their colleagues without, to induce General
Gage, then at the head of his Majesty’s army at Boston, to give them
a pretext for violent opposition, or to promote their measures in Con¬
gress, Mr. Adams advised and directed to be done; and when done,
it was dispatched by express to Congress. By one of these expresses
came the inflammatory resolves of the county of Suffolk, which con¬
tained a complete declaration of war against Great-Britain. By these
resolves it is declared, “that no obedience is due to acts of Parlia¬
ment affecting Boston:’’
That "the justices of the superior courts of judicature, court of as¬
size, &c. are unconstitutional officers, and that no regard ought to be
paid to them by the people:”
That “the county will support and bear harmless all sheriffs and
their deputies, constables, jurors and other officers, who shall refuse
to carry into execution the orders of the said courts:”
That “the collectors of taxes, constables and other officers, retain
in their hands all public monies, and not make any payment thereof
to the provincial county treasurer:’’
And that “the persons who had accepted seats at the council-
September 28, 1774
121
board, by virtue of a mandamus from the King, should be considered
as obstinate and incorrigible enemies to their country."
They advise the people “to elect the officers of militia, and to use
their utmost diligence to acquaint themselves with the art of ivar as
soon as possible, and for that purpose to appear under arms once in
every week:”
And to carry these and other measures into execution; among
many other things equally treasonable, they recommend it to the sev¬
eral towns to “chuse a Provincial Congress.”
Upon these resolves being read, a motion was made that the Con¬
gress should give them their sanction. Long and warm debates en¬
sued between the parties. At this time the republican faction in Con¬
gress had provided a mob, ready to execute their secret orders. The
cruel practice of tarring and feathering had been long since intro¬
duced. This lessened the firmness of some of the loyalists; the vote
was put and carried. Two of the dissenting members presumed to of¬
fer their protest against it in writing, which was negatived. They next
insisted that the tender of their protest and its negative should be en¬
tered on the minutes; this was also rejected.
By this treasonable vote the foundation of military resistance
throughout America was effectually laid. The example was now set
by the people of Suffolk, and the measure was approved of by those
who called themselves the representatives of all America. The loyal
party, although they knew a great majority of the colonists were
averse to the measure, perceived the improbability of stemming the
torrent. They had no authority, no means in their own power to resist
it; they saw those who held the powers of Government inactive spec¬
tators, and either shrinking from their duty, or uniting in the meas¬
ures of sedition; they saw the flame of rebellion spreading with more
rapidity in a province under the eye of his Majesty’s army than in
any other; and that no effectual measures were taking by Govern¬
ment in Britain to suppress it; and yet, as a petition to his Majesty
had been ordered to be brought in, they resolved to continue their
exertions. They hoped to prevail in stating the rights of America on
just and constitutional principles; in proposing a plan for uniting the
two countries on those principles, and in a clear, definitive and de¬
cent prayer, to ask for what a majority of the colonies wished to ob¬
tain; and as they had no reason to doubt the success of this measure
in a British Parliament, they further hoped, that it would stop the ef¬
fusion of blood and the ruin of their country.
With this view, as well as to probe the ultimate design of the re¬
publicans, and to know with certainty whether any proposal, short of
the absolute independence of the Colonies, would satisfy them, a
plan of union was drawn by a member of the loyal party, ^ and ap¬
proved by the rest. It was so formed as to leave no room for any rea-
122
September 28, 1774
sonable objection on the part of the republicans, if they meant to be
united to Great Britain on any grounds whatever. It included a resto¬
ration of all their rights, and a redress of all their grievances, on con¬
stitutional principles; and it accorded with all the instructions given
to them as members of Congress.
Introductory to his motion which led to this plan, the author of it
made, in substance, the following speech, which is taken from his
short notes: “He told Congress that he came with instructions to pro¬
pose some mode, by which the harmony between Great Britain and
the Colonies might be restored on constitutional principles: that this
appeared to be the genuine sense of all the instructions brought into
Congress by the Delegates of the several Colonies. He had long wait¬
ed with great patience under an expectation of hearing some proposi¬
tion which should tend to that salutary and important purpose; but,
to his great mortification and distress, a month had been spent in
fruitless debates on equivocal and indecisive propositions, which
tended to inflame rather than reconcile — ^to produce war instead of
peace between the two countries. In this disagreeable situation of
things he thought it his incumbent duty to speak plainly, and to give
his sentiments without the least reserve.
“There are,” says he, “two propositions before the Congress, for
restoring the wished-for harmony: one, that Parliament should be re¬
quested to place the Colonies in the state they were in in the year
1763; the other, that a non-exporation and non-imporation agree¬
ment should be adopted. I will consider these propositions, and ven¬
ture to reject them both; the first, as indecisive, tending to mislead
both countries, and to lay a foundation for further discontent and
quarrel; the other, as illegal, and ruinous to America.
“The first proposition is indecisive, because it points out no
ground of complaint — asks for a restoration of no right, settles no
principle, and proposes no plan for accommodating the dispute.
There is no statute which has been passed to tax or bind the Colonies
since the year 1763, which was not founded on precedents and stat¬
utes of a similar nature before that period; and therefore the proposi¬
tion, while it expressly denies the right of Parliament, confesses it by
the strongest implication. In short, it is nugatory, and without mean¬
ing; and however it may serve, when rejected by Parliament, as it
certainly will be, to form a charge of injustice upon, and to deceive
and inflame the minds of the p>eople hereafter, it cannot possibly an¬
swer any other purpose.
“The second proposition is undutiful and illegal: it is an insult on
the supreme authority of the State; it cannot fail to draw on the Col¬
onies the united resentment of the Mother Country. If we will not
trade with Great Britain, she will not suffer us to trade at all. Our
ports will be blocked up by British men of war, and troops will be
September 28, 1774
128
sent to reduce us to reason and obedience. A total and sudden stag¬
nation of commerce is what no country can bear: it must bring ruin
on the Colonies; the produce of labour must perish on their hands,
and not only the progress of industry be stopped, but industry and la¬
bour will cease, and the country itself be thrown into anarchy and tu¬
mult. I must therefore reject both the propositions; the first as indeci¬
sive, and the other as inadmissible upon any principle of prudence or
policy.
“If we sincerely mean to accommodate the difference between the
two countries, and to establish their union on more firm and constitu¬
tional principles, we must take into consideration a number of facts
which led the Parliament to pass the acts complained of, since the
year 1763, and the real state of the Colonies. A clear and perfect
knowledge of these matters only can lead us to the ground of substan¬
tial redress and permanent harmony. I will therefore call your recol¬
lection to the dangerous situation of the Colonies from the intrigues
of France, and the incursions of the Canadians and their Indian al¬
lies, at the commencement of the last war. None of us can be igno¬
rant of the just sense they then entertained of that danger, and of
their incapacity to defend themselves against it, nor of the supplica-
ions made to the Parent State for its assistance, nor of the cheerful¬
ness with which Great Britain sent over her fleets and armies for
their protection, of the millions she expended in that protection, and
of the happy consequences which attended it.
“In this state of the Colonies, it was not unreasonable to expect
that Parliament would have levied a tax on them proportionate to
their wealth, and the sums raised in Great Britain. Her ancient right,
so often exercised, and never controverted, enabled her, and the oc¬
casion invited her, to do it. And yet, not knowing their wealth, a gen¬
erous tenderness arising from the fear of doing them injustice, in¬
duced Parliament to forbear to levy aids upon them — It left the Col¬
onies to do justice to themselves and to the nation. And moreover, in
order to allure them to a discharge of their duty, it offered to reim¬
burse those Colonies which should generously grant the aids that were
necessary to their own safety. But what was the conduct of the Colo¬
nies on this occasion, in which their own existence was immediately
concerned? However painful it may be for me to repeat, or you to
hear, I must remind you of it. You all know there were Colonies
which at some times granted liberal aids, and at others nothing; other
Colonies gave nothing during the war; none gave equitably in pro¬
portion to their wealth, and all that did give were actuated by partial
and self-interested motives, and gave only in proportion to the ap¬
proach or remoteness of the danger. These delinquencies were occa¬
sioned by the want of the exercise of some supreme power to ascer¬
tain, with equity, their proportions of aids, and to over-rule the par-
124
September 28, 1774
ticular passions, prejudices, and interests, of the several Colonies.
“To remedy these mischiefs. Parliament was naturally led to exer¬
cise the power which had been, by its predecessors, so often exer¬
cised over the Colonies, and to pass the Stamp Act. Against this act
the Colonies petitioned Parliament, and denied its authority. Instead
of proposing some remedy, by which that authority should be ren¬
dered more equitable and more constitutional over the Colonies, the
petitions rested in a declaration that the Colonies could not be repre¬
sented in that body. This justly alarmed the British Senate.^ It was
thought and called by the ablest men and Britain, a clear and explicit
declaration of American Independence, and compelled the Parlia¬
ment to pass the Declaratory Act, in order to save its ancient and in¬
controvertible right of supremacy over all the parts of the empire. By
this injudicious step the cause of our complaints became fixed, and
instead of obtaining a constitutional reformation of the authority of
Parliament over the Colonies, it brought on an explicit declaration of
a right in Parliament to exercise absolute and unparticipated power
over them. Nothing now can be wanting to convince us, that the As¬
semblies have pursued measures which have produced no relief, and
answered no purpose but a bad one. I therefore hope that the collect¬
ed wisdom of Congress will perceive and avoid former mistakes; that
they will candidly and thoroughly examine the real merits of our dis¬
pute with the Mother Country, and take such ground as shall firmly
unite us under one system of polity, and make us one people.
“In order to establish those principles, upon which alone Ameri¬
can relief ought, in reason and policy, to be founded, I will take a
brief view of the arguments on both sides of the great question be¬
tween the two countries — a question in its magnitude and impor¬
tance exceeded by none that has been ever agitated in the councils of
any nation. The advocates for the supremacy of Parliament over the
Colonies contend, that there must be one supreme legislative head in
every civil society, whose authority must extend to the regulation and
final decision of every matter susceptible of human direction; and
that every member of the society, whether political, official, or indi¬
vidual, must be subordinate to its supreme will, signified in its laws:
that this supremacy and subordination are essential in the constitu¬
tion of all States, whatever may be their forms; that no society ever
did, or could exist, without it; and that these truths are solidly estab¬
lished in the practice of all Governments, and confirmed by the con¬
current authority of all writers on the subject of civil society.
“These advocates also assert, what we cannot deny — That the dis¬
covery of the Colonies was made under a commission granted by the
supreme authority of the British State, that they have been settled
under that authority, and therefore are truly the property of that
State. Parliamentary jurisdiction has been constantly exercised over
September 28, 1774
125
them from their first settlement; its executive authority has ever run
through all their inferior political systems: the Colonists have ever
sworn allegiance to the British State, and have been considered, both
by the State and by themselves, as subjects of the British Govern¬
ment. Protection and allegiance are reciprocal duties; the one cannot
exist without the other. The Colonies cannot claim the protection of
Britain upon any principle of reason or law, while they deny its su¬
preme authority. Upon this ground the authority of Parliament
stands too firm to be shaken by any arguments whatever; and there¬
fore to deny that authority, and at the same time to declare their in¬
capacity to be represented, amounts to a full and explicit declaration
of independence.
“In regard to the political state of the Colonies, you must know
that they are so many inferior societies, disunited and unconnected in
polity. That while they deny the authority of Parliament, they are, in
respect to each other, in a perfect state of nature, destitute of any su¬
preme direction or decision whatever, and incompetent to the grant
of national aids, or any other general measure whatever, even to the
settlement of differences among themselves. This they have repeat¬
edly acknowledged, and particularly by their delegates in Congress in
the beginning of the last war; and the aids granted by them since that
period, for their own protection, are a proof of the truth of that ac¬
knowledgment.
“You also know that the seeds of discord are plentifully sowed in
the constitution of the Colonies; that they are already grown to matu¬
rity, and have more than once broke out into open hostilities. They
are at this moment only suppressed by the authority of the Parent
State; and should that authority be weakened or annulled, many sub¬
jects of unsettled disputes, and which, in that case, can only be set¬
tled by an appeal to the sword, must involve us in all the horrors of
civil war. You will now consider whether you wish to be destitute of
the protection of Great Britain, or to see a renewal of the claims of
France upon America; or to remain in our present disunited state,
the weak exposed to the force of the strong. I am sure no honest man
can entertain wishes so ruinous to his country.
“Having thus briefly stated the arguments in favour of parlimen-
tary authority, and considered the state of the Colonies, I am free to
confess that the exercise of that authority is not perfectly constitu¬
tional in respect to the Colonies. We know that the whole landed in¬
terest of Britain is represented in that body, while neither the land
nor the people of America hold the least participation in the legisla¬
tive authority of the State. Representation, or a participation in the
supreme councils of the State, is the great principle upon which the
freedom of the British Government is established and secured. I also
acknowledge, that that territory whose people have no enjoyment of
126
September 28, 1774
this privilege, are subject to an authority unrestrained and absolute;
and i£ the liberty of the subject were not essentially concerned in it, I
should reject a distinction so odious between members of the same
state, so long as it shall be continued. I wish to see it exploded, and
the right to participate in the supreme councils of the State extended,
in some form, not only to America, but to all the British dominions;
otherwise I fear that profound and excellent fabrick of civil polity
will, ere long, crumble to pieces.
“The case of the Colonies is not a new one. It was formerly the
very situation of Wales, Durham, and Chester.
“As to the tax, it is neither unjust nor oppressive, it being rather a
relief than a burthen; but it is want of constitutional principle in the
authority that passed it, which is the ground for complaint. This, and
this only, is the source of American grievances. Here, and here only,
is the defect; and if this defect were removed, a foundation would be
laid for the relief of every American complaint; the obnoxious stat¬
utes would of course be repealed, and others would be made, with
the assent of the Colonies, to answer the same and better purposes;
the mischiefs arising from the disunion of the Colonies would be re¬
moved; their freedom would be established, and their subordination
fixed on solid constitutional principles.
“Desirous as I am to promote the freedom of the Colonies, and to
prevent the mischiefs which will attend a military contest with Great
Britain, I must intreat you to desert the measures which have been so
injudiciously and ineffectually pursued by antecedent Assemblies.^
Let us thoroughly investigate the subject matter in dispute, and en¬
deavour to find from that investigation the means of perfect and per¬
manent redress. In whatever we do, let us be particular and explicit,
and not wander in general allegations. These will lead us to no point,
nor can produce any relief; they are besides dishonourable and insid¬
ious. I would therefore acknowledge the necessity of the supreme au¬
thority of Parliament over the Colonies, because it is a proposition
which we cannot deny without manifest contradiction, while we con¬
fess that we are subjects of the British Government; and if we do not
approve of a representation in Parliament, let us ask for a participa¬
tion in the freedom and power of the English constitution in some
other mode of incorporation; for I am convinced, by long attention
to the subject, that let us deliberate, and try what other expedients
we may, we shall find none that can give to the Colonies substantial
freedom, but some such incorporation. I therefore beseech you, by
the respect you are bound to pay to the instructions of your constitu¬
ents, by the regard you have for the honour and safety of your coun¬
try, and as you wish to avoid a war with Great Britain, which must
terminate, at all events, in the ruin of America, not to rely on a denial
of the autliority of Parliament, a refusal to be represented, and on a
September 28, 1774
127
non-importation agreement; because whatever protestations, in that
case, may be made to the contrary, it will prove to the world, that we
intend to throw off our allegiance to the State, and to involve the two
countries in all the horrors of a civil war.
“With a view to promote the measure I have so earnestly recom¬
mended, I have prepared the draught of a plan for uniting America
more intimately, in constitutional polity, with Great Britain. It con¬
tains the great outlines or principles only, and will require many ad¬
ditions in case those should be approved. I am certain, when dispas¬
sionately considered, it will be found to be the most perfect union in
power and liberty with the Parent State, next to a representation in
Parliament, and I trust it will be approved of by both countries. In
forming it, I have been particularly attentive to the rights of both;
and I am confident that no American, who wishes to continue a sub¬
ject of the British State which is what we all uniformly profess, can of¬
fer any reasonable objection against it.
“I shall not enter into a further explanation of its principles, but
shall reserve my sentiments until the second reading, with which I
hope it will be favoured.”
The introductory motion being seconded, the Plan was presented
and read. Warm and long debates immediately ensued on the ques¬
tion, Whether it should be entered in the proceedings of Congress, or
be referred to further consideration. All the men of property, and
most of the ablest speakers, supported the motion, while the republi¬
can party strenuously opposed it.
The question was at length carried by a majority of one Colony.
Reprinted from Joseph Galloway, Historical and Political Reflections on the Rise
and Progress of the American Rebellion (London: G. Wilkie, 1780) , pp. 65—81.
^Although Galloway wrote this account several years after the events described,
a fact to be carefully considered when evaluating his remarks, the passage reprint¬
ed here has been dated September 28 to focus on the speech he made in behalf of
his plan of union. This reconstruction of that speech, he explained, ‘‘is taken from
his short notes.” Historical and Political Reflections, p. 70. For further background
on Galloway’s submission of his plan, plus a discussion of comparisons between
this version and John Adams’ Notes of Debates, this date, see Julian P. Boyd,
Anglo-American Union: Joseph Galloway’s Plans to Preserve the British Empire,
1774-1788 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1941) , pp. 32-38.
^That is, by Joseph Galloway.
“Cf. John Adams’ Notes of Debates, this date, where Galloway is reported to
have said, ‘‘America with the greatest Reason and Justice complained of the Stamp
Act.”
* John Adams wrote that Galloway claimed: ‘‘1 am as much a friend of Liberty
[as] exists— and No Man shall go further, in Point of Fortune, or in Point of
Blood, than the Man who now addresses you.” Ibid.
128
September 28, 1774
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[September 28, 1774]
28th. The Congress met. A Plan of Union between G. Britain &
the Colonies presented by Mr. Galloway considered, not committed
but ordered to lye on the Table.
MS (RHi) .
John Adams to Abigail Adams
My Dear Phyladelphia Septr. 29. 1774
Sitting down to write to you, is a Scene almost too tender for my
State of Nerves. It calls up to my View the anxious, distress’d State
you must be in, amidst the Confusions and Dangers, which surround
you. I long to return, and administer all the Consolation in my
Power, but when I shall have accomplished all the Business I have to
do here, I know not, and if it should be necessary to stay here till
Christmas, or longer, in order to effect our Purposes, I am deter¬
mined patiently to wait.
Patience, Forbearance, Long Suffering, are the Lessons taught
here for our Province, and at the same Time absolute and open Re¬
sistance to the new Government. I wish I could convince Gentlemen,
of the Danger, or Impracticability of this as fully as I believe it my¬
self.
The Art and Address, of Ambassadors from a dozen belligerant
Powers of Europe, nay of a Conclave of Cardinals at the Election of
a Pope, or of the Princes in Germany at the Choice of an Emperor,
would not exceed the Specimens We have seen. Yet the Congress all
profess the same political Principles.
They all profess to consider our Province as suffering in the com¬
mon Cause, and indeed they seem to feel for Us, as if for themselves.
We have had as great Questions to discuss as ever engaged the At¬
tention of Men, and an infinite Multitude of them.
I received a very kind Letter from Deacon Palmer, acquainting me
with Mr. Cranch’s designs of removing to Braintree, which I approve
very much — ^and wish I had an House for every Family in Boston,
and Abilities to provide for them, in the Country.
1 submit it to you, my Dear, whether it would not be best to re¬
move all the Books and Papers and Furniture in the Office at Boston
up to Braintree. There will be no Business there nor any where, I
suppose, and my young Friends can study there better than in Boston
at present.
I shall be kill d with Kindness, in this Place. W^e go to congress at
September 29, 1774
129
Nine, and there We stay, most earnestly engaged in Debates upon the
most abstruse Misteries of State untill three in the Afternoon, then
We adjourn, and go to Dinner with some of the Nobles of Pensylvan-
ia, at four O Clock and feast upon ten thousand Delicacies, and sitt
drinking Madeira, Claret and Burgundy till six or seven, and then go
home, fatigued to death with Business, Company, and Cared Yet I
hold it out, surprizingly. I drink no Cyder, but feast upon Phyladel-
phia Beer, and Porter. A Gentleman, one Mr. Hare, has lately set up
in this City a Manufactory of Porter, as good as any that comes from
London. I pray We may introduce it into the Massachusetts. It
agrees with me, infinitely better than Punch, Wine, or Cyder, or any
other Spirituous Liquor. My Love to my dear Children one by one.
My Compliments to Mr. Thaxter, and Rice and every Body else.
Yours most affectionately, John Adams
RC (MHi) . Adams, Family Correspondence (Butterfield) , 1:163-64.
^ Adams’ diary entries for September 29 and 30 merely record his dinner
engagements. Adams, Diary (Butterfield) , 2:144.
John Adams to William Tudor
Dear Sir, Philadelphia Septr. 29. 1774.
I wish it was in my Power, to write you any Thing for the Relief of
your Anxiety, under the Pressure of those Calamities which now dis¬
tress our beloved Town of Boston and Province of Massachusetts.
The Sentiments expressed in your last to me, are Such as would do
Honour to the best of Citizens, in the Minds of the Virtuous and
worthy of any Age or Country in the worst of Times.
Duke et decorum est pro Patria mori.
Wouldst thou receive thy Countrys loud Applause,
Lov’d as her Father, as her God ador’d.
Be thou the bold Asserter of her Cause,
her Voice in Council, in the Fight her Sword.
You can have no adequate Idea of the Pleasures or of the Difficul¬
ties of the Errand I am now upon. The Congress is Such an Assem¬
bly as never before came together on a Sudden, in any Part of the
World. Here are Fortunes, Abilities, Learning, Eloquence, Acuteness
equal to any I ever met with my Life. Here is a Diversity of Reli¬
gions, Educations, Manners, Interests, Such as it would Seem almost
impossible to unite in any one Plan of Conduct.
Every Question is discussed with a Moderation, and an Acuteness
and a minuteness equal to that of Queen Elizabeths privy Council.
130
September 29, 1774
This occasions infinite Delays. We are under obligations of Secre¬
cy in every Thing except the Single Vote which you have Seen ap¬
proving the Resolutions of the County of Suffolk. What Effect this
Vote may have with you is uncertain. What you will do, God knows.
You Say you look up to the Congress. It is well you Should: but I
hope you will not expect too much from Us.
The Delegates here are not Sufficiently acquainted with our
Pr[ovince] and with the Circumstances you are in, to form a Judg¬
ment [o/] what Course it is proper for you to take. They Start at one
Thought of taking up the old Charter. They Shudder at the Prospect
of Blood. Yet they are unanimously and unalterably against your
Submission, to any of the Acts for a Single Moment.
You See by this What they are for — vizt, that you Stand Stock
Still, and live without Government, or Law. At least for the present
and as long as you can. I have represented to them, whenever I see
them, the Utter Impossibility, of four hundred Thousand People ex¬
isting long with[ou]t a Legislature or Courts of Justice. They all
Seem to acknowledge it: Yet nothing can be as yet accomplished.
We hear, perpetually, the most figurative Panegyricks upon our
Wisdom Fortitude and Temperance: The most fervent Exhortations
to perseverance. But nothing more is done.
I may venture to tell you, that I believe We Shall agree to N. Imp.,
N. Consumption, and Non Exportation, but not to commence so
soon as I could wish.
Indeed all this would be insufficient, for our Purpose — a more ad¬
equate Support, and Relief to the Massachusetts Should be adopted
— But I tremble for fear. We should fail of obtaining it.
There is however a most laudable Zeal, and an excellent Spirit,
which every Day increases, especially in this City. The Quakers had
a General Meeting here last Sunday, and are deeply affected with the
Complexion of the Times. They have recommended it to all their
People to renounce Tea, and indeed the People of this City of all De¬
nominations have laid it generally aside Since our Arrival here. They
are about Setting up Companys of Cadets, voluntarily. &c 8cc See.
It is the universal opinion here that the General, Gage, is in the
Horrors, and that he means only to act upon the Defensive. How
well this opinion is founded you, can judge better than I.
I must beseech you to Shew this Letter to no Man, in whom you
have not the most perfect Confidence. It may do a great deal of Mis¬
chief.
We have had numberless Prejudices to remove here. We have
been obliged to act, with great Delicacy and Caution. We have been
obliged to keep ourselves out of Sight, and to feel Pulses, and Sound
the Depths — to insinuate our Sentiments, Designs and Desires by
means of other Persons, Sometimes of one Province and Sometimes
September 30, 1774
131
of another a future opportunity I hope in Conversations will make
you acquainted with all. Adieu John Adams.
RC (MHi) .
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[September 29, 1774]
29th. The Congress met, considered a non Importation of all duti¬
able Goods & a non exportation to G. Britain & adjourned.
MS (RHi) .
John Adams’ Proposed Resolutions
[September 30, 1774] ^
Resolved That the Province of the Massachusetts Bay, and the
Town of Boston are now Suffering and Struggling in the common
Cause of American Freedom and therefore that it is the indispensible
Duty of all the Colonies, to Support them by every necessary Means,
and to the last Extremity.^
Whereas Hostilities have been already been commenced against
the Province of Massachusetts Bay and through them against all the
Colonies, and whereas this congress have already advised the People
of that Province by no Means to Submit to the late Act of Parliament
for altering their Government,
Resolved that in Case Hostilities should be further pursued against
that Province, and Submission be attempted to be compelled by Force
of Arms, that as soon as Intelligence of this shall be communicated
to the several Colonies, they ought immediately to cease all Exporta¬
tions of Goods Wares & Merchandise to Great Britain, Ireland and
the West Indies.^
Resolved, That, in Case any Person or Persons, Should be arrest¬
ed, in the Massachusetts Bay, or any other Colony, by General Gage
or any other Person, in order to be sent to Great Britain to be there
tryed for any Crime whatsoever, committed in America, under Pre¬
tence of Authority of the Statute of Henry the Eighth or that of the
present Reign, that this ought to be considered, as a Declaration of
War and a Commencement of Hostilities against all the Colonies and
that Reprisals ought to be made in all the Colonies, and held as Hos¬
tages for the Security of the Person or Persons so arrested, and all
Exportations of Merchandise to Great Britain Ireland and the West
Indies ought immediately to cease.
{Whereas the Debts and Taxes, the Luxury and Venality preva-
579-B52 0 - 77 - 11 Vol. 1
132
September 30, 1774
lent in Great Britain prove too clearly that Americans have can have
little well grounded Hope of Defence, Protection or Security from
anything but their own wisdom ir Valour, Frugality and Industry, in
Times to come.
Resolved that it be recommended to all the Colonies, to establish
by Provincial Laws, where it can he done, a regular well furnished,
and disciplined Militia, and where it cannot he done by Law, by vol¬
untary Associations, and private Agreements.
Resolved that it he recommended to all the Colonies, to encour¬
age Arts Manufactures and Agriculture, by all Means in their
Power, and for this End to establish in each Colony a distinct Socie¬
ty.)
MS (MHi) . In the hand of John Adams and endorsed by Charles Thomson: "J.
Adams’ Motion Sept. 30th.”
^ These resolutions were drafted in the midst of a continuing debate on nonex¬
portation. Although they were not endorsed at this time, key elements appeared in
later instructions and resolutions adopted by Congress. JCC, 1:52; and Adams,
Diary (Butterfield) , 2: 144n.
^ Phrases from this resolve were used in Congress’ instructions to the committee
to prepare a letter to General Gage on October 7. JCC, 1:57.
® Parts of this paragraph were included in the October 8 resolve of Congress on
American opposition to the use of British force in Massachusetts. JCC, 1:58.
Robert Treat Paine’s Diary
[September 30, 1774]
Fine day. Dined Mr. [Jere.?] Smith.
This Month has been remarkably cool [for the?] Season & [sunyP]
days. The Congress has sett day by day from 9 oClock AM to 3 PM.
MS (MHi) .
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[September 30, 1774]
30th. The Congress met, went on with Means See.
MS (RHi) .
John Adams’ Diary
1774. Saturday [October 1]
Dined with Mr. Webster. Spent the Evening with Stephen Collins.
October 1, 1774
133
Went to see the Election at the State House. Mr. Dickinson was
chosen.^
MS (MHi) . Adams, Diar)' (Butterfield) , 2: 146.
^John Dickinson was one of eight representatives to the Pennsylvania Assembly
chosen for the County of Philadelphia. Pa. Archives, 8th ser. 8:7148. For the
elections for the City of Philadelphia, see Adams’ Diary, October 3, 1774.
Silas Deane’s Diary
[October 1, 1774]
Moved, that the proposal for paying for the Tea be added to the
Instructions.^ Motion for this made by Mr. Jay, Seconded by Mr.
Low — supported by Mr. Pendleton — opposed by Mr. Lee, Mr.
Gadsden, Mr. Lynch. Mr. Ross rather in favor of it. Mr. Lee against
it. Mr. Jno. Rutledge against it — spoke long 8c well. Mr. Pendleton
again for it. His principle is, that We expressly justify the Town of
Boston for destroying the Tea, 8c offer to pay for the Tea, on Condi¬
tion, that the Town of Boston be instantly relieved and at the same
time We resolve never hereafter to Use E India Commodities more
untill the E India Company refund the Money.
Mr. Henry, against it intirely. Eorcible, 8c spirited in his harangue.
Mr. [no Adams against it.
Mr. Low again for it, his Reason that it will take away the Osten¬
sible Reason for the Act.
Govr. Ward against it.
Mr. Low again for the Motion.
Mr. Goldsborou [gh] long Against it.
Mr. Duane lengthy in favor of it.
Mr. Rutledge Junr. long against it. The question put carried
Unanimously in the Negative.
Mr. Duane made a Long speech 8c then a Motion. See the
Journal.2 Mr. Adams, 8c Mr. Rutledge for postponing it to Monday.
Col. Lee proposes to extend it, to raising also, a Militia, 8c arming
them, for Our defence.^ Mr. Duane resents it.
Col. Lee, 8c Mr. Mifflin defend it. Postponed untill Monday.
Motion for Nonex[portatio]n of Elaxseed 8c Lumber to com¬
mence instantly. Spoke against by Mr. Ross that it is quarrelling with
Ireland before We begin with G Brittain.
Adjd half past Three.
Two Motions lye for Monday, one for instant Nonexportation of
Elaxseed, the other respecting Administration of Justice.
MS (CtHi) . This is the surviving remnant of the first part of a diary fragment
which begins in the middle of Deane’s entry for October 1 and continues through
134
October 1, 1774
October 6. The MS bears page numbers 17 through 31, at the head of the first of
which Deane wrote “from page the 3d.”
debate on instructions to the committee appointed to prepare an address to
the king was in progress.
^ See James Duane’s Proposed Resolution, October 1, 1774. The resolution as
finally adopted appears in the Journal under the date October 3, when it passed
after much debate and alteration. JCC, 1:54.
® See Richard Henry Lee’s Proposed Resolution, October 3, 1774, and Deane’s
Diary, October 3, 1774.
James Duane’s Proposed Resolution
[October 1, 1774] i
Resolved that these Colonies as far as their respective Circum¬
stances permitted have always cheerfully complied with the royal
Requisitions for raising Supplies of Men and Money not only for
their common defence and in the Reduction of Canada but in assist¬
ing his Majestys Arms in every other Instance when they have been
called upon for Aids; And that this Assembly is firmly persuaded
that the respective provincial Legislatures, zealous for the Safety &
Glory of the British Empire will readily concur in any plan consistent
with constitutional Liberty for drawing forth the united Councils aid
and Strength of these Branches of his Majesty’s Dominions whenever
it shall be found necessary.
MS (NHi) . In the hand of James Duane.
^ Duane introduced this resolve on October 1 as an instruction to the committee
appointed the same day to draft an address to the king. It was debated on the first
and the third, when it was adopted in substantially revised form. Its substance is
reflected in the Address to the King of October 26. JCC, 1:53-54, 119; Silas Deane’s
Diary, October 1, 3, 1774.
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[October 1, 1774]
Octr. Is. The Congress met, went on with Ways & Means. A new
Member from New-York.’
MS (RHi) .
^ Simon Boerum. JCC, 1:53. The New York Provincial Congress credited Boerum
with “35 days actual service in the first Honl. Continental Congress from the 27th
of Septr. 1774.” Simon Boerum’s Account, NN, Emmet Collection.
October 1, 1774
135
Samuel Ward to Samuel Ward, Jr.
My dear Children Philadelphia 1st Octr. 1774
Sammy’s Letter by last Post I have the Pleasure of and did design
to have wrote yesterday and given some general directions about
Business but could not get Time We rose so late from Business.
The manner in which I live is so different from that to which I
have been long used to that it incommoded Me vastly at first but Na¬
ture kindly gives Way to Necessity & I can bear it as well again as at
first. I am very well & think there is little or no Danger of the small
Pox.
We have much good Company here and have every Thing around
us in the most elegant Taste but I am confirmed in the Opinion I
have long been of that Happiness does not depend upon any Thing
without Us. I have seen a man worth £50000 law[ful] m[one]y
very unhappy in his Coach, a Rival in the public Eye, an imprudent
Step in an only Child embitter all his Pleasures, and with Regard to
myself though I am much pleased with the noble Sentiments 8c Ardor
of some of the Congress, the Consciousness of my having come here
upon the best Principles and having invariably pursued the public
Good give me a much greater Satisfaction than every thing else, and
the Pleasure of being with & taking Care of my little Tribe is much
greater than all the Grandeur & Gaiety around Me can inspire. Again
I think much of the noble Pleasures of Religion of the Worship of
God in my own Family & in his House and long to share those truly
important & real Pleasures with you & my Brethren 8c Friends but
Providence has pointed out this as the Scene of Action at present and
I pray that I may [be] enabled to see 8c do my Duty.
Besides seeing Mr. Davis twice one of our Brethren of his Church
was to see Me. He appeared to be a very modest good Man, my De¬
sire is very great to visit them but whether I can conveniently do it is
very uncertain.
The Congress have come to a Resolution that a Non Importation
8c non exportation Agreement shall take Place, [the fi]rst on 1st
Deer, next, the last not until 10th Sepr. 1775. I lament its being post¬
poned so late 8c did all I could to prevent it. Flaxseed will not be al¬
lowed to be exported I think.
I am in hopes we shall rise in a Fortnight or three Weeks but can
form no Judgment with Certainty.
There is a Vessel here which will sail for Newport this Week com¬
ing 8c I design to write by her. In the mean Time Remember Me to
all my Friends and in the most affectionate Manner to all your
Aunts. I am vastly glad your Aunt Marchant has joined you 8c hope
They will Stay until I come home that I may Once more have the
Pleasure of seeing them at my own House. That the Lord may be
136
October 1, 1774
with You & prosper You is the daily Prayer of Your affectionate
Father Sam Ward
RC (RHi) . Addressed; “To Mr. Samuel Ward Junr. In Westerly Rhode Island.”
James Duane to Peter Van Schaack
Dear Sir Philadelphia 2d Sept [i.e. October] 1774
I am sorry I have not paid yord the attention which I am sincerely
disposed to do on every Occasion; but the scene of Business and the
anxiety of Mind into which I am plunged by this important Delega¬
tion must plead my Apology. I presume no Business in which I am
engagd will be hurried on during my absence, for can there be any¬
thing more injurious than that Individuals shoud suffer because I am
pressed into the Publick Service at a Crisis when this Continent is in
danger of a civil war! At such a Time surely private Interest ought
to give place. I must suffer greatly on every Account and in every
View; & I am content to suffer. But it woud be severe indeed if the
Inconvenience shoud also fall upon my Clients. I hope therefore you
will not be pressed to a hearing against your Consent.^
The Map you mention lies on the lower shelf behind Mr. Lansings
usual Seat. It is drawn on brown paper 8c you can lay your hand on it
readily. I do not know any Argumt that will be of great use to you
with respect to the [Verterbeck?] Claim as it was never yet drawn
into Judgement or discussion. In my Breif for the King agt Col. Ren-
selaer I Noted such objection as occurred to me. I believe it may be
found under Letter K or N in the upper alphabet of my office papers
but of this I am not Sure. Mr. Lansing will however make a Search 8c
you can possess yourself of it very probably.
Mr. Boerum is arriv’d from King’s. He says there will be a meet¬
ing in Queen’s. Of Richmond I hear Nothing. I have so much at
Heart a complete Representation (including the four new Counties
from whence nothing can be expected) ; that I do not Care who
comes; tho considering the Rank 8c abilities of the other Delegates it
serves no pleasing Contrast for our Province. We have now here four
from New York and Wisener Herring Floyd 8c Boerum.^ I hope
these last will be edified 8c pleased for Life with the Rank they held
in their grand Assembly 8c that their generous Counties will erect
Monuments to their everlasting Fame!
My lips are Sealed 8c I can give you no Information, so that you
must suppress your Curiosity till I am at Liberty. Pray with me for
the happy Issue of Determinations on which our future peace so
much depends. My Anxiety believe me is inexpressible; and when a
period will be put to my Inquietudes I cannot even guess. I hope to
October 2, 1774
137
have the Consolation of doing the little good that is in my power, and
if it shoud serve the Cause of this unhappy Country I shall be con¬
tented.
I am much pleased with the active part you have taken in bringing
the delinquent Counties to a Sense of their Duty. It must do you
Credit, for whatever may be the Event their Supiness is highly cen-
sureable.
A Strange Story is propagated here of two of our eminent Charac¬
ters Mr. Watts & Mr. Kempe.^ As it came from New York you must
know the particulars 8c I need not relate them. I have venturd to
pronounce it, very publickly, to be an infamous Forgery. I think I
did this on secure Grounds 8c have boldly staked my Reputation for
my injurd Friends. Pray let me know what you can elicit on this ex¬
traordinary Subject. If I get time I shall write to Mr. Kempe but least
I shoud be disappointed Just mention it to him 8c let me know what
he says. I am sensible he is above a Slander of this Kind But as a
Friend I feel tenderly both for him 8c Mr Watts 8c shud be happy to
state the Truth. Dr Cooper is another Character which is the Subject
of Animadversion. It is said he applauds without Reserve the Meas¬
ures of Ministry towards Boston — which are certainly held in
abhorrence by the whole Continent. 1 am Dear Sir with great Regard
Your most Obed huml Servt Jas Duane
P.S. Write me by the post at the [Nor.?] of the Town if you have
time. It is no small Relief to me to hear from my Friends; 8c when
you write send to here the State of my Family, as you once kindly
did. In my Frame of mind I cannot hear often enough from them!
Forget not to inform me of the proceedings concerning Mr Mc-
Evers 8c Mr De Lancey who it is said are under Suspicion or in Dis¬
grace for Supplying the Troops at Boston with Blankets.
RC (ICHi) .
* Peter Van Schaack (1747-1832) , New York lawyer, was, like Duane, a member
of the Committee of Fifty-One in New York City. Van Schaack, whose later loyalism
led to his exile in England, was still deeply involved in the colonial resistance
movement in 1774. Edward P. Alexander, A Revolutionary Conservative: James
Duane of New York (New York: Columbia University Press, 1938) , pp. 97-98.
^ Duane’s apprehension that his law practice in New York might suffer during
his absence in Philadelphia was shared by his colleague John Jay. John Jay to
Peter Van Schaack, October 2, 1774, ICHi, Van Schaack Papers.
='The election of delegates for Congress was a complicated process in New York.
After much bickering between radicals and conservatives. New York City freehold¬
ers, freemen, and taxpayers approved on July 28, 1774, a slate of delegates
recommended by the Committee of Fifty-One and consisting of John Alsop, James
Duane, John Jay, Philip Livingston, and Isaac Low. The very next day this
committee dispatched circular letters to all the other counties in New York,
requesting them to elect delegates of their own or authorize New York City’s to
represent them instead. Three counties thereupon went ahead and chose their own
delegates— Orange (John Haring and Henry Wisner) , Suffolk (William Floyd) ,
138
October 2, 1774
and Kings (Simon Boerum) . Another county— Albany— first elected its own dele¬
gates and then decided to allow the New York City delegation to act in its behalf,
and three others— Westchester, Dutchess, and Ulster— simply took the latter course.
On the other hand the six remaining New York counties took no action at all in
regard to the election of delegates. Carl Becker, “The Nomination and Election of
Delegates from New York to the First Continental Congress, 1774,” Political Science
Quarterly 18 (1903) : 28-46.
* For details of this “Strange Story” see Duane to John Tabor Kempe, October
11, 1774.
John Adams’ Diary
1774 Monday Octr. 3. 1774.
Breakfasted at home with Coll. Dagworthy of Maryland, Captn.
Dagworthy his Brother, Major De Bois, Mr. Webb, Dr. Clopton See.
The hurry of Spirits I have been in, since my Arrival in this City, has
prevented my making Remarks in my Journal as I wished to have
done. The quick Succession of Objects, the Variety of Scenes and
Characters, have rendered it impracticable. Major De Bois says he
will drink Dispute this Morning. The Congress not come to Decision,
yet.i
Dined at home. This Day Charles Thompson and Thos. Mifflin
were chosen Burgesses for this City. The Change in the Elections for
this City and County is no small Event. Mr. Dickinson and Mr.
Thompson, noAV joined to Mr. Mifflin, will make a great Weight in
favour of the American Cause.
MS (MHi) . Adams, Dfary (Butterfield) , 2:146-47.
^ Adams is undoubtedly referring to instructions for the committee to prepare
an address to the king, which were debated at length October 3, 4, and 5. JCC,
1:53-55.
Silas Deane’s Diary
[October 3, 1774]
Monday Congress opened.
3d Octo. The president in the Chair. Ten oClock — both Motions
read. Col. Lee makes a Motion for Amendment. See the Motion Sec¬
onded by Col. Lee.^
Opposed by Mr. Rutledge as being out of the Line of Our Busi¬
ness, and in degree, a Declaration of Warr, which if intended, no
other Measure ought to be taken up, but that We should he says
speak out at Once. Col. Lee opposes him & defends his Motion —
that it is the Duty of the Congress to put the Americans on defending
themselves.
October 3, 1774
139
Mr. Roger Sherman, for it, confusedly enough though miss’d the
Question & sat down. Col. Harison against it, that it will tend, only
to irritate, whereas Our Business is to reconcile — that we are unable
to defend Ourselves. Mr. Henry for it. Says that a preparation for
Warr is Necessary to obtain peace — That America is not Now in a
State of peace — That all the Bulwarks, of Our Safety, of Our Con-
stitn. are thrown down. That We are Now in a State of Nature — That
We ought to ask Ourselves the Question should the planns of
Nonim[portatio]n & Nonexp[ortatio]n fail of success— in that
Case Arms are Necessary, & if then, it is Necessary Now. Arms are a
Resource to which We shall be forced, a Resource afforded Us by
God & Nature, & why in the Name of both are We to hesitate provid¬
ing them Now whilst in Our power.
Mr. Rutledge again moving to postpone this and to take it up here
after that it is out of Order and is a New Motion.
Mr. Henry corrects him.
Mr. Rutledge again.
Col. Lee in the same Way.
Mr. Duane in support of his first Motion that he is not for Warr,
nor are his people.
Mr. Rutledge again to Order.
Mr. Pendleton declares it to be in Order but that it is exceptiona¬
ble and proposes it to be amended.
Mr. Rutledge junr. against it.
Col Dyar for it at large.
Mr. Low against it.
Col. Bland against it.
Mr. Henry again lengthy & zealous for it.
Mr. Hooper against it as a most impolitic measure at this Time 8c
if pursued will defeat its design. North Carolina has a Militia Law.
South Carolina also has such a Law. Virginia has had one for a Cen¬
tury, but N. Carolinas is a Temporary one pass’d at the express de¬
sire of the Governor. General Gage is now beseiged, 8c is dependant
on our Lenity. That N. Carolina is able to defend itself.
Mr. Duane again.
Mr. Lynch for it and Lengthy says We have already adopted much
the same thing — That all Europe can not subdue it. See but proposes
a different Bill which Col. Lee agrees to.
Mr. Jay says he would be for it were it as innocent as it is wise.
Col. Bland against it. The Motion was again altered 8c amended
and the Question being put was carried Unanimously.^ Mr. Lynch
moved respecting the Regulations of Trade or Acts of Charles the
Second should be considered as obligatory.
After long debating put off the Question untill Tomorrow 8c adjd.
Supp’d at Evening at Mr. Mifflins.^
140
October 3, 1774
MS (CtHi) .
’^See Richard Henry Lee’s Proposed Resolution, October 3, 1774, which was
intended to strengthen Tames Duane’s motion of October 1 .
VCC, 1:54.
^For Tuesday, October 4, 1774, Deane briefly noted in his diary: "am ill, kept
my chamber. No Resolution pass’d in Congress.’’
Richard Henry Lee’s Proposed Resolution
[October 3, 1774] i
Resolved That as we find the reason declared in the preamble to
the Acts of Parliament for raising a Revenue in America to be for
“suporting the Civil Government Administration of Justice and for
protecting defending and securing” the Colonies, The Congress
recommend it to the Colonies where it is not already done, to pro¬
vide a constitutional honorable, and compitent support for the pur¬
poses of Government and Administration of Justice. And since it is
quite unreasonable that the Mother Country should be at the expence
of maintaining Standing Armies in North America for its defence and
that Administration may be convinced that this is unnecessary and
improper as North America is able, willing, and under Providence
determined to Protect Defend and Secure itself. The Congress do
most earnestly recommend it to the several Colonies that a Militia
be forthwith appointed and well disciplined And that they be well
provided with Ammunition and Proper Arms.
MS (PPAmP) . In the hand of Richard Henry Lee and endorsed by Lee: “Motion
made in Congress Oct. 1774 by R.H.L. to apprize the pub. of danger & to put the
Colonies in a State of [. . . .]’’
^ Silas Deane’s Diary, October 3, 1774, makes it clear that Lee offered this motion
as an amendment to James Duane’s proposed resolution of October 1. Lee’s
attempt to strengthen Congress’ commitment to military defense was opposed by a
majority of the delegates. Instead, Congress passed the milder resolution that is
recorded in the journals. JCC, 1:54.
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[October 3, 1774]
3rd. The Congress met, considered the Address to the King &
adjd.
MS (RHi) .
October 3, 1774
141
Samuel Ward to Joseph Wanton
Sir, Philadelphia, October 3. 1774.
We should with Pleasure have communicated to you the Proceed¬
ings of the Congress from Time to Time, but the Resolution to let
Nothing transpire without express Direction would not admit it; but
we may with Propriety, we believe, observe that from the Resolutions
unanimously come into by the Congress upon the Resolves of the
County of Suffolk, which were immediately published with those Re¬
solves, some Estimate may be formed of the general Sentiments of
the Congress.
We take this early Opportunity of acquainting Your Honor,^ that
a Non-Importation from Great-Britain and Ireland is agreed upon, to
take Place the first Day of December next, and a general Non- Expor¬
tation on the tenth Day of September next. Non-Exportation of sev¬
eral Commodities to different Parts, to commence immediately or
very soon, is under Consideration, and we think will probably be re¬
solved upon.
Whenever any Measures are adopted, the Communication of
which will either give Pleasure to the Colony, or promote its Interest,
we shall (the Moment we are at Liberty) give you the earliest Intelli¬
gence of them.
The Magnitude of the Subjects before the Congress, the peculiar
Circumstances of Delicacy and Intricacy in which they are involved,
the Danger of taking a false Step in a Matter of such vast Impor¬
tance, and the Necessity of adopting of every proper Measure, can¬
not fail to lengthen the Session. What has been done we hope will be
honoured with the Approbation of the Colony. Much still remains to
be done, and however striking the Ideas of our Friends and Connex¬
ions at Home may be after a long Absence, we shall chearfully con¬
tinue here as long as the Service of our Country requires it, and we
hope faithfully to exert our utmost Endeavours in this arduous Un¬
dertaking for the common Good of America. We are, with great Re¬
gard Your Honor’s most obedient, and most humble Servants.
Sam. Ward
P.S. When the above was wrote Mr. Hopkins was expected in Town
but not being yet returned 8c the Vessel ready to sail I am forced to
write singly.
RC (R-Ar) . In a clerical hand, with signature and postscript by Ward.
1 Joseph Wanton (1705-80), Newport merchant, was governor of Rhode Island
from May 1769 to October 1775, when he was ousted from office by the Rhode
Island Assembly for his loyalist attitudes and behavior. The National Cyclopaedia
of American Biography, 10:15-16. For a detailed account of Wanton’s last year m
office, see David S. Lovejoy, Rhode Island Politics and the American Revolution,
1760-1776 (Providence, R. I.: Brown University Press, 1958) , pp. 170-84.
142
October 4, 1774
John Adams’ Diary
1774 Tuesday. Oct. 4.
Dined with Mr. Alexander Wilcox, with all the Delegates from N.
York, and several other Gentlemen. This Evening General Lee came
to my Lodgings and shewed me an Address from the C[ongress] to
the People of Canada which he had.^
MS (MHi) . Adams, Dfary (Butterfield) , 2:147.
Charles Lee (1731-82), former British army officer who settled in Virginia in
1773; appointed major-general in the Continental Army, June 1775. DAB. Congress
did not appoint a committee to draft an address to “the people of Quebec” until
October 21. JCC, 1:101.
Thomas Cushing to Deborah Cushing
My Dear Philadelphia October 4th 1774
I have received your kind favors of the 19th & 21st September. I
have wrote Dr Cooper twice & design soon to write Dr Chauncey.
Give my best respects to both of them. I have communicated your
several Agreable Letters to the Farmer^ 8c his Lady, to Mr Mifflin 8c
Mr Thompson and their Ladies 8c others, they all are extreamly
pleased with them 8c admire them for the patriotic, calm 8c undaunted
spirit they breath. The Farmer says, if it was Customary to chose
Women into the Assembly, he should be heartily for choosing you
Speaker of the House as they all wish to see you here. Mr Mifflin 8c
Mr Charles Thompson were chosen yesterday members for this City
and Mr John Dickerson was chosen on Saturday last Member for the
County.2 A good sign that the people are hearty in the Cause of Lib¬
erty. I ^vish I could write you any politicks, [fowf] as I am enjoined
to Secrecy must refrain. It is currently reported in the city that the
Congress have Voted that no goods shall be imported from Great
Britain 8c Ireland after the first Day of December next, and that none
Imported after that Day shall be used or consumed and that the Con¬
gress have also Voted that no Goods or Merchandise shall after the
10th Day of September next be Exported from the Colonies to Great
Britain Ireland or the West Indies unless our Grieviances shall be re¬
dressed before that time, and I do not deny it or Contradict these
reports.^
Was it not for the Concern we were under for the People of Bos¬
ton 8c the Massachusetts we should Spend our Time here very Agrea-
bly. We Sett in Congress from nine oClock in the Morning to three,
some times four in the afternoon. We then dine with the nobles in
Philadelphia, with seldom less than Ten, Twelve or fifteen in Compa¬
ny 8c after that spend the Evening very Agreably. 1 have just seen a
October 5, 1774
143
letter from London dated 4 of August Which Informs that a Man of
War, which left Boston on the sixth of July, had brought them such
Intelligence of the Conduct of General Gage as had thrown them into
Confusion Sc Consternation, as they apprehended the Consequence of
it would be a Civil Warr 8c that they were under great apprehensions
that it had Commenced before that time. I am in good health 8c hope
this finds you in the same agreable situation. I remain in haste yr af¬
fectionate Husband, Thomas Cushing
RC (MHi) .
^ John Dickinson.
“These men were elected to the Pennsylvania Assembly. See John Adams’ Diary,
October 1 and 3, 1774.
® Cushing is referring to the nonimportation resolution of September 27 and the
nonexportation resolution of September 30. Cushing was a member of the commit¬
tee appointed on September 30 “to bring in a plan for carrying into effect, the
non-importation, non-consumption, and non-exportation resolved on.” JCC, 1:43,
51-53.
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[October 4, 1774]
4th. Met 8c gave Instruction to the Comee. for addressing 8cc.
MS (RHi) .
John Adams’ Diary
1774. Wednesday Octr. 5th.
Dined with Dr. Cadwallador, in Company with Governor Hamil¬
ton, Gen. Lee, Mr. Henry, Mr. Pendleton, Mr. De Hart, and many
others — Mr. Maese and others. Spent the Evening at Home with Mr.
McDougal, and Mr. Sherman — -in sad and solemn Consultation
about the Miseries and Distresses of our dear Tovi^n of Boston.
MS (MHi) . Adams, Diary (Butterfield) , 2:147.
Silas Deane’s Diary
[October 5, 1774]
Wednesday Octo 5th. Attended in Congress. A Lettr, or petition,
from Mr. Goddard respecting the post Office was read. Ordered, to
lye on the Table. And the Motion of Yesterday taken up.i Mr. Read
144
October 5, 1774
in favor of the Motion that some declaration ought to be made in the
pacific Way.
That the Regulations, of Trade, for the present ought to be pass’d
over. It is better for the present to Temporize.
Col. Dyer, for altering the Motion — but appears very confused.
Maj. Sullivan, that the Motion is not sufficiently explicit but that
We ought to Speak out. Proposes an amendment. Mr. Lynch against
the whole Clause, as 1763 will leave some of the worst Acts in force
— the Rice being enumerated — The Hatt Act — The Act for extend¬
ing Land in America to the payment of Debts — The Act of Wm &:
Mary, & the 5th of George 2d. extend the power of jurisdictn. of Ad¬
miralty invidiously. The Greivance of the Crown appointing Coun-
cellors to act as Legislators, in the respective Colonies, are he says all
of them Greivances to be remonstrated against.
Mr. Adams jun. for the Motion. Says it does not imply, that We
are to submit to all proceeding Acts — but that We shall by such re¬
peal be in the State We were in in 1763 as to harmony.
Mr. Low complains, that the Motion is not sufficiently explicit,
that We ought to speakout, complains of being misapprehended, &,
of being in a suspicious point of Light.
Col. Lee answers, and is at large for the Motion.
Col. Dyer again, (quite on one side of the Question) .
Mr. Adams senr. for the Amendment in part but proposes anoth¬
er.
Mr. Cushing strangely against it.
Mr. Lynch for it.
Mr. Jay, for the last amendment to appearance at first, but finally
means to confound every thing. Mr. Henry answers him and is severe
on Mr. Jay.
Mr. Rutlidge senr. against the Whole of the Motion, 8c thinks it
ought to be totally rejected as Admiralty Courts were extended be¬
fore the Year 1763, which are the most enormous of any Whatever,
and that he will never be easy while that extension remains as it in
effect is destroying all privileges in the destruction of Trial by Juries.
Mr. Henry 8c Mr. Rutledge dispute about the meaning of an Act
of Parliament.
Mr. Cushing in support of his Motion.
Mr. Mifflin in support of the same.
Mr. Jay up against the Motion.
Mr. Sherman, up on Acct. of taking up the Greivances at large, 8c
dropping the Motion.
Mr. Read explains himself as to some Expressions in his Speech.
Mr. Johnson, lengthy 8c in favor of the Motion.
Col. Lee makes a New Motion for an Amendment in the Instruc¬
tions to the Committee — reads it and it is seconded.
October 5, 1774
145
Mr. Payne, rather against the Motion, that We should be more ex¬
plicit.
Mr. Low joins him.
Mr. Cushing, rather severe on the subject against New York.
Mr. Low answers him.
Mr. Adams, senr. replies.
Question call’d for. Mr. Jay rises to make Observations, and To
Slip it by, asserting that the Amendmt. was just the same as the Mo¬
tion. Col. Lee very severe & lengthy in his Reply.
Mr. Rutledge jr., makes a New Motion and gets it seconded by
Mr. Jay.
Mr. Chace, prefers the first amendment — but is for forming Reso¬
lutions against all Acts of Parliament, Sc then to propose modes of
Opposition.
Mr. Biddle, against being confined to the Year 1763.
Mr. Duane against including the Canada Bill in the Petition to the
King.
Col. Lee answers him respecting the Canada Bill.
Mr. Lynch, in answer to Mr. Chace. The Question put the
Amendment Carried 6. to 5. Colonies. Pennsylvania divided 8c was
not counted.
Colonies Stood thus
N. Hampshire
for
New York
No
Phila: divided
Massachusetts
for
New Jersey
No
Rhode Island
do.
3 Counties
No
Connecticut
do.
Maryland
No
Virginia
do.
S. Carolina
No
N. Carolina
do.
6
5
12
Mr. Adams, moves to bring on the Motion for Nonimportation^
of Flaxseed.
Mr. Galloway against the Motion, unless other Articles are Now
enumerated otherways it will not be a fair Method of proceeding.
Mr. Mifflin, says it is proper We first should say what Articles
ought, or are Necessary to be prohibited.
Mr. Adams up again.
Majr. Sullivan against stopping the Article of Lumber.
Mr. Mifflin observes that Boards are as good for the Shipping of
Sugar as Staves by making Boxes.
Col. Lee thinks that it is best to let, the Non Exp [ortatio] n agree¬
ment will be rested best on the general footing on Which it Now
stands (viz) on the first of Sepr. next.
Gov. Ward speaking for it.
Col. Dyer against it without other Articles.
146
October 5, 1774
S. Deane, asks that all Articles, that are to lye under Nonex
[portatiojn, be at once enumerated that We may know at once what
can be sacrificed.
Mr. Galloway, Flaxseed can be had from Germany as cheap tho.
not perhaps so good.
Mr. Adams, to put off the Question untill tomorrow morning. Sec¬
onded.
Mr. Pain, spoke about the impropriety of using the word sacrifice
&[c].
Mr. Lynch, for the Motion.
Mr. Gadsden, after much talk. Moved, that from & after the 10th
Septr. 1774^ no remittances to be made to G Brittain.
Seconded by Govr. Ward.
Adjd. at Three o Clock.
MS (CtHi).
* See final version of this motion, JCC, 1:54-55.
^Although Deane clearly wrote “Nonimportation,” the motion under discussion
concerned nonexportation of flaxseed and other specific articles to particular
places. See Deane’s Diary, October 1, and Samuel Ward to Joseph Wanton, October
3, 1774.
“Although Deane wrote 1774, the Association as finally adopted specified that
nonexportation would be implemented September 10, 1775. JCC, 1:77.
Robert Treat Paine’s Notes for a Speech in Congress
[October 5. 1774]!
[ in the W. Indies, in Plantations &: Debts, Amounts to
Many millions Stg., all of which will be Either Tottally Lost, or
greatly Reduced by a Suspension of our Trade with them.
3. Stopping the Exportation of Flaxseed to Ireland will Ruin the
Irish Linnen Manufacture Which Employs more than 500,000 Per¬
sons for all the Wisdom of Engld. & Ireland United cant Sow the flax
Lands of Ireland without the American Seed, of which the Annual
Exportation is abt. 34000 hhds of 7 bushels Each, which Sowes abt.
100,000 Acres of Flax. We have advice that the whole of the Last
Years Seed is Sold there. Very Small Supplyes can be obtain’d from
Holland or Else Where, & that little very unfit for Sowing the Land,
but allowing that Seed might be obtain’d Sufficient to Sow one third
of their Lands (which I apprehend far beyound the Truth) in that
case they must dismiss above 300,000 People from Employment, &:
of course put them on Immediate Starving, or making their way as
they can to all the Granaries of Provisions within their Reach, for a
Starving Multitude cant be Quieted but by feeding or killing them.
These distresses will light on Ireland first, but they will Soon Reach
October 5, 1774
147
England, for the funds or Stock which Support the Irish Linnen
Manufacture Lie principly in England. Half the Linen Manufacturd.
in Ireland is due to the merchants in England before it is made, 8c
very many people in England 8c many members of the Brittish Par-
liamt. own Estates in Ireland, 8c of Course must Immediately feel
these Effects, 8c not the Immediate Effects only, but more distant
ones also for the merchts. will not be able to Supply their Customers
in foreign Markets, which must of Course be Supplyd. by the Dutch
8c French, 8c thereby Turn the Channel of that Commerce into those
foreign hands, which the English have been these thirty Years past
Struggling to Wrest from them, 8c which will not be Easily Recoverd.
if it Shod, ever be Lost. The Same may be Observd. of the Sugar
Trade, for the French, Dutch, Spaniards 8c Portuguese will Immedi¬
ately Supply those foreign Markets, which have hitherto Received
the English Exports. And as there is a great, tho not always visible
Connexion between all the Several Branches of Trade in any Nation,
’tis Impossible to determine how far an obstruction of those great
Branches, may Affect all the Rest, and as the Publick Funds of the
English Nation are most Intimately connected with its Commerce, no
one can foresee how far they may be Affected by Such grand Ob¬
structions over 8c above the Immediate Reduction of one Tenth Part
of the National Revenue.
I humbly propose that these great Suspensions of our Trade be Se¬
riously 8c early adopted, with a firm Resolution to Continue them for¬
ever If the B. P. Refuse to repeal all Sd. Acts, for I am clearly of
opinion, that it is far better for English America to be forever de¬
prived of those great Branches of Trade, than Submit to the Endless
Miseries 8c Curses of a foreign Legislation but I cant think there is
any danger that a Repeal of Sd. Acts will be delay’d after the B. P.
are made acquainted with these Resolutions of America for if the
Obstinate madness of a headstrong Ministry Shod, be persevering,
yet the combind. force of the Starving Manufacturers of Ireland 8c
Engd., the distresses of the Irish 8c West India Merchts. who must be
breaking not here 8c there a house, but by Whole Streets at a time, 8c
the distracted State of the Publick funds, will all conspire so strongly
to Remove the fatal Evil, that no Influence of any Ministry can with¬
stand the Argument. They can indeed have no time to deliberate for
If the Acts are not repeal’d time eno for advice to Reach America by
the Middle of next Feby, it will be Impossible to Convey the Ameri¬
can Flaxseed to Ireland in Season for the Next Seed time 8c So the
Irish Linen Manufacture must be ruind. or at Least Suspended for
one year, 8c the Distresses of the W. Indies will soon be Infinite &:
Ruinous, if not releived Speedily by Supplys from N. America, but if
these Measures Shod, not produce an Immediate Repeal I dare Say
the accumulating distresses of a Little time will bring the Parliamt. to
579-852 0 - 77 - 12 Vol. 1
148
October 5, 1774
their senses & Most Effectually do the business. Indeed I freely con¬
fess I cannot beleive that the Whole Senate of G. B. can possibly In-
curr the Ruin of the Nation & Sacrifice the Most Important Intrests
of it, to a Wretched Parliamentary Pride in Supporting a few acts of
their own Which no one of them can pretend to Justify on the princi¬
ples of Justice or Policy, & which Every Individual of them is heartily
sorry were Ever Enacted.
But it may be objected that 'tis Cruel, to distress the Manufactur¬
ers of Ireland & G. Brittain, & the Creoles & Negroes of the W. In¬
dies, who have not injured us. I answer, I Propose to Supply the W.
Indies with Every necessary. Except Staves, heading &: hoops ’till the
first of Deer. Next, ’till which time Neither they Nor the English or
Irish Manufacturers will Suffer from our Resolutions, & Then it will
be with the B. P. to Say how Long they Shall Suffer, or whither Any
at all. So if there is any Cruelty in the Case, it will Lie at their door &
not at ours. I will Just add a Word or two on the Sufferings of the
Americans themselves from these Measures, which I think Not Quite
Intollerable, & may be Reduced Principly to the following heads
1. They will Suffer themselves to grow Rich by a Disuse of the
fopperies & Superfluities Imported from G. Brittain, none of which
are of Essential use, & most of which much worse than Nothing.
2. They will Suffer tliemselves to grow wise & virtuous & healthy
by a disuse of the Intoxicating Poisons & needless Luxuries Imported
from the W. Indies, for I am Clearly of Opinion tho’ Some things
Imported from G. B. & the W. Indies may be calld. usefull, yet Tak¬
ing all our Importations together, it wd. be better for America to pay
for them all, & then Sink them, than to bring them ashore, 8c use
them in the way that is become Customary.
3. They will Suffer themselves to grow Ingenious 8c Industrious in
Manufacturing their own Necessaries, of whiclt they have Raw Mate¬
rials Eno.
4. I’he American Merchts. will Suffer themselves to grow Rich by
Purchasing Raw Materials 8c Setting people to manufacture them, for
the Merchts. will get much more Trade 8c more profit in this way,
than by Importing the Manufacture ready finishd.
5. The Farmers who Raise flaxseed, few of whom Raise more than
half a Doz bushels, must Suffer Indeed the Loss of Perhaps one
third, or one half its Value by keeping it at home, for it is worth
Somediing to feed Cattle or to Make oyl, 8c for this Loss they are to
be paid in the Liberties of themselves 8c their Posterity, which I think
is no bad bargain.
6. But Whatever the Americans may Suffer, it is very Evident
their Sufferings will be much Less by Resolutions that will force a
speedy 8c Total Redress of our Grievances, than by Weak, Puny 8c
Partial Resolutions, whose operation will be Slow, 8c Effects Doubt-
October 5, 1774
149
full. America Ought not to Leave it Problematical! whether they will
Ever put up with the Loss of their Liberties or not. When our Impor¬
tant all is in Question, to use Weak 8c doubtfull Argts. is to give up
the Cause or at Least to Weaken the Confidence of all our friends 8c
add Great Sp [iri] t to our Enemies, whereas on the other hand Meas¬
ures Sufficiently Spirited 8c Extensive, will discourage 8c dishearten
the Proudest of our Oppressors, 8c Strengthen the hearts of our Suf¬
fering Brethern in Boston on Whose Resolution 8c Perseverance, the
great cause of American Liberty much Depends, for if they Shd.
Yeild the point, I dont know where the Next Stand might be Expect¬
ed to be made.
MS (NN) . In the hand of Robert Treat Paine.
^Although this MS is undated, it seems certain that Paine delivered this speech
on October 5 near the end of the debate on a motion for the immediate nonexpor¬
tation of flaxseed— at which time, according to Silas Deane’s diary, “Mr. Pain, spoke
about the impropriety of using the word .sacrifice &c.’’ This debate had its origin
in the delegates’ discussion of "the means most proper to be u.sed for a restoration
of American rights,” a discussion which had led to the adoption on September 30
of a resolution prohibiting all exports to Great Britain, Ireland, and the West
Indies effective September 10, 1775. JCC, 1:51-52. In the aftermath of this decision.
Congress also had resolved on October 1 to prepare “a loyal address” to the king
and the following week intermittently debated instructions for the committee
appointed to prepare the “address” in the midst of the continuing debate on
“means.” It was in this context that a motion had been made on October 1 for the
immediate suspension of the export of some select items, of which flaxseed for
Ireland was deemed the most important. The motion “for instant Nonexportation
of Flaxseed” was subsequently postponed to Monday, October 3, but as the debate
on Monday and Tuesday again focused on instructions for the committee to
prepare the address to the king, it was not until Wednesday October 5 that
attention returned to nonexportation, at which time “Mr. Adams, according to
Deane moved “to bring on the Motion for Nonimportation of Flaxseed.” Although
Deane’ does not further identify “Mr. Adams” (he often u.sed the terms senior and
junior to distinguish Samuel from John) , it seems probable froin Sarnuel Adams
interest in Paine’s speech and his participation in the debate the following day
that it was indeed he who moved to resume debate on “instant Nonexportatmn
and rose twice subsequently to speak on the subject before the end o the day. 1 his
conclusion is also supported by the fact that Paine’s notes for this ®Peech are
located in the Samuel Adams Papers, NN. For further information on Adams
interest in the subject of economic sanctions against Britain, see Samuel Adams
Nmeton Trade, September 27? 1774; and Silas Deane’s Diary, October 5, and 6,
-Two pages containing the first two points in Paines speech are missing, but
from the remaining text and the context of the debate in Congress mi th‘s day it
can be surmised that Paine had discussed some of the consequences of halt g
exports to Great Britain, Ireland, and the British West Indies.
150
October 5, 1774
John Sullivan to John Langdon
Sir, Philadelphia, Septem’r [i.e. October] 5th, 1774.
Your favor came safe to hand by Mr. Wharton. Am much obliged
for the seasonable hint you have given respecting masts. I should
gladly give you an account of our proceedings but am under an obli¬
gation of Secrecy. Except with respect to the general non Importa¬
tion & non Exportation the former to take place on the first of De¬
cember next, the latter in September following.^ We have selected
those Acts which we determine to have a Repeal of or forever re¬
strain our trade from Great Britain, Ireland & the West Indies;
among which Acts is the Canada Bill,^ in my opinion the most dan¬
gerous to American Liberties among the whole train; for when we re¬
flect on the dangerous situation the Colonies were in at the com¬
mencement of the Late War with a number of those Canadians on
their backs who were assisted by Powerful Indian Nations deter¬
mined to extirpate the Race of Protestants from America to make
way for their own Cursed Religion so Dangerous to the State &: fa¬
vorable to Despotism, & contemplate that by the late Act their Terri¬
tory is so far extended as to include by far the greater part of North
America: that this will be a city of refuge for Roman Catholicks who
will ever appear in favor of the Prerogative of the Crown backed by
an abandoned Minister, aided by the whole force of Great Britain &
assisted by the same Indian Nations, we must suppose our Situation
to be Infinitely more Dangerous now than it was then, for while we
are engaged with the Canadians on our Erontiers our Seaports must
yield to the Ministerial fleet & army & if they once prevail no man
must expect safety until he professes that Holy Religion which our
Sovereign has been pleased to establish. I am certain that two Gods
may as well exist in the universe as those two Religions where the
Papists have power to extirpate the professors of the other. We can
easily discover the designs of the Act Sc are determined to Counteract
it at all events. I hope to have the pleasure of seeing you in a few
days after this Letter comes to hand 8c give you a particular account
of our proceedings: in the interim I am yours respectfully,
Jno Sullivan
MS not found; text from Alfred Langdon Elwyn, comp., Letters by Josiah Bartlett,
William Whipple, and Others, Written before and during the Revolution (Phila¬
delphia: H. B. Ashmead, 1889) , pp. 5-6, and Tr (DLC) .
^Nonimportation was agreed to September 27 and the nonexportation resolve
was adopted September 30. JCC, 1:43, 51-53.
The Quebec Act, which became the focus of debate in Congress on October 17
See James Duane’s Notes of Debates, October 17, 1774.
October 6, 1774
151
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[October 5, 1774]
5th. Met &: gave another Instru[ctio]n;^ considered of non Impor¬
tation.
MS (RHi) .
^See JCC, 1:54-55.
John Adams’ Notes of Debates
[October 6, 1774] ^
Mr. Gadsden. There are Numbers of Men who will risque their
all. I shudder at the thought of the Blood which will be spilled, and
would be glad to avoid it.
Mr. Pendleton. How is the Purchaser to know whether the Mo-
losses, Sugar, or Coffee, has paid the Duty or not? It cant be known.
Shant We by this hang out to all the World our Intentions to smug-
gle?
Don’t We complain of these Acts as Grievances, and shant we ins¬
ist on the Repeal.
But this will give an Advantage to the West Indians and will make
it their Interest to oppose our obtaining Redress.
Coll. Dyer. This Subject as every Part of our Deliberations are im¬
portant. The Q[uestion] is how far to extend the Non Importation of
dutiable Articles.
Mr. Chace. I am against the Question before you. What are^ the
Ways and Means of obtaining Redress. In the manner it is penn’d it
would not answer the End. How shall the Buyer know whether the
Duties have been paid or not. • , c
Our Enemies will think that We mean to strike at the Right of
Parliament to lay duties for the Regulation of Trade.
I am one of those who hold the Position, that Parliament has a
Right to make Laws for us in some Cases, to regulate the Trade
and in all Cases where the good of the whole Empire requires it.
My Eears were up when We went into the Consideration of a Bill
of Rights. I was afraid We should say too little or too much.
It is said this is not a Non Importation Resolution. But it is, for
there is no Importation of goods but according to the Law of the
Land.
Mr. Linch. I came here to get Redress of Grievances, and to adopt
every Means for that End, which could be adopted with a good Con¬
science.
152
October 6, 1774
In my Idea Parliament has no Power to regulate Trade. But these
Duties are all for Revenue not for Regulation of Trade.
Many Gentlemen in this Room know how to bring in Goods, sug¬
ars and others, without paying Duties.
Will any Gentleman say he will never purchase any Goods untill
he is sure, that they were not smuggled.
Mr. Mifflin. We shall Agree I suppose, to a Non Exportation of
Lumber to the West Indies. They cannot send their Sugars to Eng¬
land, nor to America. Therefore they cant be benefited.
Mr. Low. Gentlemen have been transported by their Zeal, into
Reflections upon an order of Men who deserve it the least of any
Men in the Community.
We ought not to deny the just Rights of our Mother Country. We
have too much Reason in this Congress, to suspect that Independen¬
cy is aimed at.
I am for a Resolution against any Tea, Dutch as well as English.
[We] ought to consider the Consequences possible as well as
[pro] bable of every Resolution We take and provide ourselves
[wit] h a Retreat or Resource.
[Wha] t would be the Consequence of an Adjournment of the
[Con]gress for 6 months? or a Recommendation of a [new?] Elec¬
tion of another to meet at the End of 6 Months? [Is it?] possible
they may make it criminal, as Treason, [Mi] sprision of Treason, or
Eelony or a Praemunire? [Bo] th in the Assemblies who choose and
in the Mem[ber]s who shall accept the Trust.
[Wou]ld the assemblies or Members be intimidated? [Wou]ld
they regard such an Act?^
Will, Can the People bear a total Interruption of the [We] st India
Trade? Can [they] live without Rum, Sugar, and [Mo] lasses? Will
not their Impatience, and Vexation defeat the [Me] asure?
[Thi]s would cutt up the Revenue by the Roots — if Wine, Emit,
[M] olasses and Sugar, were discarded, as well as Tea.
But, a Prohibition of all Exports to the West Indies, will annihilate
the Eishery — because, that cannot afford to loose the West India
Fish and this would throw a Multitude of Eamilies in our fishing
Towns into the Arms of Famine.
MS (MHi) . Adams, Dwry (Butterfield) , 2:147^9.
^ Although the manuscript is undated, Adams’ notes apparently pertain to the
discussion in Congress that followed Richard Henry Lee’s motion of October 6 "to
take the Dutied Articles into Consideration.” The subject of the debates relates to
Lee’s motion and the resolve on nonimportation of molasses, coffee, pimento,
wines, and indigo adopted by Congress October 6. JCC, 1:57; and Silas Deane’s
Diary, October 6, 1774. Adams’ diary for this date sheds no light on these debates,
stating only: “Dined with Mr. Hodge, Father in Law to Mr. Bayard.” Adams Diary
(Butterfield) , 2:147. ’
October 6, 1774
153
A long blank space in Adams’ manuscript notes follows. The next three
paragraphs appear to have been written with a different pen and at a later time.
They may simply reflect Adams’ personal views, which he set down after complet¬
ing the preceding account of the debates.
Silas Deane’s Diary
[October 6, 1774]
Octo. 6th. in Congress.
Mr. Gadsden’s motion is urged for by Govr. Ward, spoke in fav[or]
of by Mr. Ross.i
Against it, Rutledge jun.
Against it Mr. Galloway or rather for waving the Question, & tak¬
ing up the other first.
The previous Question put, pass’d in the Negative Nom[ine]
Con [tradicente] .
Mr. Lynch moved that each Colony might give in an Acct. of what
could be stoppd from each Colony.
Col. Dyer rather objecting but asks for information.
Mr. Mifflin says that 40,000 HHds or 280,000 Bushel are annual¬
ly shipp’d to Ireland therefore it is of Consequence.
Mr. Jay offers for New York Flaxseed, Iron, Oil, Furrs, Skinns,
Potash 8c Lumber.
Maryland exports Flaxseed very Considerable — Iron also. Lum¬
ber also — and raises great Quantities of Flax 8c Hemp and can raise
still more says Mr. Johnson, who is Vs. Non Ex [portatio] n partial¬
ly-
Mifflin says that Riga is the only place Flaxseed can be had in Eu¬
rope.
Mr. Crane.
Mr. Lynch.
Col. Dyer on behalf of Connecticut offers the same as Mr. Jay
from N. York. Mr. Hooper up Twice on N. Carolina. Mr. Lynch, on
the Situation of S. Carolina. Mr. Adams, senr. for leaving Navi.
Stores being excluded from the Non Ex [portatio] n Agreemt.
Col. Lee, for the Motion.
Mr. Johnson against & lengthy.
Col. Lee Answers. Mr. Ross follows him in the same Way — Mr.
Mifflin in the same Way. Mr. Low the same Way, but is for exclud¬
ing Ireland.
Mr. Galloway for it but under Restrictions. Col. Lee again for it.
Col. Harrison, says that the Measure cannot be carried into Exe¬
cution 8c will defeat the Whole, And fears it is design’d to defeat the
Whole; he says he beleives it is.
154
October 6, 1774
Mr. Gadsden, as usual.
Question put. Negatived Nem. Con.
Express arrived from Boston & his Lettrs. read.^ Moved by Col.
Lee to take the Dutied Articles into Consideration.^
MS (CtHi) .
^Gadsden’s motion to withhold remittances to Great Britain. See Deane’s Diary,
October 5, 1774.
“/CC, 1:55-57.
“For discussion of nonimportation of dutied articles, see John Adams’ Notes of
Debates, October 6, 1774.
Robert Treat Paine’s Diary
[October 6, 1774]
Fair. Mr. Revere arrived Express from Boston. ^ Din’d at Mr.
[Andrew] Hodge.
MS (MHi) .
" Paul Revere carried a letter of September 29, 1774, from the Boston Committee
of Correspondence concerning their protest of Gen. Thomas Gage’s fortification of
Boston. The letter sparked a three-day debate in Congress and led to the adoption
of President Randolph’s letter to Gage of October 10. JCC, 1:55-62.
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[October 6, 1774]
6th. Met, considered non Impor [tatio]n of some dutied Articles &:
prohibited it. Non Exportation of particular articles dropped. Reed.
Letters by Express from Boston laying before us the dis [tress] ed
State of the Town & desiring our Advice. Referred to Morrow.
MS (RHi) .
John Adams to Abigail Adams
My dear Phyladelphia Octr. 7. 1774
I thank you for all your kind favours. I wish I could write to you,
much oftener than I do. I wish I could write to you, a Dozen Letters
every day. But the Business before me, is so arduous and takes up
Time so entirely, that I cannot write often. I had the Characters
and Tempers, the Principles and Views of fifty Gentlemen total
Strangers to me to study, and the Trade, Policy, and whole Interest
October 7, 1774
155
of a Dozen Provinces, to learn when I came here. I have Multitudes
of Pamphlets, News Papers, and private Letters to read. I have num¬
berless Plans of Policy, and many Arguments to consider. I have
many Visits to make and receive — much Ceremony to endure, which
cannot be avoided, which you know I hate.^
There is a great Spirit in the Congress. But our People must be
peaceable. Let them exercise every day in the Week, if they Will, the
more the better. Let them furnish themselves with Artillery, Arms
and Ammunition. Let them follow the Maxim, which you say they
have adopted “In Times of Peace, prepare for War.’’ But let them
avoid War, if possible, if possible I say.
Mr. Revere will bring you the Doings of the Congress, who are
now, all around me debating what Advice to give to Boston and the
Massachusetts Bay.^
We are all well — hope our Family is so — remember me to them
all. I have advised you before to remove my Office from Boston to
Braintree. It is now, I think absolutely necessary. Let the best Care
be taken of all Books and Papers.
Tell all my Clerks to mind their Books, and study hard — for their
Country will stand in need of able Councillors.
I must give you a general Licence to make my Compliments to all
my Friends and Acquaintances: I have not Time to name them par¬
ticularly. I wish they would all write to me — if they leave Letters at
Edes and Gills, they will soon be sent to me.
I long to be at home, but I cannot say when. I will never leave the
Congress, untill it rises, and when it will rise, I cannot say. And in¬
deed I cannot say but We are better here than any where. We have
fine Opportunities here to serve Boston and Massachusetts, by ac¬
quainting the whole Continent with the true State of them. Our Resi¬
dence here greatly serves the Cause.
The Spirit and Principles of Liberty, here, are greatly cherished,
by our Presence and Conversation.
The Elections of the last Week in this City, prove this. Mr. Dick¬
enson was chosen almost unanimously a Representative of the Coun¬
ty. The Broadbrims^ began an opposition to your Friend Mr. Mifflin,
because he was too warm in the Cause. This instantly alarmed the
Friends of Liberty and ended in the Election of Mr. Mifflin, by Elev¬
en hundred Votes out of Thirteen, and in the Election of our Secre¬
tary Mr. Charles Thompson to be a Burgess with him. This is con¬
sidered here as a most compleat and decisive Victory in favour of the
American Cause. And it [w] said it will change the Ballance in the
Legislature here against Mr. Galloway who has been supposed to sit
on the Skirts of the American Advocates.^
Mrs. Mifflin who is a charming Quaker Girl, often enquires kindly
after your Health.
156
October 7, 1774
Adieu my dear Wife — God bless you and yours. So wishes and
prays, without ceasing, John Adams
RC (MHi) . Adams, Family Correspondence (Butterfield) , 1:164-66.
^ Adams’ social obligations dominated parts of his diary. His entry on this day,
for example, reads: “Dined with Mr. Thos. Smith, with a large Company, the
Virginians and others.” For October 8, he wrote: “Dined with Mr. George Clymer
—Mr. Dickinson and a large Company again.” Adams, Diary (Butterfield) , 2:149.
^JCC, 1:57-58.
® Quakers.
* Mifflin and Thomson were easily elected to the Pennsylvania Assembly, and
Edward Biddle was elected to replace Galloway as speaker when the new assembly
convened October 15. But George Read’s account of Biddle’s selection suggests that
politics played a small role in Galloway’s replacement and that the former speaker
had not yet been identified as a conspicuous threat to “the American Advocates.”
Pa. Archives, 8th ser. 8:7148, 7152; and George Read to Gertrude Read, October
16, 1774.
John Adams to William Tudor
Dr Sir Phyladelphia Octr. 7. 1774
I have just Time to thank you for your Letters by Mr Revere, and
all other of your Favours. The Task which lies upon me here is very
arduous. You can form no Conception of it: and I can give you no
Idea of it. The Assurances you give me, of the great Dependence of
the People, upon the Result of the Deliberations of the Congress, in¬
crease my Anxiety. I fear the operations of the Continent will be too
Slow, to afford immediate Relief to Boston. What Shall be done for
that Town is the most difficult Question We have before Us. The
Professions and real Dispositions of the Gentlemen Seem to be the
very best. But at this Distance from you We who came from you can
Scarcely form an Adequate Idea of your State — much less can
Strangers, to whom Words and Descriptions can convey but very Im-
p)erfect Notions.
I have taken great Pains to inform the Gentlemen, and to know
their Sentiments. The Proposal of Some among you of reassuming
the old Charter, is not approved here, at all. The Proposal of Setting
up a new Form of Government of our own, is less approved Still.
The general opinion Seems to be, as far as I can collect it, that the
Courts of Justice Should go on, upon the old Plan, according to the
Charter and Laws of the Province. The Govnr cannot remove any of
the Judges or Justices, according to the Charter without the Advice
of his Council of fifteen, which they will never give, if for no other
Reason^ because they will never be asked. To this there are two
objections, the first that the Inferiour Judges And the Justices, may
refuse to Act. Whether they will or not. We at this Distance cannot
determine. This if practicable would be the most agreable to the
October 7, 1774
157
Gentlemen here. The other objection is that this will not relieve Bos¬
ton. This is certain, and there is no Gentleman here who can devise a
Method for the Relief of that devoted Town. My Feelings for its Dis¬
tresses are exquisite. I lie down with it, in my Mind, I dream of it all
night, and awake with its ghastly Spectre before my Eyes.
I wish that you and all the rest of our Friends had been more ex¬
plicit, in your private, confidential Letters to Us, in pointing out
what was thought of and what was desired by the People of Boston
and the Massachusetts. The Expressions in all your Letters are a lit¬
tle enigmatical — We are left to guess at the Meaning. If it is a secret
Hope of any, as I suspect it is, that the Congress will advise to offen¬
sive Measures, they will be mistaken. I have had oppertunities
enough both public and private, to learn with Certainty, the decisive
Sentiments of the Delegates and others, upon this Point. They will
not at this session vote to raise Men or Money, or Arms or Ammu¬
nition. Their Opinions are fixed against Hostilities and Ruptures, ex¬
cept they should become absolutely necessary, and this Necessity
they do not yet See. They dread the Thoughts of an Action because,
it would make a Wound which could never be healed. It would fix
and establish a Rancour, which would descend to the latest Genera¬
tions. It would render all Hopes of a Reconciliation with Great Brit¬
ain desperate. It would light up the Flames of War, perhaps through
the whole Continent, which might rage for twenty year, and End, in
the Subduction of America, as likely as in her Liberation.
In a Letter, which has been received here, in Several, indeed, the
Thought is thrown out, of removing the Inhabitants out of Boston.
This would be the grandest Movement, imaginable, if it is practica¬
ble. But how all their Effects can be removed — how 20,000 People
can go out — where they can find Support, I know not. It has always
been my opinion, that it was best for every Man Woman and Child,
who had an Inclination to go, and could find a Place, to leave the
Town. I removed out myself upon this Principle — altho a different
Sentiment prevailed generally at that Time.
The Congress will this Day consider, the Case of Boston, and I
will write you more particularly in the Evening.^
Octr. 9th. Mr Revere will give you all the News. I have this Day
been to a Romish Chappell. My Imagination is so full of holy Water,
Crossings, Bowings, Kneelings and Genuflections, Images, Paintings,
Crucifixes, Velvet, Gold, but above all, the Musick. I am amazed
that Luther and Calvin, were ever able to break the Charm and dis¬
solve the Spell. Adieu J^^hn Adams
RC (MHi) .
^ In reaction to a letter from the Boston Committee of Correspondence, Congress
voted to support Boston and protest General Gage’s fortification of the city, while
urging resraint upon the people of Massachusetts. JCC, 1:55-62.
158
October 7, 1774
John Adams’ Draft Letter to Thomas Gage
Sir [October 7-8, 1774]!
The Delegates from the Several Provinces in North America, now
assembled in Congress, beg Leave to address your Excellency upon
Subjects of very great Importance, to your own Character to your
own Happiness and Peace of Mind, as well to his Majestys Service,
and to the Welfare of the Province over which you preside, and of
all North America, perhaps of the whole British Empire.
Your Situation sir is very important, it is extremely critical. A Rup¬
ture between the Troops under your Command and the Inhabitants
of the Province over which you preside, would produce Conse¬
quences of the most Serious Nature. — A Wound which could never
be healed! It would establish Animosities which no Time could
eradicate.
The Province of the Massachusetts Bay are by your own Ac¬
knowledgment, generally engaged in a Refusal to comply with the
Act of Parliament for altering their Government. We can assure you
sir, that this Refusal is agreable to the sentiments of this whole Con¬
tinent, and that the People ought and will be Supported in it, by the
united Voice and Efforts of America.
We therefore intreat you sir, to desist from the further Fortifica¬
tions of the Town, that the Jealousies and Apprehensions of the Peo¬
ple, may be quieted and that they may not be driven to so desperate
a step as that of quitting the Town and throwing themselves on the
Charity of their Friends & Neighbours.
(We assure you Sir that whatever may be the opinion or Advice
of your present Council the opposition of the people of the Town of
Boston if Province of the Massachusetts Bay is [not]^ a faction.)
MS (MHi) . In the hand of John Adams. Undated, but bears the heading “To
General Gage.”
^ Cf. Samuel Adams’ draft letter to Gage of this date. Although several passages
in the two documents are nearly identical, no other evidence has been found to
indicate that John Adams played a direct role in formulating Congress’ remon¬
strance to Gage.
® Adams wrote and deleted several words in this space before completing the
sentence.
Samuel Adams’ Draft Letter to Thomas Gage
Sir [October 7-8, 1774]
The Delegates from his Majestys several Colonies of New Hamp¬
shire [ ]i assembled in general Congress in the City of Phila¬
delphia take the Liberty of addressing you upon Subjects of the last
October 7, 1774
159
Importance, to your own Character, Happiness and Peace of Mind
to his Majestys Service to the Wellfare of that Province over which
you preside and of all North America, and, p>erhaps, of the whole
British Empire.
The Act of the British Parliament for shutting up the Harbour of
Boston is universally deemd to be unjust and cruel; and the World
now sees with Astonishment & Indignation the Distress which the In¬
habitants of that loyal though devoted Town are suffering under the
most rigid Execution of it.
There are two other Acts passed in the present Session of Parlia¬
ment, the one for regulating the Government of the Province of
Massachusetts Bay and the other entitled an Act for the more impar¬
tial Administration of Justice in the same Province; the former of
these Acts was made with the professed Purpose of materially alter¬
ing the Charter of that Province granted by his Majesties Royal
Predecessors King William & Queen Mary for themselves their Heirs
See forever; and both or either of them if put into Execution will
shake the Eoundations of that free & happy Constitution which is the
Birthright of the English Subjects, and totally destroy the inestimable
Blessing of Security in Life Liberty and Property.
By your own Acknowledgment, the refusal of the People to yield
obedience to these Acts is far from being confind to a Faction in the
Town of Boston; It is general through the province. And we do now
assure your Excellency, that this Refusal is vindicable, in the opinion
of this Congress, by the Laws of Reason and Self preservation; and
the People ought to be and will be supported in it by the united
Voice and Efforts of all America.
We are fully convinced that the Town of Boston and Province of
the Massachusetts Bay are suffering in the righteous Cause of
America, while they are nobly exerting themselves in the most spirit¬
ed opposition to those oppressive Acts of Parliament and Measures
of Administration which are calculated to annihilate our most sacred
& invalueable Rights.
It is with the deep)est Concern that we observe, that while this
Congress are deliberating on the most effectual Measures for the
Restoration of American Liberty and a happy Harmony between the
Colonies and the parent State, so essentially necessary to both, your
Excellency is erecting Fortifications round the Town of Boston,
whereby well grounded Jealousies are excited in the Minds of his
Majesties faithful Subjects and apprehensions that all Communica¬
tion between that Town & the Country will be cut off, or that this
Freedom will be enjoyed at the Will of an Army.
Moreover we would express to your Excellency the just Resent¬
ment which we feel at the Indignities offered to our worthy fellow
Citizens in Boston and the frequent Violations of private property by
160
October 7, 1774
the Soldiers under your Command. These Enormities committed by
a Standing Army, in our opinion, unlawfully posted there in a time
of Peace, are irritating in the greatest Degree, and if not remedied
will endanger the involving all America in the Horrors of a civil
War! Your Situation Sir is extremely critical. A rupture between the
Inhabitants of the Province over which you preside and the Troops
under your Command would produce Consequences of the most se¬
rious Nature: A Wound which would never be heald! It would
probably establish Animosities between Great Britain & the Colonies
which time would never eradicate! In order therefore to quiet the
Minds & remove the Jealousies of the people, that they may not be
driven to such a State of Desparation as to quit the Town & fly for
Shelter to their Friends Sc Countrymen, we intreat you from the As¬
surance we have of the peaceable Disposition of the Inhabitants to
desist from further fortifications of the Town, and to give orders that
a free & safe Communication between them Sc the Country may be
restored Sc continued.
MS (NN) . In the hand of Samuel Adams and endorsed by Adams: “This was
offerd to the Committee of Congress to be reported as a Remonstrance to Genl.
Gage."
* Nearly two lines left blank for insertion of the other colonies. On October 6,
Congress received a letter from the Boston Committee of Correspondence concern¬
ing Gage’s fortification of Boston. On the seventh, a committee composed of
Thomas Lynch, Samuel Adams, and Edmund Pendleton was appointed to prepare
a letter to Gage, which according to Secretary Thomson’s journal was reported,
amended, and adopted on the 10th. JCC, 1:55-60. But Samuel Ward noted in his
diary that on October 8 the committee reported a draft which was recommitted,
and it seems likely that this Samuel Adams draft formed the basis for the letter
first reported by the committee. Adams’ “Remonstrance,” as he termed it, is
harshly phrased and makes little attempt to soften the asperity of his charges.
From the tone of his letter, it seems clear that the purpose of recommitting the
draft reported to Congress was to substitute a milder letter reflecting a conciliatory
posture more in keeping with the general mood of Congress. It is possible that the
John Adams draft letter of October 7-8 was penned at this time for the purpose of
reaching a compromise acceptable to the majority of the delegates. The letter
finally adopted by Congress is printed in the Journals with the proceedings for the
11th, JCC, 1:60-61. The document received by Gage, in the hand of Charles
Thomson and signed by Peyton Randolph, is in the Gage Papers, MiU-C.
Richard Henry Lee’s Motion for
Quitting the Town of Boston
[October 7-8? 1774]
The Congress are of opinion that it is inconsistent with the honor
and safety of a free people to live within the Controul and exposed
to the injuries of a Military force not under government of the Civil
October 7, 1774
161
Power, and as General Gage has thought proper to take possession
of the Town of Boston with an armed force, and is converting that
once free City into a Military Garrison The Congress advise from
every motive of honor safety and wisdom that the Free Citizens of
Boston no longer expose themselves to the dangerous consequences
of these Military Manouvres, but quit their Town and find a safe
asylum among their hospitable Countrymen, who we doubt not will
on this trying occasion, display that virtuous humanity which may be
so deservedly exercised^ towards their brave oppressed Fellow Citi¬
zens. And again we earnestly recommend it to all British America
that they do from time to time plentifully supply these their dis¬
tressed and diserving Countrymen.^
MS (Vitl) . In the hand of Richard Henry Lee, and endorsed by Lee: "Motion for
Quitting Town of Boston.”
* Lee wrote “extended” over the word "exercised” but did not line out the
latter.
“ Ford states that this motion was rejected but offers no documentation for the
statement. JCC, l:59n.
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[October 7, 1774]
7th. Met, appointed a Comee. to write to Genl. Gage & the Come,
of Correspondence. Consider’d the Instructions to be given the Co¬
mee.
MS (RHi) .
Samuel Ward to Henry Marchant
Dear Sir Philadelphia 7 th Octr. 1774
A Resolution adopted at the Of>ening of the Congress to let noth¬
ing transpire without particular Permission prevented my earlier
writing to Yoid and some other Friends, and as the same Resolution
is still in being I can only say that the Congress opened with the
celebrated Number of 45 which hath since been augmented to 54
most of whose Names You have seen in the Papers.
Committees for a State of Rights, Greivances and Ways & Means
of Redress were immediately appointed; the unanimous Resolutions
made upon the Resolves 8c Request for Advice from the County of
Suffolk I doubt not gave You 8c all the Friends of Liberty the high¬
est Pleasure.2 The Non Importation 8c Non Consumption Agree-
162
October 7, 1774
merits must have a most happy Tendency. The Non Exportation
Agreement had it taken Place earlier would have been in my Opin¬
ion of the last Importance but the Instructions of some Colonies
would not admit it. I imagine however it will have a good Effect as
it stands.
I did expect that an immediate Nonexportation of Flaxseed &
some few other Commodities would have taken Place but rather
think it will not be adopted at present.
We have many very important Subjects before Us some almost
ready to burst into Life others but just in Embrio, the different
Forms of Government in the several Colonies, different Educations,
Books, & Company naturally occasion the viewing political Objects
in a light not always the same but We are very happy in this that the
common Good of our Country seems to be the general Aim & upon
a proper Discussion of a Subject We are generally very unanimous.
An Express this Day arrived from Boston with an Acct. of the
distressed & dangerous Situation in which the Town & Province now
are and requesting our Advise. Comee’s. have been appointed to
prepare a Letter to Genl. Gage to acquaint him that Boston is consi-
derd as suffering in the common Cause supported by all America
and desiring him to surcease all further Fortifications & remove ev¬
ery Obstruction to a free Communication between the Town and
Country and to write to the Comee. of Correspondence^ the Senti¬
ments of the Congress upon their present Situation.**
RC (RHi) .
^ Henry Marchant (1741-96) , Rhode Island jurist and delegate to Congress,
1777-79, was Ward’s nephew and also a member of his colony’s Committee of
Correspondence. DAB. Although the DAB describes Marchant’s stepmother as one
of Ward’s daughters, the genealogist of the Ward family has identified her as
Ward’s sister Isabel (1719-1808) . Ward, Correspondence (Knollenberg) , pp.
212-14.
^On September 17 Congress ordered the publication of both the Suffolk Resolves
and some supporting congressional resolutions. See the September 17 letters of
Peyton Randolph to James Warren, and Charles Thomson to the Pennsylvania
Packet.
®The journals record that the express from Boston arrived on October 6. Ward
probably also erred in hinting that two committees were appointed "to prepare a
Letter to genl. Gage" and “to write to the Comee. of Correspondence." In his diary
entries of October 7 and 8 he mentions only one committee. Congress did appoint
a special committee of three on the seventh to draft a letter of remonstrance to
Gage, and on the 11th it instructed Peyton Randolph to inform the Boston
Committee of Correspondence of Congress’ actions; but in all this there is no hint
in the journals of the existence of a special committee to write to the Boston
committee. JCC, 1:55-62.
^ For the remainder of this letter see Ward to Marchant, October 10, 1774.
October 9, 1774
163
Robert Treat Paine’s Diary
[October 8, 1774]
Dind Mr. George Clymer. Congress adjourned this day to 6
oClock P.M. then met 8c adjo[ur] ned.
MS (MHi) .
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[October 8, 1774]
8th. Met. The Comee. reported a Letter to the Genl.i which was
recommitted & reported again at 6 o’Clock. Not being a Quorum
from some Colonies we adjourned.
MS (RHi) .
^ That is, Gen. Thomas Gage.
John Adams’ Diary
1774. Sunday [October 9]
Went to hear Dr. Allison, an Aged Gentleman. It was Sacrament
Day and he gave us a sacramental Discourse. This Dr. Allison is a
Man of Abilities and Worth, but I hear no Preachers here like ours
in Boston, excepting Mr. Duchfe. Coombs indeed is a good Speaker,
but not an original, but a Copy of Duch^.
The Multiplicity of Business and Ceremonies, and Company that
we are perpetually engaged in, prevents my Writing to my Friends in
Mass, as I ought, and prevents my recording many Material Things
in my Journal.
Phyladelphia with all its Trade, and Wealth, and Regularity is not
Boston. The Morals of our People are much better, their Manners
are more polite, and agreable — they are purer English. Our Lan¬
guage is better, our Persons are handsomer, our Spirit is greater, our
Laws are wiser, our Religion is superiour, our Education is better.
We exceed them in every Thing, but in a Markett, and in charitable
public foundations.
Went in the Afternoon to the Romish ChappelP and heard a
good discourse upon the Duty of Parents to their Children, founded
in Justice and Charity. The Scenery and the Musick is so callculated
to take in Mankind that I wonder, the Reformation ever succeeded.
The Paintings, the Bells, the Candles, the Gold and Silver. Our Sa-
579-852 0 - 77 - 13 Vol. 1
164
October 9, 1774
viour on the Cross, over the Altar, at full Length, and all his
Wounds a bleeding. The Chanting is exquisitely soft and sweet.
MS (MHi) . Adams, Diary (Butterfield) , 2:149-50.
^ George Washington may have accompanied Adams on this visit. He noted in
his diary for this day: ‘‘Went to the Presbeterian Meeting in the forenoon and
Romish Church in the afternoon.” Washington, Diaries (Fitzpatrick) , 2:167.
John Adams to Abigail Adams
My Dear Phyladelphia Octr. 9. 1774
I am wearied to Death with the Life I lead. The Business of the
Congress is tedious, beyond Expression. This Assembly is like no
other that ever existed. Every Man in it is a great Man — an orator, a
Critick, a statesman, and therefore every Man upon every Question
must shew his oratory, his criticism and his Political Abilities.
The Consequence of this is, that Business is drawn and spun out
to an inmeasurable Length. I believe if it was moved and seconded
that We should, come to a Resolution that Three and two make five
We should be entertained with Logick and Rhetorick, Law, History,
Politicks and Mathematicks, concerning the Subject for two whole
Days, and then We should pass the Resolution unanimously in the
Affirmative.
The perpetual Round of feasting too, which we are obliged to sub¬
mit to, make the Pilgrimage more tedious to me.
This Day I went to Dr. Allisons Meeting in the Forenoon and
heard the Dr. — a good Discourse upon the Lords Supper. This is a
Presbyterian Meeting. I confess I am not fond of the Presbyterian
Meetings in this Town. I had rather go to Church. We have better
Sermons, better Prayers, better Speakers, softer, sweeter Musick,
and genteeler Company. And I must confess, that the Episcopal
Church is quite as agreable to my Taste as the Presbyterian. They
are both Slaves to the Domination of the Priesthood. I like the Con¬
gregational Way best — next to that the Independent.
This afternoon, led by Curiosity and good Company I strolled
away to Mother Church, or rather Grandmother Church, I mean the
Romish Chappell. Heard a good, short, moral Essay upon the Duty
of Parents to their Children, founded in Justice and Charity, to take
care of their Interests temporal and spiritual. This Afternoons Enter¬
tainment was to me, most awfull and affecting. The poor Wretches,
fingering their Beads, chanting Latin, not a Word of which they un¬
derstood, their Pater Nosters and Ave Maria’s. Their holy Water —
their Crossing themselves perpetually — their Bowing to the Name of
Jesus, wherever they hear it — their Bowings, and Kneelings, and
Genuflections before the Altar. The Dress of the Priest was rich with
October 9, 1774
165
Lace — his Pulpit was Velvet and Gold. The Altar Piece was very
rich — little Images and Crucifixes about — Wax Candles lighted up.
But how shall I describe the Picture of our Saviour in a Frame of
Marble over the Altar at full Length upon the Cross, in the Agonies,
and the Blood dropping and streaming from his Wounds.
The Musick consisting of an organ, and a Choir of singers, went
all the Afternoon, excepting sermon Time, and the Assembly chant¬
ed — most sweetly and exquisitely.
Here is every Thing which can lay hold of the Eye, Ear, and Im¬
agination. Every Thing which can charm and bewitch the simple and
ignorant. I wonder how Luther ever broke the spell.
Adieu. John Adams
RC (MHi) .Adams, Family Correspondence (Butterfield) , 1:166-67.
Silas Deane to Elizabeth Deane
My Dear [October 9, 1774]
I wrote you per James, which I fancy you are this Moment Sun¬
day 10 oClock AM receiving. On seeing him return alone You will
be doubtless apprehensive of bad News, but on opening my Letters
will be convinced of the Contrary. Just the reverse happened to me
yesterday, while in Congress. Our Servant call’d on Me with a Large
Letter by the post from J. Webb. 1 opened it in haste, and with pleas¬
ure saw a long Letter inclosed, wrote in Your hand, my heart beat
with Joy at the sight, and before I had Time to unfold the Cover
suggested to Me that You Avere Now greatly recover’d, if not, quite
well, or You could not write so much, 8c so well. Mr. Mitchel, and
You write so nearly alike that It is not easy to distinguish — in a
Word it was a Narration of his Tour to the Northward, agreeable
enough at any other Time 8c not disagreeable in itself then, but in the
disappointment it occa.sioned. I left home, the 22d of last August, it
is now the 9th of October — but my Letter by Jemmy will shew You
the Situation of my mind, no way releived I can assure You, from its
anxiety, by the increasing that, which first Occasioned it — A Total Si¬
lence in you, and the Family 8c consequently an absolute uncertainty
as to the State of your Health. I have nothing New to write worth
sending this distance. The proceedings of the Congress are carried
on sloAv and I fear will detain Us here through this Month. My kind
8c affectionate Regards to Hannah, Sally 8c Jesse 8cc 8cc shall add to
this if Time 8c Matter for Writing offer. I am My Dear wishing You
Health and felicity. Your Affectionate Husband Silas Deane
RC (CtHi) .
166
October 9, 1774
George Washington to Robert Mackenzie
Dear Sir, Philadelphia 9 th October 1774
Your letter on the 13th ulto.,^ from Boston, gave me pleasure, as
I learnt thereby that you were well, and might be expected at Mount
Vernon in your way to or from James river, in the course of the win¬
ter.
When I have said this, permit me with the freedom of a friend,
(for you know I always esteemed you) to express my sorry at For¬
tune’s placing you in a service, that must fix curses to [the'\ latest
posterity upon the diabolical contrivers; and, if success (which by
the by is impossible) accompanies it, execrations upon all those who
have been instrumental in the execution.
I do not mean by this to insinuate that an officer is not to dis¬
charge his duty, even when chance, not choice, has placed him in a
disagreeable situation; but I conceive, when you condemn the con¬
duct of the Massachusetts People, you reason from effects, not caus¬
es; otherwise you would not wonder at a people who are every day
receiving fresh proofs of a Systematic exertion of an arbitrary power,
deeply planned to overturn the Laws & Constitution of their Coun¬
try, & to violate the most essential & valuable rights of mankind,
being irritated, & with difficulty restrained from acts of the greatest
violence and intemperance. For my own part, I confess to you can¬
didly, that I view things in a very different point of light to the one
in which you seem to consider them; and though you are led to be¬
lieve, by venal men (for such I must take the liberty of calling those
new fangled Counsellors which fly to 8c surround you, 8c all others,
who, for honorary or pecuniary gratifications will lend their aid to
overturn the Constitution, 8c introduce a system of arbitrary Govern¬
ment) altho’ you are taught, I say, by discoursing with such men, to
believe that the people of Massachusetts are rebellious, setting up for
independency 8c what not; give me leave, my good friend, to tell you,
that you are abused — grossly abused; and this I advance with a de¬
gree of confidence, 8c boldness which may claim your belief; having
better opportunities of knowing the real sentiments of the people you
are among, from the Leaders of them, in opposition to the present
measures of Administration, than you have from those whose busi¬
ness it is not to disclose truth, but to misrepresent facts in order to
justify as much as possible to the world, their own conduct; for give
me leave to add, 8c I think I can announce it as a fact, that it is not
the wish or interest of that Government, or any other upon this Con¬
tinent, separately, or collectively, to set up for Independency; but
this you may at the same time rely on, that none of them will ever
submit to the loss of those valuable rights 8c privileges which are es-
October 10, 1774
167
sential to the happiness of every free State, and without which. Life,
Liberty Sc property are rendered totally insecure.
These Sir, being certain consequences which must naturally result
from the late acts of Parliament relative to America in general, & the
Government of Massachusetts Bay in particular, is it to be wonder’d
at, I repeat, that Men who wish to avert the impending blow, should
attempt to oppose it in its progress, or prepare for their defence, if it
cannot be diverted? Surely I may be allowed to answer in the nega¬
tive; 8c give me leave to add, as my opinion, that more blood will be
spilt on this occasion (if the Ministry are determined to push matters
to extremity) than history has ever yet furnished instances of in the
annals of North America; and such a vital wound given to the peace
of this great Country, as time itself cannot cure or eradicate the re¬
membrance of.
But I have done. I was involuntarily led into a short discussion of
this subject by your remarks on the conduct of the Boston People; Sc
your opinion of their wishes to set up for independency. I am as well
satisfied, as I can be of my existence, that no such thing is desired by
any thinking man in all North America; on the contrary, that it is
the ardent wish of the warmest advocates for liberty, that peace Sc
tranquility, upon constitutional grounds, may be restored, & the hor¬
rors of civil discord prevented.
I am very glad to hear that my friend Stewart was well when you
left London; I have not had a letter from him these five years, nor
heard of him, I think, for two. I wish you had mentioned his em¬
ployment. Poor Mercer! I often hear from him; much cause has he,
I fear, to lament his having fallen into the accursed state of attend¬
ance 8c dependance. I remain with very great esteem. Dr. Sir, Your
most Obedt. Servt. G. Washington
LB (DLC) . Addressed; “To Capt. Robert McKenzie."
^ Mackenzie’s letter is in the Washington Papers, DLC, and is printed in
Stanislaus M. Hamilton, ed.. Letters to Washington and Accompanying Papers;
Published by the Society of the Colonial Dames of America, 5 vols. (Boston:
Houghton Mifflin Co., 1898-1902) , 5:49-50. Mackenzie, a captain in Washington’s
Virginia regiment during the French and Indian War, had obtained a lieutenant’s
commission in the Forty-third Regiment of Foot, which was among the British
units stationed at Boston.
John Adams’ Diary
1774 Monday. Octr. 10th.
The Deliberations of the Congress, are spun out to an immeasura¬
ble Length. There is so much Wit, Sense, Learning, Acuteness, Sub-
tilty. Eloquence, &c. among fifty Gentlemen, each of whom has been
168
October 10, 1774
habituated to lead and guide in his own Province, that an immensity
of Time, is spent unnecessarily.
Johnson of Maryland has a clear and a cool Head, an extensive
Knowledge of Trade, as well as Law. He is a deliberating Man, but
not a shining orator — His Passions and Imagination dont appear
enough for an orator. His Reason and Penetration appear, but not
his Rhetoric.
Galloway, Duane, and Johnson, are sensible and learned but cold
Speakers. Lee, Henry, and Hooper [arej^ the orators. Paca is a deli-
berater too. Chase speaks warmly. Mifflin is a sprightly and spirited
Speaker. John Rutledge dont exceed in Learning or oratory, tho he
is a rapid Speaker. Young Edward Rutledge is young, and zealous
— a little unsteady, and injudicious, but very unnatural and affected
as a Speaker. Dyer and Sherman speak often and long, but very
heavily and clumsily.
MS (MHi) . Adams, Diary (Butterfield) , 2:150.
^ Adams wrote “and.”
Connecticut Delegates to Jonathan Trumbull, Sr.
Sir,i Philadelphia Octo. 10th 1774
We arrived in this City the 1st of Septr. last, and the Delegates
from Virginia, North Carolina, and New York not being come. The
Congress was not formed untill the 5th when the Honle. Peyton
Randolph Esqr. was unanimously chosen President, and Charles
Thompson Esqr. Secretary, a List of the Members We inclose. The
mode of Voting in this Congress was Eirst resolved upon, which was
that each Colony should have one Voice, but as this was objected To
as unequall, an Entry was made on the Journals To prevent its being
drawn into precedent in future. Committees were then appointed to
state American Rights, and greivances; And of the various Acts of
the British Parliament which affect the Trade and Manufactures of
these Colonies, on these Subjects The Committees Spent several
Days, when The Congress judg’d it necessary, previous to compleat-
ing & resolving on these Subjects, to take under Consideration, That
of Ways and Means for redress. On the 16th arrived an Express
from Boston with Letters to The Delegates and the Suffolk Re¬
solves. These were laid before the Congress and were highly ap¬
proved of & applauded, as You will see, by the inclosed Paper of the
19th, in which the proceedings of the Congress, thereon, is published
at large, by their Order.^ A general Nonimportation of British
Goods & Manufactures or of any Goods from thence, appearing to
the Congress one of the means of redress in our power, and which
October 10, 1774
169
might probably be adopted, to prevent future difficulties and alterca¬
tions on this Subject among those who might Now, or for sometime
past, had been sending Orders for Goods, The Congress Unanimous¬
ly came into the inclosed Resolution on the 22d and the same was
ordered to be published immediately.^ Since this a Nonimportation
and Non Consumption of Goods, Sbc from Great Brittain &: Ireland
from 8c after the first of December next, has been Unanimously re¬
solved on,^ but to carry so important a resolution into effect, it is
necessary, that every possible precaution should Now be taken, on
the one hand to prevent wicked, & desperate Men, from breaking
through, & defeating it, either by Fraud, or Force, and on the other
to remove as farr as possible every Temptation to, or Necessity for
the Violation thereof. For this a Committee, are apfKDinted, who not
having as yet compleated their Report, nothing is published particu¬
larly on this Subject, more than what. We now are at Liberty, in
general to relate.
We have the pleasure of finding the whole Congress, 8c through
them the whole Continent of the same Sentiment, 8c opinion, of the
late proceedings 8c Acts of the British Parliament, but at the same
time confess Our anxiety for greater dispatch of the Business before
Us, than it is in Our power, or perhaps in the Nature of the Subject,
to effect. An Assembly like this, though it consists, of less than Sixty
Members, yet coming from remote Colonies, each of which, has
some modes, of transacting public Business, peculiar to itself some
particular provincial rights and Interests to guard, 8c secure, must
take some Time, to become so acquainted with each ones situations
8c connections, as to be able to give an united assent, to the ways 8c
means proposed for effecting, what all are ardently desirous of. In
this View Our president. Though a Gentleman of great Worth, 8c one
who fills 8c supports the Dignity of his Station to Universal accept¬
ance, yet cannot urge Forward matters to an issue with that dispatch,
which he might in a different Assembly. Nor considering the great
importance of something more than a Majority, an Unanimity would
it be safe and prudent — Unanimity being in Our View of the last im¬
portance, every one must be heard, even on those jxjints, or Subjects
which are in themselves not of the last importance And indeed it of¬
ten happens that what is of little or No Consequence to one Colony,
is of the last To another. We have thus hinted to Your Honor Our
general Situation, which hope will Acct. For Our being delayed here
beyond the Time which either the Colony or We ourselves expected.
Though Our private Concerns, 8c Connections, as well as the pub¬
lic expectation, 8c Interest of the Colony urge Us, to make all possi¬
ble dispatch. Yet as we find it would not only be of dangerous Con¬
sequence, but perhaps impracticable, to attempt pushing Matters, to
a decision Faster, than they now come to it in the Course they are.
170
October 10, 1774
We Find it most prudent patiently to wait the issue. We shall be able
to write You more particularly, in a few Days but could not omit
this Opportunity of writing Thus farr, on the subject of Our delega¬
tion here.
We take Liberty to inclose the Copy of Lord Dunmore’s procla¬
mation on which shall only say it appears in some parts of it very ex¬
traordinary, and would occasion much greater Speculations here
than it does were it not that few or None save the Proprietors con¬
sider themselves interested in the Controversy, 8c the whole Atten¬
tion of the public is taken up on more important Subjects.® Laurel
Hill is about Forty Miles on this Side Fort Duquesne alias Fort Pitt
and is a range of Mountains running Northerly nearly in a Line with
the West Boundary of the province of Maryland, and Cuts off from
that province, one whole County, lately erected by the Name of
Westmoreland. His Lordship is now in those parts near the Ohio
with an Army of Fifteen Hundred Virginians, reducing the Indian
Tribes to Subjection or driving them off the Land. We cannot be
positive as To The Time of Our Return, but hope to be at New Ha¬
ven before the rising of the Assembly, and may probably be able to
write with greater certainty in Our Next. We are with the greatest re¬
spect Your Honors most Obedt. 8c most Humle. Servts.
Elipht Dyer
Roger Sherman
Silas Deane
[P.S.] Since Writing the above We see the Resolutions of the Con¬
gress respecting Suffolk County 8cc are printed in the Connct. papers
therefore judge it Unnecessary to inclose them.
RC (Ct) . Written by Deane and signed by Dyer, Sherman, and Deane.
^Jonathan Trumbull, Sr. (1710-85), Lebanon, Conn., merchant and political
leader, was governor of Connecticut 1769-84. DAB.
^ Resolutions of September 17, 1774, were published in Dunlap’s Pennsylvania
Packet or, the General Advertiser, September 19, 1774.
= JCC, 1:41.
‘Adopted Tuesday, September 27, 1774. JCC, 1:43.
® Dunmore’s proclamation, issued September 17, 1774, reasserted Virginia’s juris¬
dictional claim over Fort Pitt and the country west of Laurel Hill and prohibited
execution of the acts of Pennsylvania in this territory. For extracts from this
proclamation and a discussion of Virginia’s claims to lands in western Pennsylvan¬
ia, see Robert H. Foster, “The Pennsylvania and Virginia Controversy,” Pa. Ar¬
chives, 3d ser. 3:493-95.
October 10, 1774
171
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[October 10, 1774]
10th. Met & gave Instructions to the Comee. & approved a Letter
to Gage.
MS (RHi) .
Samuel Ward to Henry Marchant
[October 10, 1774]
Octr. 10th. The Commees. reported the Draughts of the Letters
which were not approved the next Day.^ That to the Genl. was
adopted and as a foundation for the Answer to the Comee. which
the President was desired to write. It was resolved that if the provin¬
cial Congress should think it absolutely necessary for the People of
Boston to move out of the Town that all America ought to make
them Satisfaction and also that the Congress advised them to submit
to a Suspension of the Administration of Justice where it could not
be peaceably & legally had under the Rules of their present Charter.
Neither Time nor Paper will allow any thing more than [this.] I am
Your most affectionately Sam Ward
[P .S.] It was unanimously resolved that all Persons who would take
any Place under the new Acts of Parliament for altering the Consti¬
tution deserved the abhorrence of all good Men & were to be con¬
sidered as Enemies to their Country.
RC (RHi) . A continuation of Ward to Marchant, October 7, 1774.
^ That is, October 8. See Ward to Marchant, October 7; and Samuel Ward’s
Diary, October 8, 1774. It should be pointed out, however, that neither of the draft
letters Ward goes on to allude to here is mentioned in the journals. JCC, 1:58.
Samuel Ward to Mary Ward?
My dearest Philadelphia Octr. 10th. 1774
Your Letter of 28th of last Month was very acceptable, your Ob¬
servations relative to the Congress and the Town of Boston are just
and with you I fear the Dispute must [6e] decided by the Sword.
The Acct. which You give me of the Pleasure you enjoy in your
Aunts & Brother make my Absence less disagreable to me, the man¬
ner in which You speak of your Health & the Idea of its being en¬
tirely restored are vastly pleasing for though I have long been trying
to view You & every Thing else dearest to Me through the Medium
172
October 10, 1774
of Religion [&] Philosophy my fond Heart is sufficiently attached
yet. My dearest Kitty you tell Me is unwell yet it is undoubtedly for
her Good. Tell her to remember that the supreme Parent of the Uni¬
verse is a Being of infinite Goodness 8c Mercy that Judgment is his
strange Work and that He is Love 8c delights in the Gommunication
of Happiness. Tell her to [Pray] to him to pour out her whole Soul
before him not [ . . . ] earnest Desire for his divine Direction 8c
Blessing [ . . . ] a firm Confidence in him, let her remember that
whatsoever We ask in Faith We shall receive (if it be best for Us)
and surely to have our Souls filled with the Knowledge 8c Love of
God with ardent Desires to see 8c do his Will and such a fixed Deter¬
mination chearfully to follow him as may enable Us to present our
Bodies living Sacrifices holy 8c acceptable unto God must be at all
Times fit 8c proper for Us. These are the great Objects which her
Soul I doubt not is fixed upon, if They were in my Power she knows
I should bestow them in a Moment. How much more may She ex¬
pect every Thing from a Parent whose Goodness endureth for ever 8c
as much exceeds mine as the Light of the meridian Sun does that of
the poorest Candle 8c much more.
We had an Express from Boston giving an Acct. of the distressed 8c
dangerous Situation of the Town 8c Province. We have wrote to
Genl. Gage acquainting him with our Sentiments 8c desiring him to
surcease all further Fortifications 8c restore a free 8c uninterrupted
Communication between the Town 8c Country. We have also wrote
to the Comee. of Correspondence.
Your Prayers for your native Country 8c her cruel Parent your Re¬
flections upon the Endearment which Absence creates in Us 8c your
Reflection upon your blessed Sisters 8c conclusion that our Evening
may be equally serene gave me the highest Pleasure.^
Tell Debby that Israel came well until I got within fifteen Miles of
New York 8c there I left her. How the Slut^ came to [market?] fol¬
lowing I cant tell. I never mis [sed?] ®
It is Time the young Stock was on the Beach. I would drive them
by Ichabods. The black bull should be fatted the other two year old
you may fat or not as is most convenient. The Calves should be in
yard after feed with fat Cattle. The Cows should have good Feed or
be fed with Stocks. The Sheep should have the Range of the fatten¬
ing Pasture or the other farm.
RC (RHi) . RC is unsigned, unaddressed, and torn along the edges, with conse¬
quent loss of several key words and phrases.
^Although the evidence is inconclusive, it appears that Ward wrote this letter to
his daughter Mary (1754—1832) . It is virtually certain that he was addressing
himself to one of his five surviving daughters, two of whom— Catharine (“Kitty”)
and Deborah— are mentioned in the text, and a third— Elizabeth— was, at the age of
seven, an unlikely recipient. Of the remainder— Mary and Anna— Ward was
October 11, 1774
173
probably writing to the former, since it was not unusual for him to entrust her
with chores of the sort mentioned at the end of this letter. On this last point see
Samuel Ward to Mary Ward, October 19, 1775.
“ Used here in the sense of “A troublesome or awkward creature.” OED.
® MS torn; remainder of sentence illegible.
John Adams’ Diary
1774 Tuesday Octr. 11.
Dined with Mr. McKean in Markett Street, with Mr. Reed, Rod¬
ney, Chace, Johnson, Paca, Dr. Morgan, Mr. R. Penn, 8cc.
Spent the Evening with Mr. Henry at his Lodgings consulting
about a Petition to the King.
Henry said he had no public Education. At fifteen he read Virgill
and Livy, and has not looked into a Latin Book since. His father left
him at that Age, and he has been struggling thro Life ever since. He
has high Notions. Talks about exalted Minds, See. He has a horrid
Opinion of Galloway, Jay, and the Rutledges. Their System he says
would ruin the Cause of America. He is very impatient to see such
Fellows, and not be at Liberty to describe them in their true Col¬
ours.
MS (MHi) . Adams, Dmry (Butterfield) , 2:151.
James Duane to John Tabor Kempe
Dear Sir. Philadelphia lit. Octobr. 1774
This Trade of Patriotism but ill agrees with the profession of a
practising Lawyer. I have lost my Clients the Benefit of a Circuit and
now despair of doing any thing the ensuing Term; and I shoud be
most unhappy did I not rely securely on the Delicacy and Candour
of my Brethren who I flatter myself will take no Advantage of an ab¬
sence unavoidable and occasiond I hope by virtuous Motives. What
we have done or shall do at this American Council we are not [at]
Liberty to communicate; but a few weeks will disclose all to publick
View. This perhaps you knew before and yet it is all the Inteligence
I can give you.^
I am uneasy about an Action in which I am Consel for James De
Peyster at the Side of Tim. Hart. No plea is filed, and I am suspi¬
cious the plantif may take Advantage of Mr Jay’s 8c my absence.
May I be permitt’d to recommend it to you 8c our Friend S. Jones
Care to plead and try it for us if unavoidable. Mr Jay has made a
draft of the plea which lies in my office. I came so late from Albany
174
October 11, 1774
and was so soon hurried away that I had no time to read it. Mr De
Peyster will inform you of his Case which turns upon a single and in
my opinion on a very plain point. I do not know of any other Cause
in which any advantage will be attempted to be taken of my absence
— perhaps not in this; but least that shoud be the Case be kind
enough to order my Clerks to send you all Notic’s that may be served
and do the best you can for me. I ask this without pain because I feel
that 1 shoud act the same friendly part to you with the utmost chear-
fulness.
This is a lying World. Woud you believe that a Report prevails
that you have assured the Ministry that if they will furnish you with
£100000 you will undertake To buy off all the Patriots in our
Province? I have treated it with the contempt it deserves. You are
also the author of the Querist [article?] 8cc^ and in short a most busy
Agent for the ministry. Mr. Watts is charged with advising severe
Measures against America and Doctr Cooper with being the most
active of all the American Tories. I know both you and they will be
quite indiferent about these little Slanders & that they will affect you
much less than they have done your Advocate And affectionate
humb Sert Jas. Duane
[P.S.] Midnight; bad Eyes & a bad pen. Lege si possis.
RC (Sol Feinstone, Washington Crossing, Pa., 1974) .
’^John Tabor Kempe (17S5-91) , last royal attorney general of New York,
1759-83, remained loyal to the king after the outbreak of war and did not leave
New York for England until after the conclusion of hostilities. Catherine Snell
Crary, "The American Dream: John Tabor Kempe’s Rise from Poverty to Riches,”
WMQ, 14 (1957) : 176-95.
^Doubtless a reference to The American Querist: or. Some Questions Proposed
Relative to the Present Disputes between Great-Britain and Her American Colo¬
nies (New York: James Rivington, 1774) . This pamphlet, once attributed to Myles
Cooper 1737-85) , president of King’s College from 1763 to 1775, is now considered
the work of Thomas Bradbury Chandler (1726-90) , pastor of St. John’s Church in
Elizabethtown, N.J. T.R. Adams, American Independence, p. 82; DAB.
Richard Henry Lee’s Draft Address to the
People of Great Britain and Ireland
[October 11-18? 1774]!
To the People of Great Britain and Ireland
We The Delegates from the english Colonies of New Hampshire,
Massachusetts Bay, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New York, New
Jersey, Pennsylvania, lower Counties on Delaware, Maryland, Vir¬
ginia, North Carolina & South Carolina assembled in general Con-
October 11, 1774
175
gress at Philadelphia, find with inexpressible concern that his
Majesties faithful and loyal Subjects of North America are driven by
the hard necessity of their Situation to adopt Measures from which
injury may be derived to many of their fellow subjects in Great Brit¬
ain and Ireland. When the experience of a Century and an half
evinces that from the first settlement of these Colonies, their Inhabit¬
ants have been most remarkable for steady loyalty, and for an uni¬
form zealous attachment to the interests and commercial Success of
the mother Country a candid mind will find no difficulty in believing
what is certainly true, that their conduct now results solely from the
overuling principles of self preservation, which demands the Protec¬
tion of their Liberty, the Security of their lives and property; against
a lately adopted System of plantation government, repugnant to the
english constitution, the faith of Charters, and constant Usage from
the first settlement of englishmen in North America: Against which
System the Assemblies of the different Colonies have by humble and
dutiful petitions frequently but in vain supplicated for relief.
The possession of Liberty and the security of property being of
such great and evident importance, so essentially necessary for hu¬
man happiness, so earnestly contended for and so long enjoyed by
Britain from whence we sprung; it is not to be wondered that our
Ancestors before they would hazard their lives and venture their pri¬
vate fortunes to explore and settle this distant country, obtained roy¬
al charters, securing and confirming to them and their Posterity for¬
ever, all the Franchises privileges and immunities of the free people
of England they left behind them. It is most certain that nothing but
an undeviating attention to their charter rights and a firm reliance on
the honor and Justice of the mother country could have sustained
them unaided, unassisted as they were, in their slow and perilous ad¬
vances to settlement through the savage Wilderness. But the industry
of human nature being invincible when led by Liberty and a con¬
scious Security of Property, the first Settlers having with fortitude
and perseverance surmounted the greatest Difficulties, their Posteri¬
ty, with the aid of emigrants, at length furnish the mother country an
inexhaustible fund of materials for commerce with an almost unlim¬
ited demand for british manufactures, and consequently produced
employment for several hundred sail of Ships and many thousand
Seamen. It is well known how greatly the american Trade has in¬
creased the value of Lands in Britain, and what multitudes of People
are entirely supported by the american Consumption of british Mer¬
chandize. Such immense advantages being derived from the enter-
prizing and successful adventure of our Ancestors, how well we their
descendants are entitled to a peaceable Possession of those just
rights originally stipulated for by them and to them granted by for¬
mer Princes, we leave to the determination of all reasonable men.
176
October 11, 1774
Soon after the close of the last war, all british America was strick¬
en with amazement and concern, to find the Ministry had adopted a
plan for taking the Property of the Colonists from them without the
consent of their Representatives, under the Pretence of raising a rev¬
enue in America for the purposes of defending and protecting the
Colonies, and for supporting the Government and Administration of
Justice here, with the further plausible reason of reembursing Great
Britain a part of the Expence encurred by defending the Colonies in
the last war. To inforce this unconstitutional and unjust System of
Taxation, every fence that the wisdom of our british Ancestors had
carefully erected against Arbitrary power, has been violently thrown
down in America;^ and a variety of Acts of Parliament have been
passed depriving the american Subjects of the invaluable Trial by
Jury in Cases of Property, by enabling the Prosecutor to carry the
defendent into far distant Courts of Admiralty. And as well by a late
Statute in the [ year of his present Majesty’s reign as by
an extension of an obsolete and tyrannic Act of King Henry the
eighth, the same equitable method of Trial in cases that touch life is
likewise taken away from the Colonists, who are to be carried in
chains 3000 miles from their native country without evidence or As¬
sistance of friends to be tried by a Jury of strangers. A standing
Army with all its oppressive concomitants has been fixed without our
consent.
The colony of Massachusetts Bay has had its antient charter sub¬
verted, thirty thousand People in the Town of Boston invested by
military violence, and the horid Crime of murder there encouraged
by an Act authorising the removal of Offenders from the Justice of
the Province and carryed to Great Britain, where distance and ex¬
pence will surely prevent there being followed. Nor has the fury of ad¬
ministration stopped here, but determined to destroy both the reli¬
gion &: Liberty of british America they have procured an act of the
last Session for extending the Province of Canada in such manner as
to border on the western frontiers of all the Northern Colonies and
there established a dispotic Government and the roman catholic Re¬
ligion, well knowing from the truth of history that this bloody and
intollerant religion is at such fatal variance with Protestanism, that
the inhabitants of that now greatly extended Country will thereby be
well fitted both from civil & religious Principles to carry Slaughter
and destruction into the free protestant Colonies whenever they shall
be encouraged by a wicked Ministry to do so.^
It has been already observed that the ostensible reasons which
have been assigned for this Attempt to destroy natural, constitution¬
al, chartered, and antient rights, is for the purpose of raising a reve¬
nue to protect and defend the Colonies, to support Government and
the Administration of Justice here and to reimburse Great Britain
October 11, 1774
177
the Exp)ence of defending the Colonies in the last war. The two for¬
mer reasons are sufficiently answered by stating the notorious facts,
that from the first Settlement of the Colonies until the late War they
sustained these Expences themselves and during the Continuance of
that war having at their own charge supported [ men, in
doing which our late & present Sovereigns were so well satisfied, that
we had consulted our Zeal for the common cause more than our
Ability, that declarations from the throne to » this effect abound on
the Journals of Parliament, recommending the Justice of reemburs-
ing us, and although Parliament did vote considerable sums for this
purpose, yet it is a truth well known that these were chiefly applied
to the further support of the war and in consequence did not operate
to remove the Burthens created by these zealous and unrestrained
Efforts against the common enemy. The royal recommendation to
Parliament to reimburse The Colonies is founded upon this clear
principle of substantial justice, that wealth, the sinews of war, is
withheld from the Colonists by the British acts of Navigation which
place them under a monopolized Trade, confining their purchase of
european Commodities to the British markets and directs the Dispos¬
al of american Products through the same Channel, which in fact
obliges the Colonists who consume British Merchandize to the
amount of three millions annually, to pay the Taxes of all Manufac¬
turers, Merchants and Seamen concerned in making, selling and
transporting the same. In the Acts of Navigation therefore, and not
by unconstitutional Taxation, a just and rational Man will search for
& find the American assistance of the common cause.
Conclusive as this reasoning is yet the Colonists have given ample
testimony in the two last wars of their Zeal and readiness to strain
every Nerve in aid of the mother country, whenever called upon to
do so in a constitutional manner by royal requisitions to their respec¬
tive Colony Assemblies. When we contend against being taxed by
the British parliament where we are not, and in which from our Dis¬
tance we cannot be represented, we find ourselves warranted by rea¬
son, the english Constitution, by express compacts with our Princes,
and by usage as old as the Settlement of these Colonies. We should
certainly be Slaves if we were not exempted from such Taxation.
Property must become too precarious for the Genius of a free peo¬
ple, which can be taken from them at the will of others who cannot
know what Taxes such people can bear, or the easiest mode of rais¬
ing them; and who are not under those restraints which are the
greatest Security against abuse, the Danger of removal at a new
election and being themselves affected by every tax imposed on the
people. It cannot be necessary for us to prove to a British under¬
standing that liberty is essential to human happiness, and that the
safety of property is the security of liberty; every page of english his-
178
October 11, 1774
tory proves their generous, brave attachment to these principles, and
we should be unworthy of the british Ancestry which is now our
boast, if we did not esteem our constitutional liberty far above the
possession of Life, disgraced with the Shackles of Slavery.
It grieves us to find that some malignant Spirits in Great Britain
charge us with designing independency and wanting to dissolve all
connection with the parent State. To such incendiaries, foes to the
happiness of both countries, we reply that our whole history from
the beginning, our uniform tenor of conduct is directly in the teeth of
their assertion. And altho’ we cannot help being misrepresented by
the Agents of dispotism & avarice, we absolutely and solemnly disa¬
vow all thoughts of Disunion from Great Britain and we do profess
and declare our steady loyalty to our sovereign Lord king George
the third, and our ardent wish to promote the glory happiness and
commercial interest of the Mother Country, which would be in em-
minent danger indeed, if three millions of people already in these
Colonies by submitting to Slavery should render themselves fit In¬
struments to enslave the rest of their fellow subjects; a plan it would
seem, in great favor with administration, who design the ruin of
American Liberty by establishing Popery and Despotism in Canada,
that thereby the people and property of all North America being at
Ministerial devotion, may with great effect be applied to subdue that
stubborn English Virtue, which heretofore contending for its darling
Liberty, has proved the ruin of many wicked Ministers and evil
Counsellors, too many of whom have of late years unhappily sur¬
rounded the Throne and vitiated the British councils, to the infinite
distress and confusion of the whole Empire. Whenever Parliament is
pleased to restore us to the state we were in at the conclusion of the
last war, by repealing the Acts claiming a right to and establishing
the means of raising a revenue in America; and those most oppres¬
sive Statutes against the Colony of Massachusetts Bay, because they
have bravely contended for their own and American freedom; when
the law shall be declared against endangering the life of every Amer¬
ican by making him liable to transportation to England for Trial;
when the dangerous Quebec Act is no more; these oppressive griev¬
ances being removed, we shall think no longer of restraining our Ex¬
ports and Imports, but intent on promoting the common interest and
happiness of the united Empire will be industrious to improve the
vast uncultivated territory of North America, and being chiefly en¬
gaged in Agriculture, the commodities for exportation, and the con¬
sumption of British Manufactures will be continually increasing. But
this most desirable connection between Great Britain and the Colo¬
nies supported by such a happy intercourse of reciprocal benefits
must be interrupted, if the people of America are distressed and
ruined by unconstitutional Taxes. Their Liberty and antient rights
October 11, 1774
179
being taken away, no encouragement to industry will remain, but ig¬
norance and idleness the constant Attendants on Slavery will over¬
run this great Continent, hitherto the seat of freedom, virtue, and
growing Science.
MS (MH) . In the hand of Richard Henry Lee.
^ On October 11, Richard Henry Lee, William Livingston, and John Jay were
appointed a committee to prepare a draft of both “a memorial to the people of
British America” and "an address to the people of Great Britain.” JCC, 1:62. The
committee reported a draft address to the people of Great Britain on October 18,
“which was read, and ordered to lie on the table, for the perusal of the members,”
and on the 19th it was debated by paragraphs, amended, and recommitted "in
order that the amendments may be taken in.” The amendments having been made
as directed, the address was brought in and approved on October 21. JCC, 1:75, 81.
Although no draft of the address finally approved by Congress or other contem¬
porary evidence bearing upon the authorship of this document has been found,
John Jay was undoubtedly its author. Years later, in response to questions about
the work of the committee. Jay unequivocally affirmed his authorship of the
address, and no known accounts of the work of Congress have questioned that
claim. For a discussion of inquiries directed to Jay and other contemporaries
about the work of individual members of the committee, see John Dickinson’s Draft
Memorial to the Inhabitants of the Colonies, October 19-21? 1774. For an imagi¬
native reconstruction of events that may have led up to adoption of the final version,
see Frank Monaghan, John Jay .. . (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1935) , p. 61.
The document printed here, although not technically an early version of Con¬
gress’ address to the people of Great Britain, reflects the thinking of one member
of the committee and was undoubtedly perused by the others. It does not appear
to have had much influence on Jay’s work, although one elaborate passage from
Lee’s draft, noted below, appears verbatim in the final address. Lee’s eight-page
draft actually appears to be a fair copy of an expanded version of an earlier
five-page draft “Memorial from the Deputies of the several Colonies,” bearing the
heading “To the Gentlemen Merchants, and Manufacturers of G. Britain Trading
with North America.” ViU. The latter memorial is printed in the Southern
Literary Messenger 30 (March 1860) : 173-75; and nearly 80 percent of it apf)ears
in the address printed here, including major portions that are repeated verbatim.
^This passage appears verbatim in the final version. JCC, 1:85.
“ MS blank.
‘This lengthy sentence, containing strong objections to the Quebec Act, repre¬
sents the only substantive addition to Lee’s earlier draft memorial “To the
Gentlemen Merchants, and Manufacturers of G. Britain Trading with North
America.”
^ MS blank.
Robert Treat Paine’s Diary
[October 11, 1774]
Fine Weather. Dind Mr. [Thomas] McKean. Wrote Wife, Eun¬
ice, Dr. Cobb, Mr. Greenleaf by Mr. Revere who sett out this day
with an Answer to his Express. This day the Massachusetts Provin¬
cial Convention to set at Concord.
MS (MHi) .
579-852 0 - 77 - 14 Vol. 1
180
October 11, 1774
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[October 11, 1774]
11th. Met, finished the Resolves relative to the Massachusetts &
dismd. the Express.
MS (RHi) .
James Duane’s Notes of Debates
Wednesday 12th Oct 1774
Mr Ward. On Trade.
1st, Every man is born free and may chuse his own form of Gov¬
ernment. 2d, Bound by the compact, by charter between Crown and
people. Here no Acts of Parliament can bind. 3d, Colonies obliged
by this, acts only by compulsion. 4th, Principle of Protection gives
them a right to a compensation, but state the amount and we have
overpaid them. 5th, Necessity of the case does not apply, the Colo¬
nies distinct command under one head and [under?] ^ one kingdom
should not be governed by another. 6th, One Company would not
leave it to another to settle the terms. 7th, As to the prudence of the
measure, — the Nation and Parliament were corrupt — would any
chuse a factor of this character? 8th, Oppressive measures against
East Indies. 9th, Giving up this point is yielding all.
/. Adams. Approves it — my amendment.
Mr Lee. 1st, Ministry may say they
2d, Slitting mills avoided by this Motion
offer a proposition.^
External
Lynch. If a Right to bind us in one case may in all but we are
bound by none. 2d Danger of Parliament’s abusing the power for
then they must be Judges of the Regulations.
Tr (NN) .
^MS reads "one or” before “one kingdom,” but this is probably a misreading of
“under” by the copyist.
^Thus in MS. Presumably Duane’s original notes were either damaged or
incomplete, or the copyist was simply unable to decipher the section dealing with
Richard Henry Lee’s remarks.
New Hampshire Delegates to Meshech Weare
Dear Sir Philadelphia October 12th 1774
We are now Reviewing our proceedings 8c hope in a few Days to
October 12, 1774
181
be ready to take our Departure. We have Endeavoured a State of
American Rights the Infringments of those Rights 8c pointed out the
modes of Redress. In our Last we Informed you of the modes of Re¬
dress which were a non Importation Commencing in Decembr next
and a non Exportation to Commence in September 1775. We have
wrote a Letter to General Gage Desiring him to forbear his fortifica¬
tions at Boston to forbear Siezing upon private property 8c to Restore
the Communication between Boston 8c the Country. We have formed
an association to be Signed by the Colonists which if Adhered to will
doubless be the means of Saving American Liberties. ^ We have
agreed upon an Address to the King but no petition to Parliament.
Also we have agreed upon an Address to the Inhabitants of British
America 8c another to the Inhabitants of Great Britain. These per¬
haps General Gage would Call Manifestos.^ We have Declared the
Acts of parliament made Since 1763 Illegal 8c void 8c Every person
an Enemy to American Liberties who Attempts to Act under Au¬
thority of them. We have approved of the Conduct of the Bostonians
8c Ingaged to assist them with the united force of America 8c that in
Case they Should be under the fatal necessity of Quitting Boston all
America will Contribute to Reimburse them for the Damage they
may Sustain by such Removal. We have agreed upon Methods to
prevent the violation of the non Importation 8c non Exportation
agreements. We have Recommended Industry 8c frugality 8c Ingaged
ourselves to Set the Example.
These Sir are the General outlines of what we have Done. Time
will not permit us to be more particular. We hope in a few Days to
have the pleasure of giving you a more particular Account by word
of mouth. In the Interim we are Dear Sir with much Respect your
most obedient Servants Jno Sullivan
Nathel. Folsom
RC (MHi) . Written by Sullivan and signed by Sullivan and Folsom.
^The report of "the committee appointed to prepare a plan for carrying into
effect, the non-importation, non-consumption, and non-exportation agreement” was
read this day. The plan of Association which was embodied in the report was
debated intermittently October 15-18 and formally approved the 18th. JCC,
1:62-63, 74-75.
® Sullivan and Folsom meant that Congress had agreed to prepare such docu¬
ments, because agreement on the actual addresses was not reached until the final
week of proceedings. JCC, 1:81, 90, 104.
Robert Treat Paine’s Notes of Debates
[October 12? 1774] i
[Speaker unidentified] . [//] it is to be a Precedent it will now be
182
October 12, 1774
too [Cruel?] sitting with Act in force in Massa[chusetts] .
Differ [en] t feelings make different Sentiments.
If the Cause be general, the Plan &: Relief must be general & we
must make the whole Consistent; what shall Boston (where we are
attacked) do while Relief is operating. We must raise a Seige as well
as Support an Assault.
They have Drawn the Sword & will not retreat, they have began to
force measures.
Galloway. At Com [mencement] of last War America in great
danger, & they held this up to England & pray’d their Aid. The Colo-
nys disunited, or Stamp Act had never been made.
We may want the Aid of Mother Country but cant expect it
with[ou] t they have a Security of Aids.
I think it the proper time to negotiate.
When we were young G B supported us. Wh[e]n grown up we
should pay ’em.
We ought to contribute to Common Safety.
We ought to save their Honour.
Rut[ledge]. The Claim of Taxing is founded on the Petitions of
Mass., Virg., last War, that there can’t be a Union with[ou]t it.
We came here to Settle Rights.
You think Amer. of such importance as to force G. Brittain.
What are our Weapons?
Every one must use what they have.
Boston is now using theirs.
Pend[leton]. Must we not bring the rights of others in View in
Settling our own Rights?
We must Acknowledge her Rights or she will not come to a treaty
with us.
It is said if we allow the Reg. of Trade it will be abused, but we
have had bad Gov., Judges, Repre: must we therefore have none?
I mean Neither to Acknowledge the power nor be Silent, but to
Strike out a middle way.
Unless we allow this, they will not treat with us.
Cush[ing]. I should be glad to have a Line & a plan of Union.
My plan is our Scituation 1763.
Sull[ivan]. The last Prop[osition] more dangerous than the for¬
mer, for it will remain on Record. How can we ask for Repeal of the
former Acts?
Chase. The former Congress- admitted the Right of Parliamt. to
regulate Trade. There is a diversity of opinion abt. it.
The Rule that Represent [atio] n is the foundation of Legislation
doth not extend to the Colonys. It proves too much, it proves inde-
pendancy.
October 12, 1774
183
Paca. Doth the Rate of Representation tare up the foundation of
Dep>endancy?
I am of Opinion of St. Asaph.
If G. B. will not meddle with our internal Polity.
I feel no Reluctance at allowing this Right to Pari:
It is of no Conseq. to me how the Crown became possessed of the
Land, the Charters are presumptive Evidence of it. I wd. Ask how
we [or] any man became entitled to his Land.
The Property of the Land was in the Crown in trust for the King¬
dom Sc therefore the King could not grant away the Land So as to
make independant States.
B[ritain] must some how be benefited, or the King could not ex¬
ercise his power of granting the Land.
Low. I conceive that Right being called in Q[uestion] is the
ground of all of our Grievances, and it is sd. the last Congress owned
it; & our Provincial dispute was general.
Lynch. Our Application with[ou]t it will be very ineffectual.
Johnson. Non Exp[ortation] of Flaxseed will distress with[ou]t
doing good: they will get it elsewhere. They will get Iron else where.
Where do they get the Seed for Oyl?
They will not be able to get Seed for Sowing tho’ the Acts are Re¬
pealed ergo no good.
The Lumber may be carried to a third place.
MS (MHi) . Undated notes, in the hand of Robert Treat Paine, written on
separate sheets of paper but inserted in the first volume of Paine s manuscript
diary.
^The precise date of these notes cannot be established, but they apparently
pertain to the extended debates on American rights and grievances that came to a
climax on October 12 and 13. They appear as the first four pages of a series of
seven, and although the interrelationship of the entire series cannot be clearly
established, it seems likely that the notes were yvriuen on three separate dates. The
remainder of the notes are printed as separate entries under the dates October 13,
and October 15-17, 1774.
“ The Stamp Act Congress.
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[October 12, 1774]
12th. Met, considered the Bill of Rights. (That relative to Statutes
& that mentioning our Fathers {bringing over all the i?[igfits]) hav¬
ing not forfeited by Emigration &c, I did not like.)
MS (RHi) .
184
October 12, 1774
Samuel Ward’s Notes for a Speech in Congress
Mr. President [October 12, 1774] ^
The Question before you is certainly of the utmost Importance, in
the Solution of it are involved the Happiness or Misery not only of
the present Generation of Americans but of Millions yet unborn. I
must therefore beg your Permission to enter largely into the
Subject.2
The Parliamt. ought not to be allowed the Regulation of our
Trade for many Reasons.
1st. Because We having no Voice in their Election they are not
our Representa[tive]s & consequently have no Rights to make Laws
for Us in any Case whatsoever.
To put this Matter in a clear Point of View it is necessary to recur
to the Origin of Parliaments. It is now universally allowed that all
good Government is founded in Compact.
Mankind prompted to Society by Nature {to associate) & finding
they could not procure or enjoy the necessaries and Conveniences of
Life or defend themselves from Force & Injury in an unconnected
separate State {assembled 6-) formed themselves into various
{Countries) some in one Country, others in another in the Infancy
of Society. They directed & managed their own affairs in Person as
they thought most for the common Good. In Time {the larger ir
larger) Societies became very extensive & the Members so numerous
that they became impracticable to supply the Want of this personal
Direction of many public affairs. The Wisdom of our saxon Ances¬
tors devised the best Substitute in the Power of Man to point out
which was that the People should appoint & authorize certain Per¬
sons in whose Wisdom & Virtue They could confide {in) to repre¬
sent the whole Body of the Nation & in their Behalf to enact in Con¬
junction with their Chief or King such Laws Rules & Ordinances as
would be for the general Good of the Community.
This it will be allowed was the Origin of the english Parliament.
The End of their Appointment was to (Take Care of) Preservation &
Promoting of the Interests & Happiness of whom — of their Constitu¬
ents undoubtedly & not of the People of France Spain or Holland.^
[. . .] of all the Benefits of an extensive 8c valuable Inheritance
[conveyed?] to them from their worthy ancestors who purchased it
with their Blood 8c Tresure 8c of the Fruits of their own Labours and
reduce them to such a miserable State of Vassalage as to be com¬
pelled to consume their Lives in the vilest Drudgery 8c Servitude in
Order to acquire Property for their Oppressors who like true Tyrants
would allow them no greater Share of the Produce of their own La¬
bours than will be barely sufficient to preserve their miserable Beings
in such a State as may qualify them for further Servitude.
October 12, 1774
185
3rd
[In] any other Country The People who appointed 8c gave their
Delegates the Power which they became possessed of had no Power
of making Laws for those Countries themselves [and] therefore
could not give any Such to their Representatives or any other Per¬
sons. Had the People of (France) Spain or Holland or any other
Country chosen 8c impower’d the Persons who compose the brith.
Park to make Laws 8c Ordinances for them there is no Doubt but
upon every Principle of Law 8c Equity they ought to be asked [to]
obey all Laws made by such their Representatives because the Act 8c
Deed of the Substitute or Representative so far as he pursues the
[. . .] but as the People of Spain or Holland have not delegated such
Power to the british Parliament, They, should that Parliament at¬
tempt to impose Laws upon them, would undoubtedly treat them
with the Contempt 8c Indignity which such usurpation would merit.
Upon the same Principles America having never given any such
Power to the british Parliament to make Laws for them cannot be
under any Obligation in Law Equity or Conscience to submit to Acts
of Parliament. Upon this simple Principle of Representation 8c con¬
sequent Legislation Stands the british Constitution 8c upon this
Foundation is the Throne established in the royal House of Han¬
over. The Minister therefore who tramples upon the Peoples Right of
Representation undermines the Constitution 8c tears up by the Roots
the Pillars on which his majesty’s Throne is fixed.
But it is said that some of these Acts of Trade were made before
the granting of some of the American Charters 8c consequently those
who reed, those Charters were parties to the Acts 8c are concluded
by them.4 If this proves any Thing it proves too much, that is that
they were Parties to 8c are concluded by all Acts of Parliament made
before their Emigration. This would introduce into America the can¬
on Law the payment of tiths [to] the Clergy 8c innumerable other
Laws Statutes 8c Regulations {ir Burdens) which would soon de¬
prive us of all Liberty 8c Property 8c with this manifest Injustice 8c
Partiality that every (Man) Freeholder in Britain tho Party to mak¬
ing a Law 8c therefore held to obey it while in Force has a Right if
he dislikes the Law to instruct his Representative to get it repealed &
if he does not do it to remove him 8c chuse a new Representative, but
the American who came from England after making such Laws has
no Right to instruct his quondam Representative or to remove him
should he refuse to obey his Instructions 8c appoint another. Conse¬
quently as his Power of Appointment his Right of Instructing or re¬
moving his constitutional Controul of such Representative cease with
his Emigration to America, the Duty of Submission or Obedience
consequential upon the Enjoyment of these several Rights must
cease with them.
186
October 12, 1774
But it will be said that having imigrated under Charters from the
Crown We brought our Allegeance with Us. The King granted those
Charters, to him therefore We owe Allegiance according to the Ten¬
or of those Charters, to him We ever have been Sc always desire to
be faithful Subjects but is there a Word of the Power of Parliament
in those Charters? Not one. But it is said We are not to make Laws
contrary to the Laws of England it is true but are to make them as
near as may be agreable to the Laws of the Realm considering the
Nature & Constitution of the Place & People there. That is in other
Words The King gives no Power to depart wholly from the {english
Constitution) Principles of the Laws of England but being sensible
that [that Constitution in its) those Laws would not suit the People
& Country of America impowers them to make Laws differing from
the Laws of England as far as the Nature & Constitution of the Place
O
& People in America required. And that this is the Sense of the King
upon this Head is plain. Witness the Massachusetts Act for Division
of intestate Estates which ’tho directly repugnant to the common
Law of England hath reed, the royal Assent.
But it is said that the Parliament has a Right to regulate Trade by
our Acquiescence in their Acts for that Purpose.® A man may be
compelled by Force to submit to many Injuries for instance Impris¬
onment of his Person, Deprivation of his Property or the Use of that
Property & finding the Time of his Deliverance not come may ap¬
pear as easy as he can under Oppression but does this give the In¬
vader a Right to continue [....] By no Means. The great Grotius
justly says Quod ab initio injustum est nullo potest fieri modo aut
usu justum aut rectum. That is whatever is originally wrong in its
own Nature cannot be sanctifyed or made right by Repetition Sc
Use.® The Moment then the Man has it in his Power he may assert
his Freedom & recover Possession of his Estate: Besides several of
the Colonies protested against these Acts in their Infancy & the
Crown in some Instances so far from claiming parliamentary Juris¬
diction requested the Colonies to pass such Acts as were nec[essar]y.
It is said by other Gentlemen that the Parliament has a Right to
the Power of regulating our Trade because they have afforded Us
Protection.’'^ It has been an inviolable Rule with Me never to forget
a Kindness and as far as We have reed. Favors let us by all Means
make proper Compensation but let us first state the Acet.
Those who first attempted to settle the Colony of Virginia were
left by the Parliamt. to their own Fate and perished. Their Succes¬
sors defended themselves for above a Century.
Those who began the Settlement of New England were unsupport¬
ed Sc lost half their Number the first Winter they were in America
and the Survivors carried on the Settlement at their own Expence 8c
defended themselves by their own united Force 8c Bravery from this
October 12, 1774
187
Period. The Parliament afforded little or no Protection save the
Reputation of the british Navy for many years. The {Restoration of)
Purchase of Peace to Britain by the Conquest of Cape Breton, added
to the commercial Advantages derived from the Colonies, is surely
adequate satisfaction for Protection to this Time. During the Peace
the Emoluments arising to G. Britain from the American Trade must
much overbalance the Expence She was at for their Protec [tio] n. In
the last War She was at a very considerable Expence in America
the Colonies were at a much greater one in Proportion to their
Circumstances. A most extensive Country hath been conquered.
Upon opening such extensive Views of Settlement the Value of
Lands {and the Value) that of all real Estate in the old Colonies
sunk one half and all the Advantages of the new Territory G. Britain
confined to herself.
Again it has been said by one of the greatest Men in the Nation
that the Advantages derived to G. Britain from the Trade of the Col¬
onies was 2 millions a year 2c that this Fund carried her through the
last War. Surely Sir this immense Profit Sc the Property & commer¬
cial advantages of such a vast Territory as was conquered from
France must be full Compensation for the Protection granted Us in
the late War. if this Computation be right the Claim of Regulation
upon this footing immediately vanishes.
But it is said She ought to have this Power from the Necessity of
the Case, it being absolutely necessary that there should be some su¬
preme Power in every State which has a Right to collect the united
Force of the community and direct it in such a Manner as may be
for the general Good, & that this Power can be no where so well
placed as in G. Britain.^ That it is necessary that there should be
some supreme Legislature in every Community to regulate 8c direct
the public affa[irs] of that Community all Authors Agree, but that
it is necessary where twenty separate Governments, which is the
Case of the Kings Dominions, are existing that the whole Interest
and Power of nineteen should be submitted to Controul under)
the Direction of the twentieth no Author of Credit maintains. And it
cannot upon any just Principles be proved to be more necessary for
general Good that this should be done than that all the Different
Governments in the W^orld should be united under one single Gov¬
ernment in order that the whole Force of the World should be
[exerted] . The Capacities of human nature are so limited that They
are not able to comprehend and adjust the various Interests of such
remote 8c extensive Countries and wrong Information given by those
who are near them 8c interested in their Decisions and want of prop¬
er Information from those who are remote together with self Partiali¬
ty 8c Prejudice in the Rulers will undoubtedly induce a Sacrifice of
the Interests 8c Happiness of many remote States to that of the one
188
October 12, 1774
which is the Seat of Power. That this hath been the unhappy Case of
all Countries who were subject to foreign Government all History
proves but We need go [no] further for Proof of this than to the mis¬
erable People of Ireland and the distressed State of the Province of
the Massachusetts Bay.
But is said that as We emigrated from Britain we ought to con¬
sider her as a Mother State. I have the highest Idea of parental & fili¬
al Connections but the Duties are reciprocal. While she discharges
her Duty let Us gratefully do ours but let her not think that because
certain Persons who came ®
I have proved that the Parliament have no Right to regulate our
Trade upon any just Principles whatsoever.
I shall now endeavour to prove that the giving them such a Power
would be the entire Ruin of America. The People of England for¬
merly a sober frugal industrious & brave People are now immersed
in Luxury Riot &: Dissipation. The Parliament once a freely elected,
a nearly equal Representation 8c an independent Branch of the Leg¬
islature above the Frowns, Flatteries 8c Bribes of a Minister now first
purchase their own Seats of the miserable venal Electors 8c then sell
them 8c the rest of the People {for Slaves) to the Minister. The na¬
tion for Ages wholly free from Debt as a Nation is now involved in a
Debt of £128 Millions. Bribery Corruption and Pensions swallow
the greatest Part of those vast Taxes 8c Duties paid by the People. Is
such a Parliament to be intrusted with the Interests of America?
Would you {commit your property to) put your all into such Hands?
England Ireland 8c that vast Country in the east Indies subject to the
india Compy. are sinking under the Load of Oppression, will you
[&e] like Issachar represented by a strong Ass crouching down under
two Burdens too [^heavy /or] your Shoulders to bear 8c become sub¬
ject to Tribute? God forbid. Always consider yourselves as a Part of
the Kings Dominions. Generously do all you can for your fellow
Subjects 8c be assured that you cannot more effectually serve your
King, your Brethren in G Britain 8c your Country than by preserving
your Liberty.
MS (RHi) . In the hand of Samuel Ward on detached sheets of varying size.
^ James Duane’s Notes of Debates for October 12 clearly show that Ward
delivered this speech in connection with the discussion that day of Parliament’s
right to regulate American trade.
®At the bottom of this half-sheet, written upside down beneath the preceding
sentence, a note fragment appears: “The Volume of Blackstone where the Origin
of Parliaments is mentioned & if you could.’’
® Remainder of this sentence and beginning of next paragraph missing.
‘See James Duane’s Propositions before the Committee on Rights, September
7-22, 1774.
® Ibid.
"Apparently this is a rough paraphrase, both in Latin and in English, of a
October 13, 1774
189
"common saying” quoted in Hugo Grotius, De jure belli ac pads libri tres, trans.
Francis W. Kelsey, 2 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1913-25) , 2:227.
■'See, for example, Joseph Galloway’s remarks in John Adams’ Notes of Debates,
September 28, 1774.
®See ibid, and James Duane’s Propositions before the Committee on Rights,
September 7-22, 1774.
“ Remainder of sentence missing.
“ Remainder of MS missing.
John Adams’ Diary
1774 Thursday. Octr. 13.
Dined with Mr. Dickenson with Chase, Paca, Low, Mifflin, Mr.
Penn and General Lee, at six o Clock.
From 10 O Clock untill half after four. We were debating, about
the Parliamentary Power of regulating Trade. 5 Colonies were for
allowing it, 5. against it, and two divided among themselves, i.e.
Mass, and Rhode Island.
Mr. Duane has had his Heart sett upon asserting in our Bill of
Rights, the Authority of Parliament to regulate the Trade of the Col¬
onies. He is for grounding it on Compact, Acquiescence, Necessity,
Protection, not merely on our Consent.
MS (MHi) . Adams, Dwry (Butterfield) , 2:151-52.
James Duane’s Notes for a Speech in Congress
[October 13? 1774]^
I. America at eve of a civil War-much depends on wisdom of
Congress. Our fate suspended on a thread. If Boston subdued all’s
lost.
II. But two subjects of dispute between G. B. and the Colonies.
a. A Revenue for the support of our own civil establishments.
b. the regulation of Trade.
(1) As to Revenue the whole amount never more than to about
35,000 and the sums by G. B. to above £ 400,000.
(2) This article provided for by our Resolution to provide a com¬
petent and honorable salary for the administration of govt and justice.
b. The right of regulating trade the great point.
1. Its importance to G. B. who must support her title to it at the
expense of the last drop of her blood and last farthing of her treas¬
ure.
2. good policy of allowing it to her clearly.
(1) will be the best messenger of peace.
190
October 13, 1774
(2) It will remove all suspicion that we seek after independence.
3. It is necessary that it should be expressly recognized.
a. Because in the great dispute between Hutchinson and the Mas¬
sachusetts, it is left doubtful.
b. Because every different house of Assembly must instruct its
Agent on this essential point.
c. Because a difference of sentiment will shew our weakness and
may end in our disunion.
d. But above all because our Bill of Rights makes this explanation
indispensible. Vide — Art — bound by no Law without participation
in Legislature — and exclusive Right of legislation.^
e. These totally defeat all Regulations of Trade. Inst: Custom
House and exactions there, seizures on shore, writs of assistance 8cc.
Objections.
1st. It is said we are not authorised to give up any right and this is
setting up a Right for G. B.
Answer.
1. Besides the justice and policy of such a recognition; it is un¬
avoidable when we are considering a right in connection with the par¬
ent State.
2. It is giving G. B. no new right: but only acknowledging what
she has enjoyed ever since our Colonization.
3. It is agreed on all hands that there must be some supreme con¬
trolling power over our trade, and that this can only rest with Parlia¬
ment.
Objection II. It is said to be too dangerous, because on pretence
of a Right to regulate Trade, Parliament may raise a Revenue upon
us, and otherwise oppress us.
Answer.
1. If we argue against the use of power because it may be abused,
the argument proves too much.
It strikes at all society and all government — but to a state of so¬
ciety confidence is essential.
2. Instance the prerogative of the Crown to call an Assemby. It
never may be called — yet we do not deny the prerogative.
II. But here can be no room for apprehension.
They exercise the right and none mean to dispute it. Our interest
will be served by admitting it under restrictions (to wit) that it be
conducted bona fide, with a just regard to the interest of the respec¬
tive members of the Empire excluding every idea of taxation internal
and external for the purpose of raising a revenue without our con-
[ ]3 our admission cannot injure us.
2. Supposing the power should be abused. Can we not remon-
October 13, 1774
191
strate and oppose — shall we be less able hereafter to do our selves
justice than at this day?
Objectn. III. That this Proposition is improper in our Bill of
Rights; because instead of a privilege it is a burthen.
Answer.
1. It is certainly improper in the order it stands; it ought to follow
our claim to exclusive legislation by way of edification and it will
then be considered.
Object. IV. It may be said that because we admit the authority of
Parliament in this instance, it may be [asserted?], as a proof of their
power in all cases.
Answer.
There is a most manifest distinction.
1. In cases of intevnal policy and taxation our legislatures are
competent — have enjoyed such jurisdictions. They are secured by
Charter — not so with respect to trade.
2. The Parliamentary authority over our trade was co-eval with
our settlement, and is considered as a compact.
3. This exhibits a line and fixed rule so much desired for ascer¬
taining that power.
1 Although undated, these notes probably formed the basis for Duane s remarks
on October 13. John Adams’ brief summary of Duane’s arguments on this date
suggests that Duane’s remarks were delivered at this time. John Adams’ Diary,
October 13, 1774. See also JCC, 1:63; and Samuel Ward’s Diary, October 13, 1774.
^This paragraph refers to the fourth resolution of the declaration of rights and
grievances which was adopted by Congress on October 14. JCC, 1:68-69.
3 MS blank; copyist apparently unable to decipher a sentence from Duanes
original MS notes.
Robert Treat Paine’s Notes of Debates
[October 13? 1774]^
Duane. On regulating Trade.
We are unable to defend our Rights & therefore we must allow
them the right.
We must not argue from an abuse agt a Use.
The Pari, have as good a right to regulate as if the Acts were
made before we emigrated. It was before some of us did, 8c the same
Rule 'will hold to Hen 8. ch. 37.
Our Charters say we must make no Laws contrary to Laws ot
England, but will not the denial of this right be contrary.
192
October 13, 1774
What shall I tell our House of Assembly? They must instruct their
Agent.
The People of N England must not think of any assistance from
other Colonys in fighting.
Nothing but giving up this will stop the Effusion of Blood.
Chase. Can you regulate the Trade with[ou]t meddling to inter¬
nal Polity? I am agt. Stirring it, but now it is Stirrd I am for allowing
it expressly.
Hooper. Colonys are bound by Laws wch dont injure them.
The Duty on wine is bad.
Johnson. I Acknowledge the Right 8c you may make the terms.
Q [uere] in w [ha]t instance have they been deprived of the Prac¬
tice?
[Speaker unidentified]. Regulation includes protection, 8c under
that Taxes must be raised.
Adams. Allowing the Right on principle of Trade is not danger¬
ous.
MS (MHi) . In the hand of Robert Treat Paine.
^ The substance of the comments Paine recorded here strongly suggests that they
were made during the debate of October 13. See Paine’s Notes of Debates, October
12, note 1; and James Duane’s Notes for a Speech in Congress, October 13, 1774,
note 1.
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[October 13, 1774]
13th. Met, considered of the Right of Parliament to regulate
Trade. (Mr. Hopkins for some of the Modes proposed. I was for
none.)
MS (RHi) .
John Adams’ Diary
1774. Eryday. Octr. 14.
Went in the Morning to see Dr. Chevott^ and his Skelletons and
Wax Work — most admirable, exquisite Representations of the whole
Animal Economy.
Eour compleat Skelletons. A Leg with all the Nerves, Veins and
Arteries injected with Wax. Two compleat Bodies in Wax, full
grown. Waxen Representations of all the Muscles, Tendons 8cc., of
the Head, Brain, Heart, Lungs, Liver, Stomack, Gutts, Cawl-Blad-
October 14, 1774
193
der, Testicles. This Exhibition is much more exquisite than that of
Dr. Shippen, at the Hospital. The Doctor reads Lectures, for 2 half
Jos. a Course, which takes up Four Months. These Wax Works are
all of the Drs. own Hands.
Dined with Dr. Morgan, an ingenious Physician and an honest
Patriot. He shewed us some curious Paintings upon Silk which he
brought from Italy which are Singular in this Country, and some
Bones of an Animal of enormous Size, found upon the Banks of the
River Ohio. Mr. Middleton, the two Rutledges, Mr. Mifflin and Mr.
Wm. Barrel! dined with Us. Mrs. Morgan is a sprightly, pretty lady.
In the Evening We were invited to an Interview at Carpenters
Hall, with the Quakers and Anabaptists. Mr. Bacchus is come here
from Middleborough, with a design to apply to the Congress, for a
Redress of the Grievances of the Antipaedobaptists in our Province.
The Cases from Chelmsford, the Case of Mr. White of Haverhill, the
Case of Ashfield and Warwick, were mentioned by Mr. Bacchus.
Old Israel Pemberton was quite rude, and his Rudeness was re¬
sented. But the Conference which held till 11 O Clock, I hope will
produce good.^
MS (MHi) . Adams, Diary (Butterfield) , 2:152-54.
^ Abraham Chovet (1704-90) . DAB.
^ Isaac Backus (1724-1806) and James Manning (1738-91) , Baptist leaders m
New England, journeyed to Philadelphia to present their case against religious
discrimination by the New England, particularly Massachusetts, governments. Ad¬
ams described the meeting in greater detail in his autobiography. Adams, Diary
(Butterfield), 3:311-12. Perhaps the fullest account, chiefly from the Baptist
perspective, can be found in Alvah Hovey, A Memoir of the Life and Times of
Rev. Isaac Backus, A. M. (Boston: Gould and Lincoln, 1858) , pp. 201-31. Backus’ diary
entry for the meeting is among the testimony quoted by Hovey. Other congression¬
al delegates attending the meeting included Thomas Cushing, Samuel Adams,
Robert Treat Paine, James Kinsey, Stephen Hopkins, Samuel Ward, Joseph Gallo¬
way, and Thomas Mifflin.
John Dickinson’s Draft Heads of
Grievances and Rights
[October 14? 1774]
MS (MHi) . For the text of this document, see JCC, 1:63-71, under the heading
“Sullivan’s Draught.’’ The MS was reprinted in the Journals of the Continental
Congress by Worthington C. Ford from John Adams, The Works of John Adams,
Second President of the United States . . . , ed. Charles Francis Adams, 10 vols.
(Boston: Charles C. Little and James Brown, 1850-56), 2:535-Tl. Charles Francis
Adams, who found the document among his grandfather’s papers, attributed
authorship of the MS to John Sullivan on the basis of his grandfather s autobiograp -
ical writings. Ibid., p. 377n; and Adams, Dairy (Butterfield), 3:310n. And Ford,
194
October 14, 1774
assuming that the document was "the first draft of the sub committee’s report on
violations of rights,’’ reproduced it verbatim from Adams’ printed version, retain¬
ing even the exact double-column format used in conjunction with the final
declaration of rights and grievances adopted by Congress.
Despite the assumptions of Adams and Ford, this MS is in the hand of John
Dickinson (see illustration) . That Dickinson did not take a seat in Congress until
October 17, and that the MS is among the papers of John Adams only deepens the
mystery that surrounds the document. Charles Francis Adams correctly identified it
as a version of the declaration of rights and grievances, but it is certainly not the
first draft of either of the great committees’ reports— the report on “rights” or the
report on “violations”— which were submitted to Congress on September 22 and 24
respectively. Debate on the two reports originally began September 24, but almost
immediately the delegates shifted their attention to “the means most proper to be
pursued for a restoration of our rights,” consideration of which led to adoption of
nonimportation and nonexportation, submission of a plan of union, and discussion
of the contents of an address to the king. Not until October 12, according to the
journals, did Congress resume consideration “of the rights and grievances of these
colonies,” which were also deliberated the 13th. It may well be that the two original
reports were not combined into the form of a single consolidated statement of
grievances and rights until shortly before Congress approved the resolutions
Thomson entered in the journals under the date October 14.
The appearance of these resolutions under the date October 14 also raises several
questions. Since it is clear from Samuel Ward's diary and James Duane’s notes of
debates that Congress continued on October 15 and 17 to discuss the grievances to
be included in their list, it is certain that Thomson could not have written the
journal entry for October 14 earlier than the I7th. The fact that John Adams
sjjent all day Sunday, October 16, home “very busy in the necessary Business of
putting the Proceedings of the Congress into Order,” suggests that he may well
have spent the day revising the declaration of rights and grievances. John Adams’
Diary, October 16, 1774. If this were the case, it would not be surprising that
Dickinson gave Adams this draft “Heads of Grievances and Rights,” even if it were
not strictly speaking Dickinson’s creation and may indeed have been only a copy
he was permitted to make from another draft. Of course, if the document did come
into Adams’ possession in this manner, it would not explain why Dickinson was
privy to some of the most intimate matters before Congress when he had not yet
been elected as a delegate. But perhaps this possibility is not inconsistent with
what is known about The Farmer’s extraordinary fame and influence. For other
evidence that Dickinson played a more prominent role at the First Continental
Congress than has been previously appreciated, see Dickinson’s Draft Memorial to
the Inhabitants of the Colonies, October 19-21? 1774, and his Draft Address to the
King, October 22? 1774, two documents whose authorship has long been attributed
to other delegates. For a recent assessment of the authorship and publication of the
“Bill of Rights” and “List of Grievances,” see James H. Hutson, comp, and ed., A
Decent Respect to the Opinions of Mankind: Congressional State Papers, 1774—1776
(Washington: Library of Congress, 1976) , pp. 50-52.
James Duane’s Notes of Debates
Friday 14th October 1774.
On the Resolution for Trade to qualify the {jourtK] proposition.^
5. Adams. Did not think the Claims respecting the internal policy
[ ].^
October 14, 1774
195
a/y^<n \^: /A ^
" , /y^ •,., f>-yi y-tfAr ,-r<c->‘^/
. . O /T,^/^ / ■ - <7 rt
a A/^ -y
fU^kCTZ ^•
/■i^ArQ
John Dickinson’s Draft Heads of Grievances and Rights
579-852 0 - 77 - 15 Vol. 1
196
October 14, 1774
Pendleton. 1st. [ ]. 2cl. 4th Resolution ought not to be al¬
tered to Right of Taxation. 3d. Cant found regulation of Trade on
the principle of the British Constitution. 4th. Different parts of the
[ ] to provide for the omission. 5th. Requesting it should be
done by Treaty between Great Britain and the Colony Legislatures.
6th. Why will not Parliament accept of the power they wish. 7th.
Necessary to state the Bill of Rights. We have Legislative power and
therefore ought.
Grievances.^
Act 4. G. 3d. c. 15. Preamble to raise revenue in America on
Sugar 8cc — wine, coffee, pimento, foreign molasses 3d Gallon.
5. G. 3d. c. 25. Act to alter rates of postage — recites the Act of
Anne for postage and alter rates.
6. G. 3d. c. 52. An Act for repealing duties in America and grant¬
ing further duties. Duties on molasses Id — coffee 7s pimento 1/2
pound additional silk, silk goods.
7. G. 3d. c. 46. Act for draw-back duties in America recites Act.
8. G. 3d. c. 22. Act for more easy recovery of [penalties'] and
forfeitures to be sued for and recovered in any Court of Vice Admi¬
ralty.
12. G. 3d. c. 24. Act for better securing his Majesty’s dock yard
— against the method of trial. Mr. Lutridge [Rutledge] against the
whole. The three Boston Acts shutting up the Port altering adminis¬
tration. The providing quarters for Soldiers in America. Authorizing
the Governor to take up [uninhabited houses?] . Act for altering
Govt of Quebec. The appointment of Judges, Statute H. 8. c. 2. re¬
specting trials for treason and [misprisons of treasons?] .
Henry. Considers the Quebec Bill as a capital one.
4. G. 3d. c. 34. Respecting Canada — keeping a standing army
without the consent of the Legislature of said Colony.
Committee appointed to state in form the Rights, Grievances and
mode of redress.'*
Tr (NN) .
^ That is, the fourth resolution of the declaration of rights and grievances
adopted by Congress on October 14. JCC, 1:68-69.
^Copyist left a blank within parentheses and appended a question mark, appar¬
ently unable to read this part of Duane’s MS notes. The remaining blanks within
brackets in this text were left by the copyist in the same manner.
“ Each of the parliamentary statutes Duane listed under this heading was cited
in the declaration of rights and grievances of this date. JCC, 1:71-72.
■‘This sentence indicates that although Congress approved the declaration of
rights and grievances on the 14th, it could not have been entered into the journals
under this date in final form until sometime later. See John Dickinson’s Draft
Heads of Grievances and Rights, this date.
October 15, 1774
197
Robert Treat Paine’s Diary
[October 14, 1774]
Fine weather. This morning visited Dr. Chevot Sc saw his Anatom¬
ical preparations. Dined Dr. [John] Morgan. Evening met at Car¬
penters Hall at the desire of some Baptists to hear their complaints
of Grievances in our Province. Mr. Backus, Dr. Manning 8c others
present.!
MS (MHi) .
^ For a fuller account of this meeting, see John Adams’ Diary, this date.
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[October 14, 1774]
14th. Met, pursued the Subject,! adopted a Plan founded on Con¬
sent.
MS (RHi) .
^That is, the declaration of rights and grievances. JCC, 1:63-73.
John Adams’ Notes for a Speech in Congress
[October 15-17? 1774]!
CANADA BILL.
Proof of Depth of Abilities, and Wickedness of Heart.
Precedent. Lords refusal of pterpetual Imprisonment.
Prerogative to give any Government to a conquered People.
Romish Religion.
Feudal Government.
Union of feudal Law and Romish Superstition.
Knights of Malta. Orders of military Monks.
Goths and Vandals — overthrew the roman Empire.
Danger to us all. An House on fire.
MS (MHi) . Adams, Diary (Butterfield) , 2: 154-55.
^ Although this undated manuscript is located physically just after Adams notes
of debates for September 28, 1774, it appears to fit within the context of the
debates of October 15-17, when Duane noted a speech by Adams on the Quebec
Act. See James Duane’s Notes of Debates, October 15-17? 1774.
198
October 15, 1774
James Duane’s Notes of Debates
[October 15-17? 1774] i
[JayY
Whether the Quebec Bill shall be an article of grievance which is
to operate upon our commercial intercourse with G.B.?
1st. It is dangerous from the religion &: arbitrary constitution
which it establishes.
2d. From it’s excessive magnitude.
3d. From the supposed and probable motives which gave birth to
it.
4th. Good policy to complain of it, as meeting the popular clamor
in England.
5th. Hence readily agreed to mention it in the jjetition to the King
which will answer good purposes.
But to make it one of the articles which is to operate on our com¬
merce; cannot be consented to by New York for those reasons.
1. We ought in this measure to carry our thoughts to the event —
and to consider the justice and policy of every article as if it was that
singly on which we stood — for in the event all but that may be
rejected.3
2. We have three things in this Bill to complain of.
1. The establishment of the Roman [Catholic Religion?].
2d. The institution of an arbitrary government.
3d. The extension of the Colony by excessive limits.
How far it will be justifiable in us to resist the progress of this Act
and attempt to force its Repeal at the expense of our commerce — in
the end perhaps of a civil war — ought to be duly considered.
1st. If we demand too much we weaken our efforts — lose the
chance of securing what is reasonable and may get nothing.
2d. Will it not be said that we go beyond our sphere — and while
we contend for an exclusive internal legislature intermeddle with the
police of other governmts?
3d. Is it not a disputable point with resp>ect to religion whether
more is granted to the Canadians than was solemnly promised by the
capitulation?
4th. If government is founded on consent is it not disputable
whether the new form is not agreeable to the majority of inhabit¬
ants?
5th. Is it not disputable whether the conqueror has not a right to
impose laws on the conquered?
6. Is it probable that in a matter of some uncertainty at least, our
constituents will be discontented with this part of our Resolution?
And unwilling to be under restraints on that account.
Lee thinks it the worst grievance.
October 15, 1774
199
1. Massacre of Paris: Cruelty of Roman Catholics: No safety.
2. Religion confirmed there: to what end?
3. Lands held by military tenure.
4. Necessary it is urged to establish this Government to keep the
old colonies in awe.
5. Doubts whether Canadians pi [ease] d. English Subjects not.
6. Act inconsistent. Gives Ohio for a boundary.
Lee in reply to Mr Jay.
1. Precedent a capital argument & this also one.
2. Doubts whether the King can make conquests.^
3. Article of Capitulation only indulges the Roman Catholic reli¬
gion so far as it is permitted by the laws of England.
McKean.
1. Magnitude of the law compels us to make a stand.
2. Popular in England.
3. Protestants in Quebec will join us in our opposition.
Mr Gadsden
[His remarks not given.]®
J. Adams.
1. Do op.? (Do oppose) scheme of Wilkendrop.
2. Knights of Malta: feudal system [. . .] less.
Paine. Two questions.
1. Whether the repeal of the bill will remove the Act.
2. Whether we should [ ] ® in opposing it.
Henry.
1. If bill in [ ] Catholics, will [ ] which [coud?]
be printed? by law of England.
2. Feudal Laws cant exist, because repealed by Statute.
Monday 17th October 1774. Resolved that Quebec Bill be an ar¬
ticle of the Grievances, to be stood upon. 1 dissented, but entered
unanimously.
Tr (NN) .
^On October 15 and 17, Congress reconsidered the grievances listed in the
declaration of rights and grievances of the 14th. Although the final paragraph of
Duane’s notes specifically refers to Congress’ decision on the 17th to retain the
Quebec Act as a grievance in its declaration, it is impossible to determine from the
existing evidence if the debates he recorded on this subject took place on the 15th,
or the 17th, or both. See the final paragraph of this entry, and Samuel Ward’s
Diary, October 15, 17, 1774.
^Duane’s notes fail specifically to identify the delegate here who argued against
including the Quebec Act in the list of grievances, but a comparison between the
arguments adduced to support this position with Richard Henry Lee’s “reply to
Mr. Jay” below suggests that John Jay was the unidentified delegate.
“Copyist wrote “respected,” but this may have been a misreading of “rejected.”
^ “Compacts” written above “conquests” in the MS, both followed by a question
mark.
200
October 15, 1774
® Thus in MS.
® MS blank; left thus by copyist here and below.
Robert Treat Paine’s Notes
for a Speech in Congress
[October 15-17? 1774] ^
Quebec Bill.
The evils of it are the Regulating &: training one Colony [. . .]
agt. the Rest.
Will the Repealing the Bill help this, will it not exasperate the
Catholic? Will it break the feudal system, will it convert them to
Protestantism?
Know then; 300 miles, the Proprietors of Tea intitled to damages.
MS (MHi) . In the hand of Robert Treat Paine.
^ For the date of these notes, which appear to pertain to Paine’s remarks during
the debate over the propriety of including the Quebec Bill as a grievance in the
declaration of rights and grievances, see James Duane’s Notes of Debates, October
15-17, 1774.
Samuel Ward’s Diary
15th. Met, considered Grievances.
MS (RHi) .
[October 15, 1774]
John Adams’ Diary
1774 Sunday. Octr. 16.
Staid at Home all day. Very busy in the necessary Business of
putting the Proceedings of the Congress into Order.^
MS (MHi) . Adams, Diary (Butterfield) , 2:154.
^ Although Congress approved the declaration of rights and grievances on Octo¬
ber 14, final agreement was not reached on the wording of the declaration until
some time later. At the end of his notes of debates for October 14, James Duane
recorded: “Committee appointed to state in form the Rights, Grievances and the
mode of redress.” And from Duane’s Notes of Debates, October 15-17? and Samuel
Ward’s Diary, October 15 and 17, it is clear that Congress continued to debate
details of the declaration. It is probable that Adams was a member of the
committee Duane referred to on the 14th, for it is certain that he played a key role
in writing the statement that became the fourth resolution of the declaration. As
October 16, 1774
201
Adams wrote in his "Autobiography”— a somewhat confused account written in
1802 without consulting his diary, notes, or the journals of Congress— the resolu¬
tion was subjected to repeated criticism. Finally, "the difiBcult Article was again
attacked and defended. Congress rejected all Amendments to it, and the general
Sense of the Members was that the Article demanded as little as could be
demanded, and conceeded as much as could be conceeded with Safety, and certain¬
ly as little as would be accepted by Great Britain: and that the Country must take
its fate, in consequence of it. When Congress had gone through the Articles, I was
appointed to put them into form and report a fair Draught for their final
Acceptance. This was done and they were finally accepted.” While the matter must
inevitably remain speculative, it is not unreasonable to assume that the final
drafting to which Adams is here referring took place on Sunday, October 16.
Adams, Diary (Butterfield) , 3:310. For further speculation on the writing of the
declaration of rights and grievances, see John Dickinson’s Draft Heads of Griev¬
ances and Rights, October 14? 1774.
Silas Deane to Thomas Mumford
DearSiri Philadelphia Octr 16th 1774
I little Thought when I left Home on the 22d of August last That
I should be detained, in this City, untill the 16th of October, but so
it has happened, that We are even Now but within View, as I may
say, of, not The End of Our Business, but of this Sitting of the Con¬
gress, for it seems a Matter pretty much concluded on that it will be
most prudent to adjourn. It is probable that This Week will go near
to close The Affairs immediately before Us, as the General Heads
are agreed on, and Committees appointed to make the Draughts. No
Resolution of any Consequence, and I dare say, you will judge, some
of them so, has been pass’d in the Congress, but with an Unanimous
Voice, though they have many of them taken up Days in close. Sc at
Times, warm debate. Three capital, &: general Objects were in View
From The First— A Bill of American Rights,— A List of American
Greivances, — And Measures For Redress. You will easily consider
the First the most important Subject that could possibly be taken up
by Us, as on the Fixing them rightly, with precision, yet sufficiently
explicit. Sc on a certain, and durable Basis, such as the Reason &: Na¬
ture of things, the Natural Rights of Mankind, The Rights of British
Subjects, in general, and the particular, & local privileges. Rights, 8c
immunities of British American Subjects, considered in degree dis¬
tinct, yet connected with the Empire at large. On This I say, all the
Consistency at least, of Our future proceedings, in America depends,
and in a great degree, the peace, 8c Liberty, of the American Colo¬
nies. In doing this. We have proceeded with the Utmost Caution
knowing how critical and important an undertaking it was, 8c how fa¬
tal a misstep must be, not to Ourselves only but to all posterity. Con¬
sequently the whole British Constitution, its rise, progress, 8c comple¬
tion, has been reveiwed minutely, — All the Statutes respecting it, or
202
October 16, 1774
affecting the Colonies attended To and considered — when You add
to This, The Time necessarily spent as well as Difficulty to be en¬
countered at last. To bring Men, From infancy, habituated to differ¬
ent modes, of Treating Subjects, perfectly to harmonize. You will set
down no small portion of Our Time to this Head of Business. Our
Greivances You will say are evident To all, and may be enumerated
in one Day as well as in a Month, — on second Thought You will
perhaps be willing to give Us longer Time on that part — For a
Greivance deserving the Notice of the United Continent must not
only be a real, but one so general. That a Stand must be made
against it, and Our measures for redress, be persevered in, untill it is
removed. To enumerate as greivances, matters of lesser Moment,
would be below the dignity, & lessen the weight of this Continental
Council, here again. We have recourse To the Statutes, the Usages,
Sc Customs of both Countries to direct Us, as Well as to their, & Our
Bill of Rights. The Measures to be pursued for, or mode of obtain¬
ing Redress is a delicate, yet important Subject. These Three Sub¬
jects have taken up the Cheif of Our Time. We meet at Nine, &: set
untill half past Three, then adjourn untill the Next Morning, this
brings Us to Dinner at Four or afterwards, which being generally in
parties, on invitation out, or at Our Lodgings concludes the Day,
and though We have sat, now. Six Weeks, We have not had One
day’s respite. Two Expresses from Boston, have taken up part of
Our Time, by one of them 1 wrote largely, the substance of which
You have doubteless seen.^ The Assembly of this province met Yes¬
terday and chose Mr. Biddle Speaker, and appointed Mr. Dickinson
an additional Member, to represent this Province in Congress, so
that We may expect his Company Tomorrow in Carpenters Hall.
This will find You at New Haven, Next Saturday. Mr. T. Sey¬
mour I hear is a Brother Member. Present my Compliments To him,
and Tell him, that Watson of Hartford, merits the severest reproof,
for printing in his paper the false, & scandalous paragraphs, from
Rivington’s Gazette, respecting the Congress. Rivington in private
Life is more infamous than Chartres, & in public a greater incendi¬
ary than Clodius, yet this Stupid Watson, reprints in the Connecticut
Courant the improbable Forgeries, of this most superlatively vile, re¬
tailer of Scandal.3 I have repeatedly admonished Watson, but to no
purpose, a press in his hands, is like firebrands. Arrows, &: Death in
the hands of a Fool or Madman, and all We have to console Our¬
selves with, is that his Weakness prevents his doing extensive mis¬
chief. Rivington is become so detestable every where to the South¬
ward of New York, & even in That City, to all, but a Ministerial
Junto, that his Papers are stopp’d Universally, and his Name is used
only as a Standard by which to compare whatever is mean, base, ser¬
vile, & treacherous; yet this Fellow, is one of Watson’s Authors.
October 16, 1774
203
I ask pardon, for saying so much, on this unworthy Subject, but I
feel for the honor of the Colony, affected by such rascally publica¬
tions. Connecticut stands in a reputable, and important point of
View, with the other Colonies The more so as We have not been si¬
lent on their History, and police, as well as on their other Connec¬
tions, Sc their Manners. The Cause of Boston You have already seen
is made by Us a Common Cause, 8c You must not be surprized at a
Resolution, of all the Colonies, here represented, made Unanimous¬
ly, to stand by, 8c support them to the last with Life, 8c Fortune, and
that Resolution published on the housetop at Westminster. I hope
We shall be at New Haven before the Assembly rises. It is quite un¬
certain whither I shall be able to procure a place for Your Son, as
No Mercht. in this City will give any Answer to a Question respect¬
ing future Business untill he hears, the Report, of the doings of this
Congress, but I have spoke to several kind, 8c worthy Freinds on the
subject, who have promised to make thorough inquiry. I should pre¬
fer this City, To any place on the Continent for a Lad to serve his
Time in. The Manners are simple, 8c pure, and their industry and
Oeconomy, exceeding any thing to be expected in so populous a
City. I mean by simple 8c pure only comparatively, for here are De¬
bauchees, Whores, 8c Rogues as well as in other places, but not so
Numerous. I have spoke for Four places, 8c may possibly obtain
Them, if so I can provide for You and Your Brothers Sons. I am de¬
termined to fix a Brother, 8c Soninlaw of mine here, if possible. I
pray that a Regulation of the Connecticut Militia may be attended to
in earnest, much, perhaps all Depends on it there 8c throughout
America. I have neither Time, nor Room to write at large, in a
Word if You go on making Colonels 8cc in the Common old Way All
is over as to a Militia. While all America is about to exhibit proofs
of Virtue, let Those old Field Officers never more than Nominally
so, at least sacrifice a Sound to a Reality. Compliments to Freinds.
Yours Silas Deane
[P.S.] Shew this to Col. Saltonstall, 8c others as You please.^
RC (Robert J. Sudderth, Jr., Lookout Mountain, Tenn., 1973) .
1 Thomas Mumford (1728-99), Groton, Conn., merchant, representative to the
Connecticut Assembly, and agent for the Secret Committee of Congress in 1776.
James G. Mumford, Mumford Memoirs (Boston: Updike, Merrymount Press,
1900) , pp. 142-50. j u D
®The Suffolk Resolves, delivered to Congress September 17, and the Boston
Committee’s September 29 letter expressing alarm at British fortification of Boston,
laid before Congress October 6. JCC, 1:31, 55.
“Deane is probably referring to Rivington’s allegation “that the Congress have
not yef been able to agree on any point.’’ Rivington’s New-York Gazetteer . . .,
October 6, 1774; and Connecticut Courant, and Hartford Weekly Intelligencer,
October 10, 1774.
* Gurdon Saltonstall, Jr., was Deane’s father-in-law.
204
October 16, 1774
George Read to Gertrude Read
My dear Gitty Phila. 16th Octr. 1774
It is now brot. to Sunday Morning again & no certainty yet of the
time I am to return to you.
The Virginians give out that they will go off this day Week, but 1
doubt the business before us will not be in that State it ought by that
time. Mrs. Biddle left this on Friday and that Evening her Husband
was made Speaker of the House of Assembly of this Province. I
have not seen him since. I am told the Chair went A begging. Galloway
was named twice or Thrice to it. John Morton of Chester County
once. Mr. Dickinson once. Galloway & Dickinson excused themselves
for want of health Sc unexpectedly A Member for Northampton County
got up and prefaced his Motion very well, as it is said, taking Notice
of the difficulties the House were under and said that he had A per¬
son in his Eye who had both Health and abilities equal to the Service
and as soon as he named Mr. Biddle the House were in an Uproar,
refused to hear any apology from him &: as many as could lay hold of
him did and forced him into the Chair — on a unanimous Vote.i Tho
I am pleased with the distinction that is paid him — I am afraid it will
be prejudicial to his Interest. I dined at the Governor’s yesterday very
agreeably, the Set were Mrs. Elliott from New York, Mr. Gibson &: his
Wife, Miss Oswald, John Wilcocks & myself— and last night I went
to Club with Mr. Hamilton whom I met with at the Coffee house but
our Company there was not so sprightly. I am told there are letters in
Town from Boston mentioning Genl. Gage’s declining State of health,
supposed to be owing to uneasiness of Mind 8c that he is now actually
confined to his Bed — most persons who wish for Peace wish his recovery.
It is also said that there are some Letters in A Late Vessel from Liver¬
pool mentioning that the American Cause is gaining ground in England
& that Hutchinson & Bernard will be made the Scape Goats by the Minis¬
try. I hear of Numbers of Persons having Intermitten ts so that the
Philadelphians must Leave boasting of the healthiness of their Town.
Mr. Paca of Anapolis was seized with it yesterday. Jas Allen has it Sc
others I do not now recollect — I have felt nothing of it since you left
me. Eating &: drinking distress me most. However I was moderate
yesterday, the ladies were the Means of it in some Measure and the
wine at the Tavern at Night was bad. All are well at Jemmy Read’s
and send their love to you. I yesterday delivered my resignation in
Writing of the Attorney General’s Office to the Governor when he
told he wou’d Order A Commission to be made out for Jacob Moore
as Mr. Rodney had strongly recommended him. Mr. McPherson
came to me on Thursday and asked me to go with him to the gover¬
nor, but I was obliged to decline it — as Moore was the person I had
October 17, 1774
205
in View to succeed me tho I have a very favourable opinion of Mc¬
Pherson. Moore very luckily came to Town on Wednesday last. He
&: his Wife lodge at Mrs. Vining’s. I do not know when they will be
down. I send [. . .] Trunks of Mrs. Read’s with some linnen Sc
there are two Pots of Fish aboard for you. And I am yors. most Af-
fectely. Geo. Read
[P.S.] The governor goes to Chester Wednesday afternoon Sc to
your Town next day. We propose to get Mr. Rodney down.
RC (MH) .
^ Read’s testimony is in contrast to recent scholarship which suggests that
Galloway was ousted from the speakership of the Pennsylvania Assembly by more
radical anti-British assemblymen. Benjamin H. Newcomb, Franklin and Galloimy:
A Political Partnership (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1972) , p. 258.
Samuel Adams to Thomas Young
My dear Sir Philadelphia Octob [17?] 1774
I have receivd your^ favors of 29th Sept and 11th Instant, the lat¬
ter of which is just come to hand. The affidavit inclosed confirms the
report in Boston about the begining of July, of a Mans being seizd
by the Soldiery, put under Guard & finally sent to England. But what
Remedy can the poor injurd Fellow obtain in his own Country
where inter Arma silent Leges! I have written to our Friends to pro¬
vide themselves without Delay with arms 8c Ammunition, get well in¬
structed in the military Art, embody themselves 8c prepare a com¬
plete Set of Rules that they may be ready in Case they are called to
defend themselves against the violent Attacks of Despotism. Surely
the Laws of Self Preservation will warrant it in this Time of Danger
8c doubtful Exp>ectation. One cannot be certain that a distracted
Minister will yield to the Measures taken by the Congress, though
they should operate the Ruin of the National Trade, until he shall
have made further Efforts to lay America, as he impiously expressd
it “prostrate at his Feet.”
I believe you will have seen before this reaches you, some further
Resolves of the Congress relative to my native Town 8c Province to¬
gether with a Letter to Gage.^ They were sent to the Committee of
Correspondence in Boston by Mr Revere who left us a Week ago,
and I suppose are or will be publishd in the papers. You will therein
see the sense of the Gentlemen here of the Conduct of the General
and the “dignified Scoundrels,” and of the opposition made to the ty¬
rannical Acts. I think our Countrymen discover the Spirit of Rome
or Sparta. I admire in them that Patience which you have often
206
October 17, 1774
heard me say is characteristick of the Patriot. I regretted your Re¬
moval from Boston when you first informd me of it, but I trust it will
be for the publick Advantage. Wherever you may be I am very sure
you will improve your ten Talents for the publick Good. I pray God
to direct and reward you.
I am with due regard to Mrs Young, affectionately yours
Sami Adams
FC (NN) . Day blank in the MS, but dated the 17th in Adams, Writings (Cush¬
ing) , 3:162-63. Paul Revere, who according to Adams “left us a Week ago,”
departed Philadelphia October 11.
^Thomas Young (1731-77), physician, moved to Boston in 1766, where he
quickly became a political intimate of Samuel Adams. Fearing for his safety. Young
left Boston for Rhode Island on September 13, 1774, and in the spring of 1775 he
moved to Philadelphia. Henry D. Edes, “Memoir of Dr. Thomas Young,
1731-1777,” Transactions of The Colonial Society of Massachusetts, 11 (1906-07) :
2-54.
MCC, 1:59-62.
Robert Treat Paine’s Diary
[October 17, 1774]
Fine day. Mr. John Dickenson appear’d in Congress a Member
for Pennsylvania. Bind Ste [phen] Collins.
MS (MHi) .
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[October 17, 1774]
17th. Met, enumerated Grievances, Articles of Non Importation
cons[idere]d. Mr. Dickinson joined Us.
MS (RHi) .
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[October 18, 1774]
18th. Met, compleated the Association, read the Memorial to the
People of England.
MS (RHi) .
October 19, 1774
207
John Dickinson’s Draft Memorial to the
Inhabitants of the Colonies
[October 19-21? 1774]
To the Inhabitants of the Colonies of Massachusetts Bay,
New Hampshire, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations,
Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, The Counties
of New Castle, Kent and Sussex on Delaware, Maryland, Vir¬
ginia, North Carolina and South Carolina,
Brethren,
We, the Delegates nominated and directed by the good People of
the Colonies aforesaid, to meet at Philadelphia in the last Month of
September, for the purposes respectively mentioned to Us by our
Constituents, have in pursuance of the Trusts reposed in Us accord¬
ingly assembled, and taken into our most serious Consideration, the
important Matters recommended to Us as Subjects of our Delibera¬
tions.
Our Resolutions thereupon have been (published) communicated
to You, and need not here be repeated: But as (our Power was de¬
rived from You, and We are of consequence accountable to You)
the Situation of public Affairs grows daily more and more alarming:
and as it may be more satisfactory to You to receive Information
from Us in a collective Body, than in any other Manner, of those
Sentiments, that have been approved upon a full & free Consultation
and Discussion in Common Council by the Representatives of so
great a Part of America, We esteem ourselves indispensably obliged
to add this Address to the Resolutions already published.
In every Case of intended Opposition by a People to their Rulers,
or of one State to another. Duty to Almighty God the Creator (and
Judge) of all Men and Nations, commands, that a strict and impar¬
tial Judgment be formed of all Measures leading to such Conse¬
quences, and of the Causes that may have provoked, or may in any
degree excuse them; that, neither Affection on the one side, nor Re¬
sentment on the other, being permitted to confuse the Understand¬
ing, or to prejudice the Integrity of the interested. Reason may be
enabled to take a dispassionate View of all (Transactions) Circum¬
stances, and to settle the public Conduct on sure and solid Founda¬
tions of Wisdom &: Justice.
From Counsels thus tempered and directed arise the best
(Expectations) Hopes of Divine Favor, the firmest Encouragements
to those concern’d, and the strongest Recommendations to the rest
of Mankind.
Our Minds being deeply impress’d with a Sense of these Truths,
208
October 19, 1774
We have diligently, deliberately, and calmly enquired into and con¬
sidered the Proceedings of the legislative and executive powers of
Great Britain that have excited so much Uneasiness 8c apprehension
in these Colonies, and also the Behaviour of the Colonies. Upon the
whole, so extraordinary and important is the Evidence, that We are
reduced of Necessity to the ungrateful alternative of keeping Silence,
and betraying the Innocent, or of speaking, and censuring those We
wish to revere. In making the Choice of those distressing Difficulties;
We prefer the Course dictated by Honesty and a Regard for the
Wellfare of our Country.
Soon after the (Accession of the present King, and the End of the
last War, the Conduct of Parliament and Administration towards
these Colonies began to change in a most remarkable Manner) Con¬
clusion of the last War, a memorable Change commenc’d in the
(Conduct) Treatment of these Colonies. By a Statute made in the
fourth Year of the present Reign, in a Time of profound peace, al¬
ledging the “Expediency of new provisions & Regulations for ex¬
tending the Commerce between Great Britain and his Majesty’s Do¬
minions in America, and the Necessity of raising a Revenue in the
said Dominions, for defraying the Expences of defending, protecting,
and securing the same,” the Commons of Great Britain undertook to
give 8c grant to his Majesty many heavy Rates Sc Duties to be paid in
these Colonies, the said Statute prescribing a great number of severe
penalties & Forfeitures for enforcing its Observance. In two sections
of this Act, a remarkable Distinction is made between the Subjects
in Great Britain and those in the Colonies. By the one, the Penalties
& forfeitures incurr’d there, are to be recovered in any of the King’s
Courts of Record at Westminster or in the Court of Exchequer in
Scotland; and by the rest, the Penalties & Forfeitures incurr’d here,
are to be recovered in any Court of Record or in any Court of Ad¬
miralty or Vice admiralty, at the Election of the Informer or prose¬
cutor.
The Inhabitants of these Colonies full of Confidence in the Justice
and Kindness of Great Britain had scarcely Time allowed them to
receive and animadvert properly on the Nature of this Act, before
another, well known by the Name of the Stamp Act, past in the fifth
Year of this Reign, engaged their whole Attention. By this Statute
Parliament in the most explicit manner exercis’d the new power of
taxing these Colonies and extended the Jurisdiction of Courts of Ad¬
miralty 8c Vice admiralty in the Colonies, to Matters happening with¬
in the Body of a County, on Land, directing the multitude of Penal¬
ties & Forfeitures thereby (impos’d) inflicted to be recovered in the
said Courts here, but making the Distinction before mentioned, as to
Penalties & Forfeitures to be recovered elsewhere.^
In the same Year, by another Act another Tax was impos’d on
October 19, 1774
209
these Colonies by the establishment of several new Fees, for the
Customs.
In the next Year, the Stamp-Act was rep>ealed, not because it was
founded on an erroneous principle, but as the repealing Act recites,
because “the continuance thereof would be attended with many In¬
conveniences, and might be productive of Consequences greatly det¬
rimental to the commercial Interests of {these Kingdoms) Great Bri¬
tain.”
In the same Year, and by the immediately following Act, it was
“declared, that his Majesty in parliament, of Right had Power to
bind the People of these Colonies by Statues in all Cases whatsoev¬
er."
In the same Year, another Act was past for imposing Rates 8c Du¬
ties payable in these Colonies. In this Statute the Commons avoiding
the Terms of giving and granting, “humbly besought his Majesty,
that it might be enacted” 8cc. But from a Declaration in the Pream¬
ble that the Rates 8c Duties {were declared to be) were “in Lieu" of
several others granted by the Statute first before mentioned, for raising
a Revenue, and from some other Expressions, it {plainly) appears, that
these Duties were intended for that purpose.
In the next Year, 1767, an Act was made “to enable his Majesty
to put the Customs and other Duties in America, under the Manage¬
ment of Commissioners” 8cc And the King thereupon erected the
present expensive Board of Commissioners; {with power to enter &
search Houses ire) for the express purpose “of carrying into Execu¬
tion the several Laws relating to the Revenue 8c Trade in America.
The people of these Colonies, having after the Repeal of the
Stamp Act; resign’d themselves to their antient unsuspecting Affec¬
tions for their parent State, and anxious to avoid any Controversy
with her, in Hopes of a favorable Alteration in Sentiments 8c Meas¬
ures towards them, did not press their Objections against the above
mention’d Statutes made subsequent to that Repeal.
Administration attributing to trifling Causes, a Conduct that really
proceeded from generous Motives, were encouraged in the same
Year, 1767, to make a bolder Experiment on the Patience of these
Colonies.
By a Statute, commonly call’d the Glass, Paper ir Tea Act, made
fifteen months after the Repeal of the Stamp Act, the Commons of
Great Britain, resumed their former Language 8c again undertook to
“give and grant Rates of Duties to be paid in these Colonies, for
the express purpose of “raising a Revenue, to defray the Charges of
the Administration of Justice, the support of Civil Government, and
defending the King’s Dominions” on this Continent. The Penalties 8c
Forfeitures incurr’d under this Statute are to be recovered in the
same Manner, with those mentioned in the foregoing Acts.
210
October 19, 1774
To this Statute so naturally tending to disturb the Tranquility then
universal throughout the Colonies, Parliament, in the same Session
added another no less extraordinary.
Ever since the making the present Peace, a standing Army has
been kept in these Colonies. From Respect for the Mother Country,
the Innovation was not only (submitted) tolerated, but the provin¬
cial Legislatures generally, made Laws for supplying the Troops, in
Conformity to the Acts of Parliament, called the Mutiny Acts, by
Which the Modes of quartering & providing for the Troops in Amer¬
ica, were directed.
The Assembly of the Province of New York, having passed an
Act of this kind, but differing in some Articles, as they judg’d to be
just Sc expedient, from the Directions of the Act of Parliament made
in the fifth Year of this Reign, the House of Representatives of that
Colony was prohibited by a Statute made in the Session last men¬
tioned, from making any Bill, order. Resolution or Vote, except for
adjourning or chusing a Speaker, until Provision should be made by
the said Assembly for furnishing the Troops within that Province,
not only with all such Necessaries as were required by the Statute,
which they were charged with disobeying; but also with such as were
required by two other subsequent Statutes, which were declared to
be in Force until the twenty fourth Day of March 1769.
These Statutes of the Year 1767, reviv’d the Apprehensions Sc
Discontents that had entirely subsided on the Repeal of the Stamp
Act, and Amidst (these Apprehensions and Discontents) the just
Fears Sc Jealousies thereby occasioned, a Statute was made in the
next Year, 1768, to establish Courts of Admiralty and vice admiral¬
ty on a new Model, expressly, for the End of more effectually re¬
covering the Penalties and Forfeitures inflicted by Acts of Parlia¬
ment framed for the purpose of raising a Revenue in America &c.
The immediate Tendency of these Statutes, is to subvert the Right
of having a Share in Legislation, by rendering Assemblies useless;
the right of property, by taking the Money of the Colonists without
their Consent; the Right of Trials by Jury, by substituting in their
Place Trials in Admiralty 8c Vice Admiralty Courts, where single
Judges preside, holding their commissions during pleasure, (with
Salaries payable out of the Effects condemned by themselves, in
place of Trials by Jury) and unduely to influence the Courts of Com¬
mon Law by render [ing] the Judges thereof totally dependant on
the Crown for their Salaries.
These Statutes, not to mention many others exceedingly excep¬
tionable, compared one with an other, will be found not only to form
a regular System in which every part has great Force, but also a per¬
tinacious Adherence to that System, for subjugating these Colonies,
that are not and from local Circumstances cannot be represented in
October 19, 1774
211
{Parliament) the House of Commons to the uncontrouled and un¬
limited Power of {Great Britain) Parliament, in violation of their
undoubted & accustomed Rights and Liberties, in contempt of their
well known and grievous Afflictions, their humble and repeated Sup¬
plications.
This Conduct must appear equally astonishing and unjustifiable,
when it is considered, how unprovoked it has been by any Behaviour
of these Colonies. From their first Settlement {to the Time of the
Stamp Act) their bitterest Enemies never fix’d on any of them a
Charge of Disloyalty to their Sovereign or of Disaffection to their
Mother Country. In the Wars She has carried on, they have exerted
themselves, whenever they were required, to give her assistance, &
have rendered her Services, which she has publickly acknowledged
to be extremely important. Their Fidelity, Duty, Sc Usefulness, dur¬
ing the last War, were frequently Sc affectionately confest by his late
Majesty & the present King {and Parliament repeatedly made them
Compensations for those heavy Expences and Exertions of those
strenuous Efforts, which, consulting their zeal rather than their strength
they had Most fully incurr’d).
The Reproaches of those who are most unfriendly to the Freedom
of America, are principally urged against the province of Massachu¬
setts Bay; but, how much without Cause, is proved by the following
Declarations of a person, the Truth of whose Evidence in their Fa¬
vor, will not be questioned.
Governor Bernard in his Speech on the 24th of April 1762, thus
addresses the two Houses of Assembly — “The Unanimity 8c Dis¬
patch, with which You have complied with the Requisitions of his
Majesty require my particular Acknowledgement, and it gives Me
additional Pleasure to observe, that You have therein acted under no
other Influence than a due sense of your Duty, both as Members of
a general Empire, and as the Body of a particular province.”
In another Speech on the 27th of May in the same Year, he says
— “Whatever shall be the Event of the War, it must be no small Sat¬
isfaction to us, that this province hath contributed its full share to
the support of it. Every Thing that hath been required of it, hath
been complied with; and the Execution of the powers committed to
Me, for raising the provincial Troops, hath been as full and com¬
plete as the Grant of them. Never before were Regiments so easily
levied, so well composed, and so early in the Field, as they have
been this Year; the common people seemed to be animated with the
Spirit of the General Court, and to vie with them in their Readiness
to serve the King.
“The ample provision which has been already made, leaves Me
nothing to ask for the immediate Service of the King.”^
Such was the Conduct of the People of Massachusetts Bay, during
579-B52 0 - 77 - 16 Vol. 1
212
October 19, 1774
the last War. As to their Behaviour before that Period, it ought not
to have been forgot in Great Britain, that not only on every Occa¬
sion, they had constantly & chearfully complied with the frequent
royal Requisitions — but that chiefly by their vigorous Efforts, Nova
Scotia was subdued in 1710, and Louisburgh in 1745.
Foreign Quarrels being ended, and the domestic Disturbances that
quickly succeeded on Account of the Stamp Act, being quieted by its
Repeal, the Assembly of Massachusetts Bay transmitted an humble
Address of Thanks to the King; and soon after pass’d a Bill for
granting Compensation to the Sufferers in the Disorders occasioned
by that Act.
These Circumstances and the following Extracts from Governor
Bernard’s Letters in 1768 to the Earl of Shelburne, Secretary of
State, clearly shew, with what {respect) grateful Tenderness they
strove to deposite in Oblivion the unhappy occasion of the late Dis¬
cords, and with what respectful Reluctance they endeavoured to es¬
cape other Subjects of future Controversy. “The House (says the
Governor) from the Time of opening the session to this Day, has
shewn a Disposition to avoid all Dispute with Me; every thing hav¬
ing passed with as much Good humour as I could desire, except only
their continuing to act in addressing the King, remonstrating to the
Secretary of State, and employing a separate Agent. It is the impor¬
tance of this Innovation, without any Wilfullness of my own, which
induces Me to make this Remonstrance, at a Time when I have a
fair Prospect of having, in all other Business, nothing but good to
say of the proceedings of this House.’’ Jan 21. 1768.®
“They have acted in all things, even in their Remonstrance, with
temper & Moderation; they have avoided some subjects of Dispute,
and have laid a Foundation for removing some Causes of former Al¬
tercation.” Jan. 30. 1768.
“I shall make such a prudent & proper use of this Letter, as I
hope will perfectly restore the peace & tranquility of this province,
for which purpose considerable steps have been made by the House
of Representatives.” Feb. 2. 1768.
The Vindication of the Province of Massachusetts Bay contained
in these Letters, will have the greater Force, if it be considered, that
they were written several months after the fresh Alarm given to the
Colonies, by the Statutes past in the preceding Year. In this Place, it
seems proper to take notice of the Insinuation in one of these Stat¬
utes, that the Interference of Parliament was necessary, to provide
for “defraying the Charge of the Administration of Justice, the sup¬
port of Civil Government, and defending the King’s Dominions in
America.”
As to the two first Articles of Expence, every Colony had made
such provision, as by their respective Assembly the best Judges on
October 19, 1774
213
such Occasions, was thought expedient, 8c suitable to their several
Circumstances. As to the last, it is well known to all men the least
acquainted with American Affairs, that the Colonies established 8c
have always defended themselves, 8c generally without the least as¬
sistance from Great Britain; and, that at the Time of her taxing them
by the Statutes before mentioned, most of them were labouring un¬
der very heavy Debts contracted in the last War. So far were they
from sparing their Money, when their Sovereign constitutionally
ask’d their aids, that during the Course of that War, Parliament re¬
peatedly made them Comj>ensations for the Expences of those
“Strenuous Efforts,” which, consulting their Zeal rather than their
Strength, they had cheerfully incurr’d.
Severe as the Acts of Parliament before mentioned are, yet the
Conduct of Administration has been equally injurious, and irritating
to these devoted Colonies.
{By an Order of the King, the Authority of) Under Pretence of
governing them so many new Institutions so uniformly rigid 8c dan¬
gerous, have been introduc’d, as could have been expected only from
incensed Masters, for collecting the Tribute or rather the Plunder of
conquered Provinces.
By an Order of the King, the authority of the Commander in
Chief, 8c under him, of the Brigadiers general, in time of Peace, is
rendered supreme in all the civil Governments in America; and thus
an uncontroulable military Power is vested in Officers not known to
the Constitution of these Colonies.
A large Body of Troops 8c a considerable armament of ships of
war, have been sent to assist in taking their Money without their
consent. Expensive 8c oppressive Offices have been multiplied, and
the Arts of Corruption industriously practised to divide 8c destroy.
The Judges of the Admiralty 8c Vice Admiralty Courts, are im-
powered to receive their Salaries from the Effects to be condemn d
by themselves; and in the Commission to the Managers of the Cus¬
toms, they are not required to apply to the Civil Magestrate, for
Writs of Assistants, before they break open 8c enter Houses. {Salaries
have been granted by the Crown to) Judges of Courts of Common Law
have been made entirely dependant on the Crown for their Commis¬
sions {during Pleasure) 8c Salaries {have been granted by the King out
of Money levied upon the People without their Consent). A Court has
been established at Rhode Island for the purpose of taking Colonists
to England to be tried.
Humble 8c {dutiful) reasonable Petitions from the Representatives
of the People, have been frequently treated with Contempt; And As¬
semblies have been repeatedly and arbitrarily dissolved.
From {a single) some few Instances it will sufficiently appear, on
what Justice those Dissolutions have been founded.
214
October 19, 1774
The Tranquility of the Colonies having been again disturb’d, as
has been mentioned, by the Statutes of the Year 1767, the Earl of
Hillsborough, Secretary of State, in a Letter to Governor Bernard,
dated April 22d. 1768, censures the “presumption” of the House of
Representatives, for “resolving upon a Measure of so inflammatory
a Nature as that of writing to the other Colonies, on the subject of
their intended Representations against some late Acts of Parliament:”
then declares, that, “his Majesty considers this step as evidently tend¬
ing to create unwarrantable Combinations, to excite an unjustifiable
opposition to the constitutional Authority of parliament” — and after¬
wards adds — “It is the King’s Pleasure, that as soon as the General
Court is again assembled, at the Time prescribed by the Charter, You
should require of the House of Representatives, in his Majesty’s Name,
to rescind the Resolution which gave Birth to the circular Letter from
the sjreaker, and to declare their Disapprobation of, and Dissent to
that rash and hasty proceeding.” “If the new Assembly should refuse
to comply with his Majesty’s reasonable Expectation, it is the King’s
Pleasure that You should immediately dissolve them.”
This Letter being laid before the House, & the Resolutions not
being rescinded according to Order, the assembly was dissolv’d. A
Letter of a similar Nature was sent to other Governors, to procure
Resolutions approving of the Conduct of the {House of) Represent¬
atives in Massachusetts Bay, to be rescinded also; 8c Houses of Rep¬
resentatives in other Colonies refusing to comply. Assemblies were
dissolved.
These Mandates spoke a Language, to which the Ears of English
subjects had for several Generations been strangers. The Nature of
Assemblies implies a power 8c Right of Deliberation. But these Com¬
mands proscribing the Exercise of Judgment on the propriety of the
Requisitions made, left to the Assemblies only the Election between
the dictated Submission or the threatened Punishment: A Punish¬
ment too {inflicted for) founded on no other Act, than such, as is deem’d
innocent even in Slaves — that of agreeing in Petitions for Redress of
Grievances that equally affect all.
The hostile 8c unjustifiable Invasion of the Town of Boston, soon
followed these Events in the same Year; tho that Town, the province
in which it is situated, 8c all the Colonies, from Abhorrance of a
Contest with their Parent State, permitted the Execution even of
those Statutes, against which they so unanimously were complaining,
remonstrating, and supplicating.
Administration, {eager) determined to Subdue a Spirit of Eree-
dom, which English Ministers should have rejoiced to cherish, {a-
dopted the insidious Measure of combining) entered into a monop¬
olising Combination with the East India Company, to send to this
Continent vast Quantities of Tea, an Article on which Duties were
October 19, 1774
215
laid by a Statute, that in a particular Manner attack’d the Liberties
of America & which therefore the Inhabitants of these Colonies had
resolv’d not to import. The Cargo sent to South Carolina (if Neiv
York) was stored, & not allowed to be sold. Those sent to Philadel¬
phia, &: New York, were not permitted to be landed. That sent to
Boston, was destroyed by persons unknown, because the Govern¬
ment there, would not suffer it to be returned.
On the Intelligence of these Transactions arriving in Great Brit¬
ain, the public spirited Town last mentioned, was singled out for De¬
struction Sc it was determined, that the Province it belongs to, should
partake of its Fate. In the last session of Parliament therefore, were
past the acts for shutting up the Port of Boston, indemnifying the
“Murderers” of Inhabitants of Massachusetts Bay, and changing
their chartered Constitution of {that Province) Government. To en¬
force the Acts, that Province is again invaded by a Fleet & Army.
To mention these outrageous proceedings, is sufficiently to explain
them. For tho it is pretended that the Province of Massachusetts Bay
has been particularly disrespectful to Great Britain, Yet in truth the
Behaviour of the People in other Colonies has been an equal Oppo¬
sition to the Authority of Parliament.” No Step, however, has been
taken against any of those Colonies. This artful behaviour conceals
several Designs. It is expected, that the province of Massachusetts
Bay will be (transported) irritated into some violent Actions, that
may displease the rest of the Continent, or that may (be exaggerated
to justify to) induce the People of Great Britain, to approve meditat¬
ed Vengeance of an imprudent exasperated Ministry.
If the unexampled Temper of that province shall disappoint this
part of the Plan, it is hoped, the other Colonies will be so far inumi-
dated, as to desert their (fellow sufferers) Brethren suffering in a
Common Cause, and thus disunited, all may be subdued.
To promote these (truly horrid Designs, Machinations,) Designs,
another Measure has been pursued. In the Session of Parliament last
mentioned, an Act was passed, for changing the Government of Quebec,
abolishing the Assembly & trials by Jury, restoring the French Laws
establishing the Roman Catholic Religion, & extending the Limits, of
that province so as to comprehend those vast Regions that lye ad¬
joining to the northernly and westernly Boundaries of these Colo-
The authors of this arbitrary Arrangement flatter themselves, that
the Inhabitants depriv’d of Liberty, & (enflamed by) artfully pro¬
voked against those of another Religion, will be proper Instruments
for assisting in the oppressing of such as differ from them in Gov¬
ernment fe in Faith.
From the Detail of Facts herein before recited, as well as Irom au¬
thentic Intelligence receiv’d, it is clear beyond a Doubt, that a Reso-
216
October 19, 1774
lution is form’d, & is now carrying into Execution, to extinguish the
Freedom of these Colonies, {and reducing them into) by subjecting
them to a despotic Government.
At this unhappy Period, We have been authorized and directed to
meet & consult together, for the Wellfare of our common Country.
We accepted the important Trust with Diffidence but have endea¬
voured to discharge it with Integrity. Tho the {present) State of
these Colonies would certainly justify other Measures, than We have
advised, yet weighty Reasons determined us to prefer those which
we have adopted.
In the first place, it appeared to Us {an Action) a Conduct be¬
coming the Character these Colonies have ever {uniformly) sus¬
tained, to perform even in the Face of the unnatural Distresses Sc
imminent Dangers that surround them, every Act of Loyalty; and
therefore. We were induced to offer once more to his Majesty, the
Petitions of his faithful and oppressed subjects in America. Second¬
ly, regarding with the tender affection which We knew to be so uni¬
versal among our Countrymen, the People of the Kingdom, from
which we derive our Original,^ We could not {consent) forbear to
regulate our Steps by an Expectation of {finding) receiving full
{Satisfaction) Conviction, that the Colonists are equally dear to them.
Between these provinces and that Body subsists the social Band,
which We ardently wish never may be dissolv’d, and, which cannot
be dissolved, untill their Minds shall become indisputably hostile,
or their Inattention shall permit those who are thus hostile, to persist
in prosecuting with the Powers of the Realm, the destructive Meas¬
ures already operating against the Colonists; and in either Case, shall
reduce the latter to such a situation, that they shall be compell’d to
renounce every Regard, but that of Self preservation. Notwithstand¬
ing the Vehemence, with which Affairs have been impell’d they
have not yet reach’d that fatal point. We {chuse not) do not incline
to accelerate their Motion, already {alarmingly) suffici[ently] rap¬
id. We have chosen a method of Opposition, that does not preclude
a hearty Reconciliation with our Fellow Citizens on the other side of
the Atlantic. We deeply deplore the urgent Necessity that presses Us
to an immediate Interruption of our Commerce, that may prove in¬
jurious to them. We trust, that they will acquit Us of any unkind In¬
tentions towards them, by reflecting, that, We subject ourselves to
similar Inconveniences: that. We are {involved in such) driven by
the Hands of Violence into unexperienced and unexpected public
Convulsions: that. We are contending for Freedom, so often con¬
tended for by our Ancestors.
The People of England will soon have an Opportunity of declar¬
ing their Sentiments concerning our Cause. In their Piety, {Virtue,)
generosity, & Good sense, we repose high Confidence, and cannot.
October 19, 1774
217
upon a Review of past Events, be persuaded that they, the Defend¬
ers of true Religion, 8c the Assertors of the {Liberties of) Rights of
Mankind, will take part against their affectionate protestant Colo¬
nists, in Favor of our open and their own secret Enemies whose In¬
trigues for several Years past, have been wholly exercis’d in Sapping
the Foundations of civil & religious Liberty.
Another Reason that engaged Us to prefer the {present) commer¬
cial Mode of opposition, arose from an Assurance that this Mode will
prove efficacious, if it be persisted in with Fidelity Sc Virtue; and that
your Conduct will be influenc’d by these laudable Principles cannot
be questioned. Your own Salvation, and that of your posterity now
depends upon Yourselves. You have already shewn {a due sense of
the Blessings for which You are strugglin\_g^) that you entertain a
proper sense of the Injuries offered to you, 8c a just sense of the
Blessings You are striving to retain. Against the temporary Incon¬
veniences You may suffer from a Stoppage of Trade, You will weigh
in the opposite Ballance, the endless Miseries You 8c your Descen¬
dants must endure from an established arbitrary Power. You will not
forget the {Glory) Honour of your Country, that must {inevitably)
from your Behaviour take its title in the Estimation of the World, to
Glory or to shame; and You will, with the deepest Attention reflect,
that if the peaceable Mode of Opposition recommended by Us, be
broken and rendered ineffectual, as your cruel 8c haughty Enemip,
from a contemptuous Opinion of your Firmness, insolently predict
will be the Case, You must inevitably be {compellled}) reduc’d to
chuse, either a more dangerous Contest, or a final and infamous
Submission.
{We cannot conclude this address) Motives thus cogent, arising
from the emergency of your {Affairs) unhappy Condition, must ex¬
cite your utmost Diligence 8c Zeal, to give all possible Strength 8c En¬
ergy to the Measures calculated for your Relief. But, We think our¬
selves bound in Duty, to observe to You, that the schemes agitated
against these Colonies have been conducted with such an Excess of
Fury, that it appears probable to us, that some other Acts of viol¬
ence may be committed in the approaching Winter or next Year. We
judge it therefore prudent, that You should extend your Views to
those Events that may happen and be in every Respect, as well pre¬
pared as You can be for every Contingency. Above all Things, we
earnestly entreat You with Devotion of Spirit, Penitence of Heart,
and Amendment of Life, to humble Yourselves and implore the
{Assistance) Favor of Almighty God: & We fervently beseech his di¬
vine Goodness to take You into his gracious Protection.
MS (PHil In the hand of John Dickinson. This 17-page draft, heavily interlined
ind containing numerous marginal notes that survived iri the final memor^l
idopted October 21, is in the R. R. Logan Collection of Dickinson papers at PHi
October 19, 1774
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John Dickinson’s Draft Memorial to the Inhabitants of the Colonies
October 19, 1774
219
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October 19, 1774
(see illustrations) . Although authorship of the "Memorial to the Inhabitants of
the Colonies” has traditionally been assigned to Richard Henry Lee, this MS
demonstrates that Dickinson was the author of the memorial that Congress ap¬
proved.
No other contemporary evidence bearing upon the authorship of this document
has been found. As in the case of nearly all the public papers prepared in
committees of Congress, the earliest known accounts pertaining to individual
authorship date from the early 19th century. Thus until this collection of Dickin¬
son’s papers became available in 1969, historians were forced to rely upon accounts
reconstructed from memory by Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, and John Jay
written during the years 1805 to 1823. It is of particular interest that most of these
accounts have a common origin in an 1805 query William Wirt directed to
Thomas Jefferson. In response to Wirt’s plea for information on Patrick Henry,
whose biography Wirt planned to write, Jefferson penned an account which
covered some matters that transpired in September and October 1774, although he
had not been a delegate to the first Congress. Wirt incorporated Jefferson’s
comments into his Sketches of the Life and Character of Patrick Henry (Philadel¬
phia: James Webster, 1817) , pp. 108-9, and until recent years these were frequent¬
ly relied upon by students of the Revolution, notwithstanding the fact that Jeffer¬
son had obtained his information at second hand, and because of this stated that
he ought not to be quoted on the subject of “the addresses prepared for Congress by
Henry and Lee.” PMHB, 34 (October 1910) : 406. When John Adams read Wirt’s
study of Henry, he immediately wrote to Jay, questioning Wirt’s account of the
authorship of the various petitions and addresses of Congress. Jay’s response, which
was vague, apologetic in tone, and based chiefly on the printed journals of
Congress, confirmed only that he was the author of the address to the people of
Great Britain. William Jay, The Life of John Jay: with Selections from His
Correspondence and Miscellaneous Papers, 2 vols. (New York: J. 8c J. Harper,
1833) , 2:378-84. But in an account he wrote in 1823 to the grandson of Richard
Henry Lee, in answer to a question about Lee’s role as a member of "the three
leading committees appointed by the Congress of 1774,” Jay was more explicit,
although he again insisted that his recollection was “not distinct.” “It was agreed,
in the committee,” Jay recalled, “that Mr. Lee should prepare a draught of the
proposed memorial [“to the people of British America”], which was the first, both
in order and importance; and that I should prepare a draught of the proposed
address to the people of Great Britain, both of which were done accordingly. On
the 18th October, the address to the people of Great Britain was reported to
Congress. . . . On the 19th October, the committee reported a draught of a
memorial to the inhabitants of the British colonies. ... I have always believed
that this memorial was written by Mr. Lee, nor have any reasons to doubt it, come
to my knowledge.” Richard H. Lee, Memoir of the Life of Richard Henry
Lee . . ., 2 vols. (Philadelphia: H. C. Carey and I. Lea, 1825) , 1:271.
That Dickinson did not take his seat in Congress until October 17 only deepens
the mystery about when and under what circumstances this document came to be
drafted. Since so little time was available to compose such a long draft, one might
conclude that Dickinson immediately set to work on his version to offer as an
alternate to the committee’s original draft when it was reported and ordered to lie
on the table October 19. As a consequence of the debate on the memorial on the
20th, he may then have been asked to complete his draft to rescue the delegates
from an impasse. In any case, this was undoubtedly the document that was “gone
through and debated by paragraphs” and approved the 21st. Whatever the exact
circumstances, which must remain conjectural, and notwithstanding the fact that
the journals indicate that Lee, Jay, and William Livingston were the sole members
of the committee appointed to draft both the address to the people of Great
Britain and the memorial to the people of British America, the testimony of this
October 20, 1774
221
draft speaks clearly in behalf of Dickinson’s authorship of the latter memorial.
Whether he built his work upon the committee’s reported draft or began fresh to
compose an essentially new document cannot be determined, but it is possible that
on this point there is a parallel to the joint contributions of Dickinson and
Thomas Jefferson in drafting the “Declaration of the Causes and Necessity for
Taking up Arms” the following July, for which see the suggestive comments of
Julian P. Boyd in Jefferson, Papers (Boyd) , 1:190-92.
^The last 16 words of this sentence were omitted in the final version. JCC, 1:92.
®This brief paragraph was omitted in the final version. JCC, 1:94.
® Footnoted and placed in the margin of MS, as were the dates added at the end
of the following two paragraphs.
Thus in the MS and printed “original” in the early editions of Extracts from
the Votes and Proceedings of the American Continental Congress, but the word
"origin” was subsequently used in various 1774 printings of the Journal of the
Proceedings of the Congress, Held at Philadelphia, September 5, 1774.
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[October 19, 1774]
19th. Met, read the Memorial to the Americans.
MS (RHi) .
John Adams’ Diary
1774 Thursday Octr. 20.
Dined with the whole Congress at the City Tavern, at the Invita¬
tion of the House of Representatives of the Province of Pensylvania,
the whole House dined with Us, making near 100 Guests in the
whole^ — a most elegant Entertainment.^ A Sentiment was given,
“May the Sword of the Parent never be Stain’d with the Blood of her
Children.” Two or 3 broadbrims, over against me at Table — one of
em said this is not a Toast but a Prayer, come let us join in it — and
they took their Glasses accordingly.
MS (MHi) . Adams, Diary (Butterfield) , 2:155.
^Robert Treat Paine recorded his attendance at this dinner in his diary for this
day: “Dind at City Tavern with the Congress, they being Invited by the House of
Assembly of this Province, a very Elegant Entertainment.” MHi. George Washing¬
ton’s diary account for the 20th is similar: “Dind at the New Tavern with the
Pensa. Assembly. Went to the Ball afterwards.” Washington, Diaries (Fitzpatrick) ,
2:168.
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[October 20, 1774]
20th. Met, considered the Memorial and signed the Association.^
222
October 20, 1774
MS (RHi).
^ Apparently some delegates signed the association although opposed to it.
Joseph Galloway, for example, subsequently protested that he had only reluctantly
signed the association. “That he [i.e., Galloway himself] signed the association is
true. But that he and a number of other delegates did not sign it as their private
act, or as binding on themselves or their constituents, is as true. . . . Otherwise, the
congress knew they never would have signed it. And therefore to prevail on them
to sign it, it was said it should be done by order of the congress; and then it would
be that act of a majority, and not of each private person, nor his particular act.
That such was the case of a speaker of assembly who signed a bill or other
legislative act by order, tho’ against his judgment, which could not be considered
as his private act, but that of the majority who made the order. In consequence of
this mode of reasoning, an order was made, and the clause next preceding the
delegates names was added to the association in these words, ‘the foregoing
association on being determined upon by the congress, was ordered to be signed by
the several members thereof, and thereupon we have here unto set our respective
names accordingly.’ Now, however just this reasoning may be thought, it was the
reasoning of the congress; and it was one, among other reasons, which prevailed on
the author of the plan [i.e., his plan of union] and a number of other delegates to
sign the association.” Joseph Galloway, A Reply to an Address to the Author of a
Pamphlet, entitled, ‘A Candid Examination of the Mutual Claims of Great Britain
and her Colonies,’ &c. (New York: James Rivington, 1775) , pp. 39^0.
For the opposition of the South Carolina delegates to the Association, four of
whom temporarily withdrew from Congress at the prospect that indigo and rice
would not be exempted from the nonexportation provision, see their Report to the
South Carolina Provincial Congress, January 11, 1775.
Patrick Henry’s Draft Address to the King
[October 21? 1774]^
May it please your most excellent Majesty
Graciously to receive the humble & dutifull address of your Maj-
estys most loyal subjects the Representatives of all the American
Colonys Situated between Nova Scotia & Georgia now met in general
Congress. When we present ourselves before the Throne with hearts
deeply impressed with a Sense of that Duty affection & Loyalty
which we owe & Cordially tender to the person of your most sacred
Majesty, we lament the necessity by which we are compelled to com¬
plain of injurys of the most alarming nature. These Complaints are
not the Voice of Faction, but the United Sense of North America.
Several Acts & Resolutions of Parliament made since the begining
of the year 1763 have violated the dearest rights & most essential
privileges which belong to us as freemen &: British Subjects. We
mean the Acts made for raising a Revenue in America — for extend¬
ing the Jurisdiction of the Courts of Admiralty beyond the ancient
limits — The Resolutions of the two houses of Parliamt. & the Act
declaring that persons who commit certain Crimes in America shall
be tryed beyond the Seas — & The several Acts passed last session of
October 21, 1774
223
Parliamt. respecting the Town of Boston &: Province of MassachU'
setts Bay Sc that for altering the Govermt. Sc extending the Limits of
Canada.^
These Acts Sc proceedings are fraught with mischief &: destruction
to America. Some of them take from us the power of giving &: grant¬
ing our own money because taxes are thereby imposed for raising a
Revenue in America, and as the pretence for such interposition of
Parliament is to provide a Fund for supporting the Goverment &
the Administration of Justice therein, & for defending securing Sc
protecting the Colonys, We do assure your Majesty that the Colony
assemblys have made or are willing to make ample provision for de¬
fraying all the necessary expences of supporting Goverment 8c the
administration of Justice in their respective Colonys: That our Mili¬
tia if put upon a proper footing, which we are wiling 8c desirous
should be immediately done, would be sufficient for our defense in
time of peace. And in case your Majesty should at any time be en¬
gaged in war, your Colonies are ready to grant supplys for raising
any other forces that may be necessary.^
By other Acts 8c extrajudicial Resolutions the parliament has at¬
tempted to take from us the darling privilege of Tryal by Jurys of
the Vicinage 8c to send us far away from our Native Land to encoun¬
ter a series of sufferings 8c Distress too great to be borne. How de¬
plorable must be the Condition of that man who seized 8c shackled in
America, must bid adieu to his native Country 8c embark for a dis¬
tant one when the pains 8c sufferings of a tedious Imprisonment will
not be alleviated by the assistance of Friends or the hope that Innoc¬
ence will be acquitted. On the Contrary the unhappy sufferer far re¬
moved from the possibility of proving his innocence 8c from all that
can minister to his Necessitys or soften his Distresses must Sink un¬
der the accumulated Misery 8c find no Asylum but in Death.
The Town of Boston 8c Province of Massachusetts Bay present to
our View a most alarming Example of Parliamentary Vengeance.
With Greif 8c astonishment we behold those powers of Goverment
which so long harmonized with America now formed into dangerous
Efforts for her destruction! Judge Royal Sir what must be our feel¬
ings when we see our fellow subjects of that Town 8c Colony suffer¬
ing a Severity of punishment of which the British History gives no
Example, 8c the Annals of Tyranny can scarcely equal. And when
we see in the Fate of this our sister Colony that which awaits us, we
are filled with the most terrible apprehensions— Apprehensions which
are heighten’d 8c increased almost to Despair, when we turn our At¬
tention to the Quebec Act.
In vain do your Majestys faithfull Subjects look around them for a
ground to hope that they or their Posterity can be safe free or hap¬
py in the neighbourhood of a Goverment so much at variance with
224
October 21, 1774
the true Spirit of English liberty. The Religion of Rome bloody Idol¬
atrous & strongly inimical to Protestantism will ever stimulate its
Votarys to attempts fatal to those who differ from them in Religious
& Civil Policy. Strongly impressed with these Sentiments we chear-
fully contributed our blood & treasure to the conquest of that coun¬
try in the late war confident that we should thereby change a danger¬
ous & hostile neighbour into a British Province 8c strengthen the
Protestant interest 8c the cause of Liberty. Our amazement therefore
is indeed extreme to see these well-grounded hopes disappointed, 8c
that Popery 8c the Laws of France have found Establishment 8c Pa¬
tronage in a British Parliament. The local extent assigned for the
Operation of this fatal scheme of Goverment is an additional Circum¬
stance to make it dangerous 8c alarming to the ancient British Colo¬
ny s.
Thus encompassed with Injurys apprehensions 8c Dangers, your
faithfull American Subjects look up to your Majesty for Assistance 8c
Releif. We most earnestly entreat you Royal Sire to interpose your
Royal Influence to procure us Redress of these our Greivances. We
are distressed with the most Poignant feelings, by that prospect
which the present System adopted by Parliament holds up to our
view. Unworthy submission, or unjust Resistance are Equally far
from us 8c abhorrent to our Ideas. Either would render unfit objects
of yr. Majestys Paternal regards — Drive us not to Despair^ — Urge us
not to the last extremity most gracious Sovereign. We can never sub¬
mit to the Encroachments of the British Parliament. Compell us not
therefore to that Situation in which All is Gloom 8c horror, 8c from
whence no Ray of Peace or Comfort can be discern’d. All we ask is
that we may be restored to that State in which America stood at the
Close of the last War. We desire no new privileges. Restore us royal
Sir our Ancient 8c indubitable rights 8c we are contented. We shall
then return with Joy 8c Gladness to that friendly intercourse 8c mu¬
tually beneficial commerce so much to be desired by the mother
Country 8c the Colonys, but which has of late been so unhappily dis¬
turbed.
Thus restored to peace 8c tranquility we shall bless the royal hand
that was held forth for our Deliverance. We shall rejoice under the
Dominion of a Prince to whom Allegiance Affection 8c Gratitude
shall concur to bind us by their most sacred ties. Your Majestys
faithfull Americans will ever be ready to offer their blood 8c treasure
to Support your Majestys illustrious house. And we trust that no
length of Time no distance of Situation or change of Circumstances
shall ever efface the remembrance of that Signal interposition of yr.
Majesty upon which we rely for Deliverance from the wicked At¬
tempts of those Ministers whose Designs are fatal to the true inter¬
ests of yr. Majesty 8c destructive to all that is dear to us.
October 21, 1774
225
MS (PPL) . In the hand of Patrick Henry.
^On October 1, 1774, Congress resolved to prepare an address to the king, and
tor that purpose appointed a committee consisting of Richard Henry Lee, John
Adams, Thomas Johnson, Patrick Henry, and John Rutledge. The next week.
Congress devoted three days to debating instructions to the committee, but subse¬
quently other matters intruded to dominate the work of the delegates, and another
two weeks elapsed before Congress returned to the subject. On October 21 a draft
address to the king was read and debated in Congress, but when it met a cool
reception the document was recommitted and John Dickinson was added to the
committee. On the 24th the enlarged committee reported another draft address,
which was “debated by paragraphs . . . approved and ordered to be engrossed”
the following day, and two engrossed copies were signed by the delegates on the
26th. ]CC, 1:53-55, 102-4, 113.
For a discussion of the work of the committee and the date and authorship of
the three drafts of the address that survive, see Edwin Wolf 2d, “The Authorship
of the 1774 Address to the King Restudied,” WMQ 22 (April 1965) : 194-99. See
also Richard Henry Lee’s Draft Address to the King, October 21? 1774; and John
Dickinson’s Draft Address to the King, October 22? 1774.
^ In the final version transmitted to England, this list of objectionable acts was
revised and expanded to a 14-paragraph catalog of grievances. Wolf, “Authorship,”
pp. 203,220-21. . . . K
®The substance of this paragraph is contained in the resolution adopted by
Congress October 3. JCC, 1:53-54.
Richard Henry Lee’s Draft Address to the King
[October 21? 1774]^
May it please your most excellent Majesty
Graciously to permit your dutiful Subjects the Representatives of
your loyal People in North America to approach the Throne and
humbly to entreat the royal attention to those Grievances, which
have for ten years past, with increasing violence threatned danger
and ruin to Antient Constitutional Rights which your Majesties
faithful Subjects in this western world have long enjoyed under your
Majesties royal Progenetors. The history of these Colonies, may it
please your Majesty, is one continued proof of unshaken loyalty to
their Sovereigns, of unremitting zeal for the glory and prosperity of
Great Britain, to which, their active labors have much contributed.
No rebellions, no traitorous dissaffections have ever disgraced their
story, or disturbed the repose of the Mother Country. These truths
may sufficiently prove to your Majesty, that nothing less than immi¬
nent dangers and most oppressive Grievances could now move a
numerous people of such steady and persevering Loyalty. Such, may
it please your Majesty, are certain Acts of your British Parliament
passed in the 4th 5th 6th 7th 8th & years of your Majesties
reign, which destroy every idea of property in your Majesties Arneri-
can dominions, and in many cases deprive the Subject of his antient,
equitable, and legal trial by Jury, and unncessarily endanger his life.
226
October 21, 1774
by ordaining its trial in far distant Courts, where want of evidence
and assistance of friends may conspire to destroy the most innocent
of your Majesties subjects. We say unnecessarily may it please your
Majesty, because your Majesties Courts, with compitent Laws, are
here open to the punishment of all Offenders who shall dare to com¬
mit Treason, or disturb the quiet of Society. It is not to be wondered,
may it please your Majesty, that apprehensions of distress and dan¬
ger do greatly disturb your people in North America, when they see
such extensive and unexampled Oppressions fixed by military force
on many thousands of your Majesties brave and loyal people of the
Massachusetts Bay, without their ever having been called upon to
answer, or heard in their defence, repugnant, as they have thought,
to the practise of the just in all Ages. Added to these most alarming
proceedings, we have the missfortune Great Sir, to see an arbitrary
government and the Roman Catholic religion established in Canada,
now so extended along the borders of the Colonies, as to compre¬
hend the greater part of North America; a Religion equally destruc¬
tive of the indepenc’y of Princes and the Civil and Religious liberties
of Mankind, so fatally fixed on the ruin of Protestants, that the Laws
of England have, since the Reformation carefully guarded against its
admission into the British dominions. Sensible, may it please your
Majesty, that the greatness and glory of the Sovereign are best sup¬
ported by the freedom and happiness of his people, and devoted as
your Majesties faithful American Subjects are to the Protestant suc¬
cession in the House of Brunswick, and most earnestly wishing to
preserve in its greatest purity the excellent Constitution of England
as settled at the Revolution, they feel with the deepest affliction that
their happiness and security can never exist with those violent and
unconstitutional Councils which are ever ready to be suggested by
Tory Counsellors whither in or out of place. Men, whose principles
of Government, however artfully concealed, are at fatal enmity with
Revolution principles and the Hanoverian Succession. May we be
permitted Most gracious Sovereign to assure your Majesty that no
machinations of such Men, or any other of your Majesties Enemies
shall ever succeed, if they can be prevented by the fullest exertion of
the lives and fortunes of your Majesties loyal and affectionate Sub¬
jects in North America. Unpractised in Courts and unused to dis¬
semble, we most humbly pray your Majesty to pardon the freedom
with which duty and loyalty to our Sovereign compels us to declare
that our apprehensions of danger can never cease so long as the un¬
wise and destructive Councils of the Lords Bute, Mansfield, and
North are suffered to approach the Throne.
The grievances of your Majesties faithful American Subjects are
with great humility, presented, we hope, for the favorable attention
of our Sovereign, the Father of all his People.
October 22, 1774
227
MS (ViU) . In the hand of Richard Henry Lee.
^ For the date of this draft, see Edwin Wolf 2d, “The Authorship of the 1774
Address to the King Restudied,” WMQ 22 (April 1965) : 196-98. See also Patrick
Henry’s Draft Address to the King, October 21? 1774; and John Dickinson’s Draft
Address to the King, October 22? 1774.
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[October 21, 1774]
21st. Met, entered into several Resolves. Recommitted the Peti¬
tion to the King.^
MS (RHi).
^ The second sentence of this entry is located in the MS between Ward’s original
entry for October 21 and his regular entry for the following day, in such a way as
to suggest that Ward actually wrote it on the latter date.
John Adams’ Diary
1774. Saturday. Octr. 22.
Dined in the Country, with Mr. Dickinson, with all the Delegates
from N. England. Mr. Duane, Mr. Reed, Mr. Livingstone 8cc.
MS (MHi) . Adams, Diary (Butterfield) , 2:155.
Silas Deane to Jonathan Trumbull, Sr.
Sir Philadelphia Octo. 22d 1774
The Business lying before the Congress appears so nearly closed,
that We doubt not but that We shall be able to leave This City, next
Wednesday, or Thursday. All the Capital points are agreed on, & I
have the pleasure of assuring Your Honor, that the greatest Unanim¬
ity has subsisted through the whole of Our proceedings. Our Re¬
solves, addresses &c, are preparing for the press having already been
signed, by each Member of the Congress. But I find in this, like oth¬
er Assemblies, that the finishing part of Business which being the
most critical and requiring the greatest attention, is Too often, left to
the close, of the Session, and is of course, ever in danger, of [Suffjer-
ing, through the hurry of the Members. Our President is obliged To
leave Us Tomorrow, in order to meet the House of Burgesses of Vir¬
ginia,! and if We can set out on Thursday Next, hope to be in New
Haven the Monday Following.
579-852 0 - 77 - 17 Vol. 1
228
October 22, 1774
I am with great Truth & regard Your Honor’s Most Obedt. Sc
most Hume. Servt. Silas Deane
[P.S.] You will excuse my inclosing Mr. Hosmers Letter with Yours,
the safety of the Conveyance in this way is the Cause.
RC (Ct).
^ Henry Middleton of South Carolina was chosen to replace Peyton Randolph as
president, October 22. Randolph, according to the journals, was “unable to attend,
on account of indisposition.’’ JCC, 1:102.
John Dickinson’s Draft Address to the King
[October 22? 1774] ^
To the King
May it please your Majesty,
We your Majesty’s faithful Subjects, the Delegates^ of the Colo¬
nies of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and
Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Penn¬
sylvania, The Counties of New Castle Kent 8c Sussex on Delaware,
Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina 8c South Carolina, in General
Congress met, by this, our humble Petition, beg Leave to represent
the Grievances of your loyal People in America.
By several Acts of Parliament made in the fourth, fifth, sixth, sev¬
enth and eighth Years of your Majesty’s Reign, Duties are imposed
on the Inhabitants of these Colonies, for the Purpose of raising a
Revenue, and the Powers of Admiralty Courts are extended beyond
their antient Limits, whereby the Property of the said Inhabitants is
taken from them without their Consent, the Trial by Jury in many
civil Cases is abolish’d, enormous Forfeitures are incurr’d for slight
Offences, vexatious Informers are exempted from paying Damages
to which they are justly liable, and oppressive Security is required
from Owners, before they are allowed to defend their Right.
Resolution of Park, th [at] Col [onis] ts may be tried under 35 H. 8.
Another Statute made in the twelfth Year of your Majesty’s
Reign, directs, that persons charged with committing any Offence
therein described in any Place out of the Realm of Great Britain,
may be indicted 8c tried for the same in any Shire or County within
the said Realms whereby Inhabitants of these Colonies may in sever¬
al capital Cases be deprived of a Trial by their Peers of the Vicin¬
age.
In the last Session of Parliament, an Act was past, for blocking up
the Port of Boston; another for indemnifying “Murderers” of Colo¬
nists in the Province of Massachusetts Bay, from legal Punishment,
by ordering them to be carried to Great Britain for Trial; a third, for
October 22, 1774
229
altering the chartered Constitution of Government in that province;
and a fourth, for extending the Limits of Canada, &: establishing the
Roman Catholic Religion, and an absolute Government on a French
model,^ throughout those vast Regions that border on the westernly
and northernly Boundaries of the free, Protestant, English Settle¬
ments.^
To a Sovereign who “glories in the Name of Briton,” the bare Re¬
cital of these Acts will justify the loyal Subjects who fly to the Foot
of his Throne, and implore his Clemency for protection from them.
From these Sources too hastily and unkindly opened have flowed
these Distresses, Dangers, Fears 8c Jealousies that overwhelm your
Majesty’s dutiful Colonists with Afflictions; and We defy our most
inveterate 8c subtle Enemies to trace the unhappy Differences be¬
tween Great Britain 8c these Colonies from an earlier period or from
other Causes than We have assigned. Had they proceeded on our
Part from a restless Levity of Temper, the unjust Impulses of Ambi¬
tion, or the artful Suggestions of Seditious Persons, We should merit
the opprobious Terms frequently bestowed upon Us, by those We
revere. But so far from promoting Innovations, We have only op¬
pos’d them; and can be charged with no other Crime, than that of
receiving Injuries, and being sensible of them.
Had Almighty God been pleased to give Us our Existence in a
Land of Slavery, the Sense of our Condition might have been miti¬
gated by the Eorce of Education 8c Habit.® But Thanks be to his
adorable Goodness, We were Born the Heirs of Ereedom, and ever
enjoyed our Right under the Auspices of your royal Ancestors,
whose Eamily was seated on the British Throne, to secure a pious 8c
gallant Nation from the Popery and Despotism, meditated by a su¬
perstitious, and inexorable Tyrant. Your Majesty justly rejoices. We
are confident, that your Title to the Crown is thus founded on the
Title of your People to Liberty; and therefore. We doubt not, but
your royal Wisdom must approve the Sensibility, that teaches your
subjects anxiously to guard the Blessing they received from Divine
Providence, and thereby to prove the performance of that Compact,
that elevated the illustrious House of Brunswick to the Dignity it
now possesses.
The Apprehensions of being degraded into a State of Servitude
from the preeminent Rank of English Freemen, while our Minds re¬
tain the strongest Love of Liberty, and clearly foresee the Miseries
preparing for our Posterity, excite Emotions in our Breasts which
tho We cannot describe. We should not wish to conceal.® By giving
this faithful Information, We do all in our Power to promote the
great Objects of your royal Cares, the Tranquility of your Govern¬
ment and the Wellfare of your People.
Our Duty to your Majesty, and Regard for the Preservation of
230
October 22, 1774
ourselves and our Posterity, the primary Obligations of Nature Sc of
Society, command Us to entreat your royal Attention; and as Your
Majesty enjoys the signal Distinction of reigning over Freemen, and
therefore of being acquainted with their Language, We cannot ap¬
prehend our Address will be displeasing J Your royal Indignation
will rather fall. We hope, on those designing and dangerous Men,
who® for several Years past incessantly employed to dissolve the
Bonds of Society by® prosecuting the most desperate and irritating
projects of Oppression, have at Length compell’d Us by the Force of
accumulated Injuries too numerous 8c too severe to be any longer
tolerable, to disturb your Majesty’s Repose by our Complaints.
These Sentiments are extorted from Hearts, that much more will¬
ingly would bleed in your Majesty’s Service; yet so greatly have We
been misrepresented, that a Necessity has been alledged of taxing
Us,’^® to defray the Charge of the Administration of Justice, the sup¬
port of Civil Government, and the Defence 8c Protection 8c Security
of the Colonies. But We beg Leave to assure your Majesty, that such
adequate Provision has been made for defraying the two first Arti¬
cles of Expences as has been judged by the Legislatures of the sever¬
al Colonies just 8c suitable to their respective Circumstances; and for
the Defence Protection 8c Security of the Colonies, their Militias if
properly regulated, as they earnestly desire may immediately be done,
would be fully sufficient, at least in Time of Peace; and in Case of
War, your faithful Colonists will be ready and willing as they ever
have been, when constitutionally required, to demonstrate their Loy¬
alty to your Majesty by exerting their most strenuous Efforts in
granting Supplies and raising Eorces. Knowing, that no Subjects in
the British Dominions exceed them in affectionate Attachment to
your Majesty’s person, Eamily, 8c Government, they too dearly prize
the Priviledge of expressing that Attachment by those proofs, that
are honorable to the Prince who receives them and to the People
that gives them, ever to resign it to any Body of Men upon Earth.
Had they been permitted to enjoy in Quiet the Inheritance left
them by their Eorefathers, they would now have been peaceably, 8c
cheerfully 8c usefully employed in recommending themselves by ev¬
ery Testimony of Devotion to your Majesty, 8c of veneration to their
Parent State;^^ and tho now exposed to unexpected 8c unnatural
Scenes of Distress by a Contention with that Nation in whose paren¬
tal Guidance on all important affairs they have hitherto with filial
Reverence constantly and implicitly trusted, and therefore they can
derive no Instruction in their present unhappy Circumstances from
any former Experience, and however successful their Enemies may
be in bringing upon them fresh Censures and Misfortunes, yet no
human Power can deprive them of the encouraging Consciousness,
that they have acted as became free and honest Men and {whatever
October 22, 1774
231
Censures) or Misfortunes the artifices of their Enemies may bring
upon them, they cannot be deprived of a encouraging Consciousness,
that they have acted as became free and honest Men; and therefore
they doubt not, but the Purity of their Intention and the Integrity of
their Conduct will justify them at that grand Tribunal, before which
all Mankind must submit to Judgment.
Gracious Sovereign,
We your Majesty’s faithful subjects, presume not to request any
Diminution of the Prerogative, nor the Grant of any new Right in
our Favor. Your Majesty’s Authority is essential to the due Govern¬
ment of the Colonies; and if the Grievances We suffer by Means of
the several Statutes before mentioned are redress’d. We are well assured,
that the former Harmony between Great Britain & the Colonies, so
necessary to the Happiness of both, and so ardently wish’d for by the
latter, will be restored. We therefore humbly beseech your Majesty,
to use your royal Authority 8c Recommendation to procure our
Relief.i2
That your Majesty may enjoy every Felicity, thro a long 8c glo¬
rious Reign, over loyal 8c happy Subjects, and that your Descendants
may inherit your Prosperity 8c Dominions, till Time shall be no
more, is and always will be our sincere 8c fervent Prayer.^^
We only ask for Peace, Liberty, and Safety. We presume not to
sollicit any Diminution of the Prerogative, nor the Grant of any new
Right in our Favor. The royal Authority and our subordinate
Connection with Great Britain, We shall always carefully 8c zealously
endeavour to support 8c maintain.^'*
Permit Us then. Gracious Sovereign, in the Name of all your
faithful People in America, with the utmost Humility to implore
You, for the Honor of Almighty God, whose pure Religion our Ene¬
mies are undermining; for your Glory, which can be advanced only
by rendering your Subjects happy, and keeping them united; for the
Interests of your Family, depending on an adherence to the Princi¬
ples that enthroned it; for the Safety 8c Welfare of your Kingdoms 8c
Dominions, threatened with almost unavoidable Dangers 8c Distress¬
es; that your Majesty as the loving Father of your People connected
by the same Bands of Law, Loyalty, Faith, and Blood, tho dwelling
in various Countries, will not suffer the transcendent Relation
formed by these Tyes to be violated, in uncertain Expectation of Ef¬
fects, that if attained, never can compensate for the Calamities thro
which they must be gained. We, therefore, most earnestly beseech
your Majesty, that Your royal Authority and Interposition may be
used for our Relief: and that a gracious and a present Answer may
be given to this Petition.
O
MS (PPL) . In the hand of John Dickinson.
232
October 22, 1774
iPor the date of this draft, see Edwin Wolf 2d, “The Authorship of the 1774
Address to the King Restudied,” WMQ 22 (April 1965) : 197-99. See also Patrick
Henry’s Draft Address to the King, October 21? 1774; and Richard Henry Lees
Draft Address to the King, October 21? 1774.
® For Dickinson's recommendation that this be changed to “Freemen,” as well as
the suggestion that “we,” “us,” and “our” be used throughout the final version, see
Dickinson to Charles Thomson, October 22? 1774.
» Patrick Henry’s objections to the tone of this paragraph are discussed by Wolf,
“Authorship,” 210n.62, 211n.63, and 218n.86.
‘The passage “Standg. army kept up & applied to enforce these Acts by his
Ministers” appears in the margin between this and the succeeding paragraph.
® “Our creator” was substituted for “Almighty God” and “ignorance” for Edu¬
cation” in the final version.
8 The sentence “Feeling as men, and thinking as subjects, in the manner we do,
silence would be disloyalty,” was added in the final version.
’ Changed to “we apprehend the language of freemen can not be displeasing” in
the final version.
8 Added “daringly interposing themselves between your royal person and youi
faithful subjects, and” in the final version.
8 Added “abusing your majesty’s authority, misrepresenting your American sub¬
jects and” in the final version.
“ Changed to “of taking our property from us without our consent” in the final
version.
“The state, from which we derive our origin” in the final version.
^ This entire paragraph was rewritten as it appears in the second paragraph
below, beginning “We only ask for Peace. . . .” It survived substantially in that
revised form in the final version.
‘8 This paragraph became the concluding one of the final version.
“ Following this paragraph, separated by the space of a half-page, appears the
sentence “Trust to her Justice for the Redress of the rest.” This was apparently a
note for an idea elaborated in the fourth from the last paragraph of the final
version. Wolf, “Authorship,” pp. 214n.77, 217, and 223-24.
‘8 This ends the next to last paragraph of the final version. The passage in
Dickinson’s draft which follows was expanded and became in the final version the
paragraph discussed in note 14 above. “That When our Fears & Jealousies occa¬
sioned by the System of Statutes & Regulations, adopted since the Close of the late
War, for raising a Revenue in America, extending the Power of Courts of Admiral¬
ty and Vice Admiralty, trying persons in Great Britain for offences alledged to be
committed in America, affecting the province of Massachusetts Bay, and alteiing
the Government and extending the Limits of Quebec, shall be removed by the
Abolishment of that System, the Harmony between Great Britain and these Colo¬
nies, so necessary to the Happiness of both, and so ardently desired by the latter,
and the usual Intercourse, will be immediately restored.” For additional notes and
passages appearing at the end of Dickinson’s draft, see Wolf’s explanations, ibid.,
p. 218.
John Dickinson to Charles Thomson
Dear Sir, [October 22? 1774]
Please to propose to Coll. Lee the following Amendments in the
Address to the King.
Instead of saying — “Delegates in Congress met” — say — Freemen.
October 22, 1774
233
Thus the alternate use of the Words — “We — they — us — them — our
— their” — will be avoided^
Instead of — “will justify the loyal Subjects” say must justify, We
presume, the loyal Subjects.
Instead of — “We have only refused to submit to them” say — We
have only oppos’d them.
Instead of “high Rank” say preeminent Rank.
After these Words towards the Conclusion — “new right in our Fa¬
vor” — instead of the Words “Your Majesty’s Authority is essential
to the due Government of the Colonies” &c say The royal Authority,
and of any new Right in our Favor. The royal Authority and our
subordinate Connection with Great Britain We shall always carefully
and zealously endeavour to preserve and maintain.
There are some other Amendments at the latter part, which Haste
will not allow Me to mention.
Is it right, to conclude such important Affairs in so great a Hurry.
Do let Me know by the Bearer, if the Congress sets today.^
FC (PHi) .
^ In the opening paragraph of Dickinson’s draft of the Address to the King,
October 22? 1774. For further explanation of the other suggested amendments, see
Edwin Wolf 2d, “The Authorship of the 1774 Address to the King Restudied,
WMQ 22 (April 1965) : 218-19.
“ Probably October 22. Dickinson was appointed to the committee Friday, Octo¬
ber 21. Congress met on Saturday, and the committee reported out a draft address
on Monday, October 24. JCC, 1:102-3.
Charles Thomson’s Notes of Debates
Saturday October 22d 1774^
The honble P. Randolph Esqr. being unable to attend the con¬
gress on accot. of indisposition, the honble H. Middleton Esqr. was
chosen to supply his place as President.
An Address from C. Tully was read & ordered to be on the
Ordered that the Journal of the proceedings of the Congress as
corrected^ be printed under the direction of Mr. Biddle Mr. Dickin¬
son & the secretary.
Resolved, as the opinion of this congress that it will be necessary
that a congress should be held on the 10th of May next, unless the
Redress of grievances, which we have desired, be obtamed before
that time 8c we recommend that the same be held at the city of Phila¬
delphia and that all the Colonies in North America chuse deputies as
soon as possible to attend such congress.
234
October 22, 1774
A letter to the Colonies of St. Johns 8cc being brought in was read
amended & approved & is as follows. Here insert it.
MS (James O. Keene, Birmingham, Mich., 1953. DLC microfilm) .
^ On October 21 Congress appointed a committee "'to revise the minutes or the
Congress.” JCC, 1:101. Thomson then apparently had a clerk make at least two
copies of his notes of the proceedings of Congress extending through the October
21st entry. Subsequently Thomson entered his rough notes of the proceedings for
October 22, 24, 25, and 26 on one of these copies (from which the present entry is
taken) , and thereafter added those notes both to a second clerical copy, a fragment
of which is now in the New-York Historical Society, and to the manuscript that is
designated Thomson’s “rough journal” in the Papers of the Continental Confess.
The New-York Historical Society’s manuscript consists of two large sheets, folded
to give four writing surfaces to each sheet. Entries for October 22, 24, 25, and 26,
in Thomson’s hand, appear on three of these surfaces, but since the middle pages
of the original manuscript are missing the fragmentary October 22d entry follows
consecutively upon a partial entry for October 14th. Although the four Thomson
entries in this document were undoubtedly written after those in the Keene
manuscript, and before Thomson’s “rough journal” in the Papers of the Continen¬
tal Congress, no clear textual evolution can be discerned between the three
versions. Variations in the three copies are slight-differences between the New-
York Historical Society’s copy and the Keene version, printed here and below, are
recorded in the footnotes.
® This sentence and the paragraph preceding are missing in the NHi text.
» In the NHi text this sentence reads: “as now corrected be sent to the press and
[prinjted. . . .”
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[October 22, 1774]
22nd. Met, dismissed the Plan for a Union^ 8cc (Mr. Hopkins for
the Plan I against it) , read several Letters &c.
MS (RHi) .
‘That is, Joseph Galloway’s Plan of Union, which apparently was formally
rejected by Congress this day. For discussion of the circumstances surrounding this
action, see Joseph Galloway’s Proposed Resolution, September 28, 1774.
Samuel Ward to Samuel Ward, Jr.
My dear Child Philadelphia 22d Oc.tr. 1774
I have only Time to let you know that I am very well & expect to
sett out for home some time next Week.
The Money you mention to have sent Me in your last Letters nev¬
er came to Hand & if it is but safe it is best for I shall not need it.
I am glad Nancy k Katy have gone to Warwick. May Providence
restore their Health if for the best.
October 23, 1774
235
We have formed a Bill of Rights, a List of Grievances Sc for Re¬
dress of those Grievances agreed upon a Petition to the King, a non
Importation non Exportation Sc non consumption Agreements, an
Address to the People of England, another to those of America,
have stigmatized Bernard, Hutchinson & other Wretches in Boston 8c
advised to Resistance 8c Reprizals in Case any Attempt should be
made to sieze 8c transport any Persons to England for Trial.
Our Proceedings are to be sent to all the Colonies and the West
Indies to invite them to join Us.
May God of his infinite Mercy preserve You all. Your most af¬
fect. Eather Ward
[P.S.] I have sent some Goods by Wightman.
RC (RHi) . Addressed: “To Mr. Samuel Ward Junr. In Westerly Rhode Island.
Please to forward this immediately being matter of consequence.”
John Adams’ Diary
1774. Sunday. Octr. 23.
Heard Mr. Piercy, at Mr. Sprouts. He is Chaplain to the Countess
of Huntingdon. Comes recommended to Mr. Cary of Charlestown,
from her, as a faithful servant of the Lord. No Genius no Orator.
In the Afternoon I went to the Baptist Church and heard a trans
Alleganian— a Preacher, from the back Parts of Virginia, behind the
Allegany Mountains. He preached an hour and an half. No Learning
_ No Grace of Action or Utterance — but an honest Zeal. He told us
several good Stories. One was, that he was once preaching in Vir^n-
ia and said that those Ministers who taught the People that Salvation
was to be obtained by good Works, or Obedience, were leading them
to ruin. Next Day, he was apprehended, by a Warrant from a Magis¬
trate, for reviling the Clergy of the Church of England. He asked for
a Prayer Book and had it. Turned to the 18 or 20tly Article, where
the same sentiment is strongly expressed. He read it to the Magis¬
trate. The Magistrate as soon as he heard it, dash’d the Warrant out
of his Hand, and said sir you are discharged.
In the Evening I went to the Methodist Meeting and heard Mr.
Webb, the old soldier, who first came to America, in the Character
of Quarter Master under Gen. Braddock. He is one of the most
fluent, eloquent Men I ever heard. He reaches the Imagination and
touches the Passions, very well, and expresses himself with great
Propriety The Singing here is very sweet and soft indeed. The first
Musick I have heard in any Society, except the Moravians, and once
at Church with the organ.
236
October 23, 1774
Supped and spent the Remainder of the Evening, at Mr. Jo.
Reeds with Coll. Lee, Dr. Shippen, Mr. Cary, Dr. Coring 8cc.i
MS (MHi) . Adams, Dwry (Butterfield) , 2:156.
^ Robert Treat Paine, accompanying Adams, recorded in his diary on this day:
“Fair. A.M. heard Mr. Peircy Chaplain to Countess of Huntington, at Presbyterian
Meeting House in Arch Street. PM heard Mr. Fristo from beyond Alleghany
mountains at Baptist Meeting House. Evening heard Mr. Webb at Methodist
Meeting House, formerly was officer in the Army. Evening to Mr. Reads.” MHi.
John Adams’ Diary
1774. Monday. Octr. 24.
In Congress, nibbling and quibbling — -as usual.
There is no greater Mortification than to sit with half a dozen
Witts, deliberating upon a Petition, Address, or Memorial. These
great Witts, these subtle criticks, these refined Genius’s, these learned
Lawyers, these wise Statesmen, are so fond of shewing their Parts and
Powers, as to make their Consultations very tedius.
Young Ned Rutledge is a perfect Bob o’ Lincoln — a Swallow — a
Sparrow — a Peacock — excessively vain, excessively weak, and ex¬
cessively variable and unsteady — jejune, inane, and puerile.
Mr. Dickinson is very modest, delicate, and timid.
Spent the Evening at home. Coll. Dyer, Judge Sherman and Coll.
Floyd came in and spent the Evening with Mr. Adams and me. Mr.
Mifflin and General Lee came in. Lee’s Head is running upon his
new Plan of a Battallion.
MS (MHi) . Adams, Diary (Butterfield) , 2: 156-57.
John Dickinson’s Draft Letter to Quebec
[October 24-26? 1774] i
To the Inhabitants of the Province of Quebec
Friends & Fellow Subjects
We the Delegates of the Colonies of New Hampshire &c (men¬
tioning them in order) deputed by the Inhabitants of the said Colo¬
nies to represent them in a General Congress at Philadelphia in the
Province of Pennsylvania, to consult together concerning the best
Methods to obtain Redress of our afflicting Grievances, having ac¬
cordingly assembled, and taken into our most serious Consideration
the State of public Affairs on this Continent, have thought pro{>er to
address Your Province as a Member therein deeply interested.
When the Fortune of War after a gallant and glorious Resistance
October 24, 1774
237
against superior Numbers had incorporated You with the Body of
British Subjects, We rejoiced in the truly valuable Addition both on
our own and your Account, expecting, as Courage 8c Generosity are
naturally united, our brave Enemies would become our (best)
hearty Friends, and that the Divine Being would bless the Dispensa¬
tions of his overruling Providence to You, by securing to You 8c
your latest posterity, the inestimable advantages of a free British
Consitution of Government, which it is the Priviledge of all British
Subjects [<o] enjoy.
These Hopes were confirmed by the Proclamation issued in the
Year 1763, plighting the public Faith for your full Enjoyment of
those advantages therein solemnly promised.
Little did We imagine, that any succeeding Ministers would so au¬
daciously and cruelly abuse the royal Authority, as not only to with¬
hold from You the irrevocable Rights to which You were thus justly
entitled,^ Rights purchased from arbitrary Monarchs by our Ances¬
tors, at the Expence of their Blood, but, with a detestable Cunning
even to direct the Exercise of those Rights in such an incidious Man¬
ner, as might most effectually tend to prejudice You against the
proftored Blessings, and incline You to think, that You only rejected
a rough Casket belonging to others, while You should throw away
inclosed Jewells above all Price, your own legal property, that your
base Deceivers might profit by your innocent Error.
But since We have liv’d to see the unexpected Time, when Minis¬
ters of this flagitious Temper have dared to violate the most sacred
Compacts 8c obligations, and as You, educated under another Form
of Government, have artfully been kept from discovering the un¬
speakable Worth of that Form You are now undoubtedly entitled to.
We esteem it our Duty, for the weighty Reasons herein after men¬
tioned, to explain to You, as well We can, the Nature of some of its
most important Branches.
“In every human Society,” says the celebrated Marquis Beccaria,
following the steps of the immortal Montesquieu in impressing senti¬
ments of Humanity, “there is an Effort continually tending to confer
on one Part the height of Power and Happiness, and to reduce the
other to the extreme of Weakness 8c Misery. The intent of good
Laws, is to oppose this Effort, and to diffuse their Influence, univer¬
sally, 8c equally.”
These few Lines have intensely collected into a small Compass,
the (^Principles) Causes of almost all Civil Discords. Rulers stimu¬
lated by the pernicious “Effort,” and Subjects, animated by the just
“Intent of opposing good Laws against it,” have that vast Variety of
Dissensions, that fill the Histories of so many Nations. All these His¬
tories demonstrate the Truths of this simple Position, that to live by
the Will of one Man or sett of Men, is the production of Misery to
238
October 24, 1774
all Men. On the solid Foundation of this Principle, has been rear’d
up the Fabrick of the British Constitution, with such a Strength, as
for Ages to defy Time, Tyranny, Treachery, internal and foreign
Wars: And upon this Model, tho on a smaller Scale, has been
form’d the Constitution of each British Colony, and that also, (by an
indissoluble Right vested in you are) with which by an unalienable Ti¬
tle You have been invested.
The first grand Right under all these, is that, of the People having
a Share in (the Government of themselves, By this, is secured to
them) their own Government by their Representatives chosen by
themselves and in Consequence thereof, being ruled by Laws which
they themselves approve, not by Edicts of Men over whom they
have no Controul. This is a Bulwark surrounding and (wholly) de¬
fending their property, which by their honest Cares and Labours
they have acquired, so that no portions of it can legally be taken
from them, but with their full & free Consent, when they in their
Judgment deem it just &: necessary to give them for public Services,
and precisely direct the easiest, cheapest, and most equal Method, in
which it shall be collected.
The Influence of this Right extends still farther. If Money is want¬
ed by Governors who have in any Manner oppressed the People,
they may retain it, until their Greivances are redrest, & thus peacea¬
bly procure Relief, without trusting to despised Petitions, or disturb¬
ing their domestic Tranquility.
The next great Right, is that of Trial by Jury.^ This provides, that
neither Life, Liberty, or property can be taken from the Possessor,
until twelve of his Countrymen and Peers, clear of Objections, of his
Vicinage, who from that Neighbourhood may reasonably be sup¬
pos’d to be acquainted with his Character and the Characters of the
Witnesses,^ upon a fair Trial and full Enquiry, face to face, in open
Court, before (the assembled Country such of) as many of the Peo¬
ple as chuse to attend, shall pass their impartial Sentence upon Oath,
against him; a Sentence, that cannot injure him, without injuring
their own Reputation, & probably their Interest also, as the Question
may turn on Points, that in some Degree concern the general Wel¬
fare; and if it does not, their Verdict may form a Precedent, that on a
similar Trial of their own, may militate against them.
(The last Right We shall mention, relates to personal) Another
Right relates merely to the Liberty of the person. If a Subject is
seiz’d & imprisoned, tho by Government, he may by Virtue of this
Right immediately obtain a writ term’d a Habeas Corpus from a
Judge whose sworn Duty it is to grant it, and thereupon (be brought
before him; and it is the Duty of the Judge instantly to discharge
him, unless the Commitment is founded on Law.) procure any ille¬
gal Restraint to be inquired into & redress’d.
October 24, 1774
239
{The last Right We shall mention) A fourth Right is that of hold¬
ing Lands by the Tenure of easy Rents, and not by the Tenure of
rigorous and oppressive services frequently forcing the possessors
from their Families Sc their Business to perform what ought to be
done in all well regulated States, by Men hired for the Purpose.
The last Right We shall mention, regards the Freedom of the
Press. The Importance of this consists, besides the advancement of
Truth, Science, Morality &: art, in general, in its Diffusion of liberal
Sentiments on the administration of Government, its ready Commu¬
nication of Thoughts between Subjects, Sc its consequential promotion
of Union among them, whereby Oppressive Officers are sham’d or
intimidated into a more honourable & just Mode of Conducting Af¬
fairs.
These are the invaluable Rights that form a considerable Part of
that mild {and equitable) System of Government, that sending its
equitable Energy thro all Ranks 8c Classes of Men, defends the poor
from the rich, the weak from the powerful, the industrious from the
rapacious, the peaceable from the violent, the Tenants from the
Lords, and all from their Superiors.
These are the Rights without which a people cannot be free 8c
happy, 8c under the protecting 8c encouraging virtue of which, these
Colonies have hitherto so amazingly flourish’d 8c increas’d, and
which we are with one Mind resolved never to resign but with our
Lives.
These are the Rights to which You are also entitled, 8c ought at
this Moment in perfection to {enjoy) exercise; and what is offered
to You by the late Act of Parliament in their Place? Liberty of Con¬
science in your Religion? No. God gave it to You, and the temporal
Powers with which You have been and are connected firmly stipulat¬
ed for your Enjoyment of it. If Laws divine and human could secure
it against the future despotic Caprices of the wickedest Men, it was
secured before. Are the Erench Laws in civil Cases restored? It
seems so. But observe the cautious Kindness of the Ministers who
pretend to be your Benefactors. The Words of the Statute are that
those “Laws shall be the Rule until they shall be varied or altered by
any Ordinances of the Governor and Council. Is the Certainty 8c
Lenity of the criminal Law of England, 8c its Benefits 8c Advan¬
tages,’’ commended in the said Statute, 8c said to “have been sensibly
felt by you’’ secured to You and your Descendants? No. They too
are subjected to arbitrary “alterations” by the Governor 8c Council;
and a Power is expressly reserved of appointing “such Courts of crzm-
inal, civil and ecclesiastical Jurisdiction as shall be thought proper.’’
Such- is the precarious Tenure of mere Will by which You hold your
Lives 8c Religion. Have You an Assembly composed of worthy Men
elected by Yourselves 8c in whom You can confide, to make Laws
240
October 24, 1774
for You, to watch over your Wellfare, &: to direct in what quantity
and manner, your Money shall be taken from you? No. The Powers
of making Laws for you, are lodg’d in the Governor & Council, all of
them dependant upon & removable at the Pleasure of a Minister. Be¬
sides, by another late Statute, You are subjected to Excise Regula¬
tions, the Horror & detestation of all free States, thus wresting your
property from You by the most odious of Taxes {These are the in¬
sulting Favors of a Ministry) and in the very Act altering your Gov¬
ernment, and intended to flatter You, it is expressly declared that
You “Yourselves within your several Towns 8c Districts shall not as¬
sess, levy, 8c apply any Rates 8c Taxes within such Towns 8c Districts
respectively, but for the inferior purposes of making Roads, ir erect¬
ing ir repairing public Buildings, or for other local Conveniences.’’
Why this degrading Distinction? Ought not the honestly acquired
property of Canadians to be as sacred as that of Britons 8c therefore
dependant on their own voluntary Gifts 8c Grants? Have they not
Sense enough to (manage) attend to other public Affairs than gath¬
ering Stones from one Place, 8c piling them up in another? Unhappy
People! Who are not only injured but insulted; not only Ruin’d by
your oppressors but trampled under their Feet; and after all derid-
ingly told, that the whole is for your Good. Nay morel With such a
superlative Contempt of your Understanding 8c Spirit, has an inso¬
lent Ministry presumed to think of you our respectable [. . .] fellow
subjects, as firmly to persuade themselves, that your Gratitude for
the Injuries 8c Insults they have recently offer’d to You, will engage
You to take up arms, 8c render yourselves the ridicule 8c Detestation
of the World, by becoming poor Tools in their Hands, to assist them
in taking that Freedom from Us, which they have treacherously de¬
nied to You; the unavoidable Consequence of which Attempt, if
successful, would be the Extinction of all hope of You or your pos¬
terity being ever restored to Freedom.
What would your Countryman the immortal Montesquieu, (an
Honor not only to his Nation hut to Human Nature, say, were he
living) have said to such a Plan of Domination? Hear his Words
with an Intenseness of Thought suited to the (Magnitude) Impor¬
tance of the Subject. “In a free State, every Man, who is supposed a
free Agent ought to be concern’d in his own Government: so the leg¬
islative should reside in the whole Body of the People — or their
Representatives.” “The political Liberty of the subject is a Tranquil¬
ity of Mind, arising from the opinion each person has of his Safety.
In order to have this Liberty, it is requisite the Government be so
constituted, as that one Man need not be afraid of another. When
the power of making Laws and the power of executing them are
united in the same persons, or in the same Body of Magistrates,
there can be no Liberty, because Apprehensions may arise, least the
October 24, 1774
241
same Monarch or Senate should enact tyrannical Laws, to execute
them in a tyrannical Manner.” “The Power of Judging should be ex¬
ercised by persons taken from the Body of the People, at certain
Times of the year, and pursuant to a Form & Manner prescribed by
Law {in order to erect a tribunal that should last only as long as Ne¬
cessity requires.”).” “There is no liberty, if the power of judging be
not separated from the legislative and executive Powers.”
Apply these decisive Maxims sanctified by the Authority of a
Name which all Europe reveres, to your own State. You have a Gov¬
ernor vested with the executive Powers or the Powers of Administra¬
tion. In him and in your Council, is lodg’d the Power of making
Laws. You have fudges, who are to decide every Cause affecting
your Lives, Liberty, or property. Here is indeed an Appearance of
the several Powers being separated 8c distributed into different
Hands for Checks one upon another, the {sole Method) only effec¬
tual Mode ever invented by the Wit of Man to promote their Free¬
dom 8: Prosperity. But scorning to be illuded by a tinsel’d Outside, 8c
exerting the natural Sagacity of French men, examine the specious
Device, 8c You will find it to use an Expression of holy Writ, “a
painted sepulcre” for burying your Lives, Liberty 8c property.
Your Judges, 8c your legislative Council, as it is called, are depen¬
dant on your Governor] and he is dependant on [. . .] the Servants
of the Crown in Great Britain. The legislative, executive, 8c judging
Powers, all move on the nods of a Minister. Priviledges («!r every)
Immunity lasts no longer than his smiles. When he frowns, their fee¬
ble Forms dissolve. What can protect your property from taxing
Edicts, 8c the rapacity of necessitous, 8c cruel Masters? Your persons
from Letters de Cachet, Gaols, Dungeons, 8c oppressive Services?
Your Lives 8c general Liberty from arbitrary 8c unfeeling Rulers? We
defy You casting your View upon every side, to discover a single
Circumstance promising the faintest Hope of Liberty to You, but an
entire adoption into the Union of these Colonies.
What advice would the truly great Man before mentioned give
You,5 if he knew, that We your numerous 8c powerful neighbours
{& Friends), animated by a just Love of our invaded Freedoms 8c
united by indissoluble Bonds of Affection 8c Interest, call’d upon
You by every obligation of Regard for Yourselves and your Chil¬
dren, as We now do, to join Us in our righteous Contest, to make
Common Cause with Us therein, and take a noble Chance, for
emerging from a humiliating Subjection under Governors, Inten-
dants, 8c military Tyrants, into the firm Rank 8c Condition of English
Freemen, whose Custom it is deriv’d from their Ancestors, to make
those tremble, who dare to think of making them miserable?
His Language would be this— “Seize, my beloved Countrymen the
opportunity presented to You by Providence itself. You have been
242
October 24, 1774
conquered into Liberty, if you act as you ought. This Work is not of
Man. You are a small People, compared to those whose open arms
invite You into Fellowship. {They are at Your Doors. You must
inevitably be their Friends or their Enemies. They are at Your
Doors. Their Hostility must be incessant, unaltered, not to be guard¬
ed against. Great Britain is at a very [great] Distance. Her Fleets ir
Armies. The Happiness of a People inevitably depend on their abili¬
ty ir their Spirit to assert it wanted to complete striving of) You may
make them your unalterable Friends. For their own Sakes, they nev¬
er will desert or betray you. The Injuries of Boston, have rous’d ev¬
ery Colony to an Association, from Nova Scotia to Georgia. You
are the only Link wanting to complete the bright 8c strong Chain of
Union. Nature (intended you for the [. . .]) has join’d your Coun¬
try to theirs. Do You join Your politicial Interests. Be assured, that
the Happiness of a People inevitably depends on their Liberty, 8c
their Spirit to assert it. The value 8c Extent of the {Blessin[gs]) ad¬
vantages tendered to You are immense. Heaven grant. You may not
discover them to be Blessings, as the unwise generally do, after they
have bid an eternal Adieu.” (Be not alarm’d with false Fears of Dif¬
ferences in religious Sentiments. The united Body of Swiss Cantons
is happily composed of Roman Catholic & Protestant States, ir defy
the World to hurt them.)
We are too well acquainted with the Liberality of Sentiment dis¬
tinguishing your Nation, to imagine, that Difference of Religon will
prejudice You against a hearty Amity with Us.® You know that the
transcendent Nature of Freedom elevates those who unite in her
Cause, above all such low-minded Infirmities. The Swiss Cantons
furnish a memorable proof of this Truth. Their union is compos’d of
Roman catholic 8c protestant States, living in the utmost Concord 8c
Peace with one another and thereby enabled ever since they bravely
vindicated their Freedoms, to defy and defeat every Tyrant that has
invaded them.
We know, there are among You, 8c among all Societies, Men who
prefer their own Interest to the Welfare of their Country. The Tem¬
per of such selfish persons renders them incredibly active in oppos¬
ing all public spirited Measures, from an Expectation of being well
rewarded for their sordid Industry, by tbeir Superiors to whom those
Measures are displeasing.'^ We doubt not, but these Men will throw
in your Way every Objection 8c Difficulty, their partial Aims can
forge or form. But We address the Body of the Canadian People, on
a subject of the last Importance, not to one or another Class or Rank
among them, but to the whole. You will therefore. We doubt not, be
upon your Guard against those, who by their offices 8c Connections
are led to pursue private Interests at the Expence of the general. All
their glosses 8c Calumnies cannot depreciate with sensible 8c honest
October 24, 1774
243
Men, the laudable Cause in which We are already engaged, and re¬
quest You to share.
This Our Invitation asks You not to commence Acts of Hostility
against the Government of our Common Sovereign. It is only that
You will consult your own Glory &: Welfare, and not suffer Your¬
selves to be enveigled or intimidated by infamous Ministers so far as
to become their Instruments, and plunge your Swords into our inno¬
cent Bosoms, that ardently wish You every kind of Liberty &: Felici¬
ty, and will rejoice to embrace You a loving Brethren in one social
Band, founded on the generous Principles of equal Liberty, &: ce¬
mented by such an Exchange of endearing Offices as to render it
perpetual. In Order to complete this highly desireable Union, We
submit to your Consideration, whether it may not be expedient for
You to meet together in your several Towns 8c Districts 8c {chuse
Representatives) elect Deputies, who afterwards meeting in a prov¬
incial Congress, may chuse Delegates to represent your Province in
the Continental Congress to be held at Philadelphia {in the Province
of Pennsylvania) on the Day of 1775.
In the present Congress beginning on the fifth Day of the last
Month, and continued by adjournments to this Day, it has been with
universal Pleasure and an unanimous Vote resolved, that You
should be invited to accede to our Confederation, which has no oth¬
er Objects, than the perfect Security of the natural 8c civil Rights of
all the constituent Members according to their respective Circum¬
stances, and the Preservation of a happy 8c lasting Connection with
Great Britain on the great, 8c salutary 8c constitutional Principles here¬
in before mentioned. For effecting these Purposes, We have ad-
drest an humble 8c loyal Petition to his Majesty, praying Relief of
our Grievances; and have associated to stop all Importations from
Great Britain 8c Ireland after the first Day qf next December, 8c all
Exportations to those Kingdoms 8c the West Indies, after the tenth
Day of next September, unless the said Grievances are redrest.
That Almighty God may incline your Minds to approve our
{just) equitable 8c necessary Measures, to add yourselves to Us, to
put your Fate whenever You suffer Injuries you are determined to
oppose not on the small Force of your single province, but on the
consolidated Powers of North America, and may grartt to our joint
Exertions an Event happy as our Cause is just, is the {sincere if)
fervent Prayer of Us your sincere 8c affectionate Friends 8c Fellow
Subjects.
MS (PPL) . In the hand of John Dickinson.
^ Congress resolved to prepare an address to the people of Quebec on October 21
and for that purpose appointed a committee consisting of Thomas Cushing,
Richard Henry Lee, and John Dickinson. On October 24 the committee reported a
draft, which was debated and recommitted, and on the 26th reported a second
579-852 0 - 77 - 18 Vol. 1
244
October 24, 1774
draft, which was “debated by paragraphs and amended, & approved.” JCC, 1:101,
103, 105. Little is known about the evolution of this document, but since few
significant changes are to be found between the draft printed here and the final
version, it is probable that this document is essentially the committee’s second
draft and was written October 24-26. JCC, 1:105-13. It is assumed that Dickinson
was also the author of the committee’s first draft, but whether that earlier version
survived through various drafts substantially as originally written cannot be deter¬
mined, and in the absence of additional tangible evidence further speculation
about the circumstances surrounding the committee’s work must remain conjectur¬
al.
^ The remainder of this paragraph was omitted from the final version.
® The word “Press” appears in the margin at this point in the MS.
■* At the top of the page at this point in the MS, Dickinson penned the following
disconnected notes: “The Crim[ina]I Law may be altered by Gov[ernment] & as
Bill/now [. . .] to thence & Bost[on] Lib[erty]/ Laws of Excise Suff[icient] at last.
When We are subdued will they be kinder to You/Invite to a Congress.”
® “Swiss” appears in the margin.
“ “Some will strive” appears in the margin.
’'The remainder of this paragraph was substantially altered in the final version,
George Read to Gertrude Read
My dear Gitty, Monday Evening 10 O’Clock 24th Octr. 1774
I am still uncertain as to the time of my return home. As I expect¬
ed, the New England Men declined doing any business on Sunday, &:
tho we Sat till 4 O’Clock this afternoon, I am well persuaded that
our business can by no Means be left ’till Wednesday Evening and
even then very doubtful so that I have no prospect of being with you
’till Thursday Evening. Five of the Virginia Gentlemen are gone.
The Dvo remaining ones have Power to Act in their Stead.^ The two
objects before us & which we expect to go through tomorrow is an
Address to the King and one to the People of Canada. This last was
recommitted this Evening in Order to be new modell’d. Your broth¬
er George came to Congress this afternoon.^ All your friends are
well. No News but the burning of the Vessel & Tea at Anapolis
which I take for granted you will have heard before this comes to
hand.^ We are all well at my lodgings and send our love to you and
I am yors. very Affectely. Geo. Read
RC (MdHi photostat) .
See the Virginia Delegates’ letter of authorization to George Washington, Octo¬
ber 24, 1774.
^Gertrude Read was the sister of George Ross. Ross first arrived at Congress on
September 14 and was probably in attendance until after October 10. JCC, 1:31, 60.
He apparently attended the Pennsylvania Assembly October 14—21, 1774.
®The brigantine Peggy Stewart, carrying a cargo of East India tea, was burned
in Annapolis harbor on October 19, 1774. For additional information, see Richard
D. Fisher, ed., “The Burning of the ‘Peggy Stewart’,” Md. Hist. Magazine 5
(September 1910) : 235-45.
October 25, 1774
245
Charles Thomson’s Notes of Debates
Monday Octr. 24. 1774
The address to the inhabitants of Quebec being brot. in Sc read
was recommitted.
The address to the King was brot. in 8c read.^
Ordered tbat the same be taken into consideration tomorrow.
MS (James O. Keene, Birmingham, Mich., 1953. DLC microfilm.)
^ New-York Historical Society text reads: “The committee to whom the address
to the King was recommitted reported a drat, which was read.”
Virginia Delegates to George Washington
Philadelphia Octr. 24th 1774
We Depute Colo George Washington to sign our Names to any of
the Proceedings of the Congress. ^
Benj Harrison
Peyton Randolph
Richard Bland
RC (DLC) . Written by Harrison and signed by Harrison, Randolph, and Bland.
^ Bland, Harrison, and Randolph left Philadelphia October 23 or 24 to attend
the Virginia House of Burgesses, of which Randolph was the speaker. On the basis
of George Read’s letters to his wife of October 16 and 24, Edmund Burnett
questionably concluded that they departed the 23d and postdated the present
document. Burnett, Letters, Llxiv. A volume of accounts attributed to Philadel¬
phia cabinetmaker Benjamin Randolph and designated “Philadelphia Ledger,
1768-87,” NN, indicates that the account of “Colonel Benjamin Harrison” was
credited with a cash payment of £1 10s., October 24, 1774.
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[October 24, 1774]
24th. Met, read recommitted the Letter to Canada, read the Ad¬
dress to the King, gave Directions for prin[tin]g procee [ding] s.
MS (RHi) .
Charles Thomson’s Notes of Debates
Tuesday Octr. 25. 1774
The address to his Majesty being read 8c amended was approved.
246
October 25, 1774
Ordered that it be engrossed.
Ordered That the address to the King when engrossed be signed
by all the members and forwarded to the several colony Agents in
order that the same may by them be presented to his Majesty and
that the agents be requested to call in the Aid of such noblemen &
gentlemen as are esteemed firm friends to American liberty.
Ordered That Mr. Lee & Mr. Jay prepare a letter to the Agents.
Resolved That this congress in their own names and in behalf of
all those whom they represent do present their most grateful ac¬
knowledgments to those truly noble, honourable 8c patriotic Advo¬
cates of civil 8c religious liberty who have so generously 8c powerfully
though unsuccessfully espoused and defended the cause of America
both in and out of Parliament.
MS (James O. Keene, Birmingham, Mich., 1953. DLC microfilm) .
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[October 25, 1774]
25th. Met, appointed Letters to be wrote to Georgia 8cc, made
some Resolves, ordered a piece of Plate for the Secry. £50 Ster.^
MS (RHi) .
^ The appearance of the MS suggests that Ward wrote the first section of this
entry October 25 but inserted the last clause about the secretary after writing his
entry for the 26th. For the manner in which the cost of this gift was defrayed, see
Ward’s Diary, October 26, 1774, note.
John Adams’ Diary
1774. Wednesday [October 26]
Dined at Home. This Day the Congress finished. Spent the Eve¬
ning together at the City Tavern — all the Congress and several Gen¬
tlemen of the Town.^
MS (MHi) . Adams, Diary (Butterfield) , 2: 157.
^ Adams delayed his departure from Philadelphia until October 28, when he left
with the mistaken idea that “it is not very likely that I shall ever see this Part of
the World again, but I shall ever retain a most greatefull, pleasing Sense, of the
many Civilities I have received, in it.” Adams spent Thursday, October 27, visiting
about Philadelphia. “Went this Morning with Mr. Tudor to see the Carpenters
Hall, and the Library, and to Mr. Barrells and Bradfords, and then to the State
House to see the Supream Court sitting. Heard Mr. Wilcox and Mr. Reed argue a
Point of Law concerning the Construction of a Will.” Adams, Diary (Butterfield) ,
2:157.
October 26, 1774
247
Thomas Lynch to Ralph Izard
Dear Sir: Philadelphia, October 26, 1774.
On my arrival here, I wrote you^ the occasion of it. I now have
the pleasure of enclosing to you a pamphlet, which contains the
result.^ There remains only an address to the Canadians and the pe¬
tition to the King, to complete all our works, and these will be soon
printed in England; should they reach you abroad, please consider
whether their being translated into French and Dutch, may not have
a good effect, as we shall want supplies of woollens and other goods
from them, in case our mother country, (as it is called,) continues
her oppression.
The New England men, continue a behavior truly heroic. Without
rashness, or any tumultuous proceedings that belong to mobs, they
oppose a steady, manly, cool and regular conduct, neither declining
nor precipitating war.
I saw a gentleman a few days ago, who was at Cambridge, when
the men who had met to oblige the councillors and judges to resign
their offices, received intelligence that Gage was marching his little
army to attack them. He declares that this news occasioned not the
least appearance of hurry or confusion. The men who were armed,
prepared to receive their enemy; the unarmed, hasted home, and
brought their arms. Their numbers being but little superior, shows
they will not decline an equal combat. If so, where is England to find
an army to encounter two hundred thousand of these same New
Englanders, besides at least five hundred thousand others, in the rest
of America, who have solemnly engaged in the same cause.
I think I mentioned a little speech, made by an Assemblyman, (it
is said of Virginia.) “I will raise and support, one thousand men at
my expense, as long as you shall want them, and march at their
head, wherever you direct.” There are many such men in America.^
I remember to have heard, that Amherst had told the King, that
he would undertake to march five thousand men, from one end of
the continent to the other, notwithstanding the opposition of all the
inhabitants. If the story is true, his successor seems quite of a contra¬
ry opinion. Indeed, if the former took up that idea from the provin¬
cials, he will consider an army, formed out of the dregs of the peo¬
ple, as a very different thing from the yeomen of the country, acting
voluntarily in the immediate defence of their liberty and property.
I enclose a newspaper, to show the temper of the people of Mary¬
land, as a specimen of that which prevails in all the colonies. In
short, I think you may venture to pronounce that America, though
most sincerely attached to England and desirous of a perpetual un¬
ion, will, by force only, be brought to admit of domination; and they
may learn from the case of Corsica what force to apply to America,
248
October 26, 1774
how it is to be sent here, and how supported when it is. Indeed, the
notion is ridiculous and absurd.
These middle colonies were suspected of great lukewarmness, but
since we have been here, a great alteration is visible in that matter.
I return this day to Carolina with Mrs. Lynch. With best regards
to Mrs. Izard, I am, dear sir, 8cc.
MS not found; reprinted from Ralph Izard, Correspondence of Mr. Ralph Izard of
South Carolina, from the Year 1774 to 1804; with a Short Memoir, ed. Anne Izard
Deas (New York: Charles S. Francis & Co., 1844) , pp. 18-21.
^ Ralph Izard (1742-1804) , South Carolina planter, diplomat, and public official;
represented South Carolina in Congress, 1782-83. DAB.
^An allusion to a pamphlet, which Congress ordered published October 21,
entitled To the People of Great-Britain, from the Delegates Appointed by the
Several English Colonies . . . (Philadelphia: W. and T. Bradford, 1774) . JCC,
1:101, 128. Izard received a copy of this pamphlet while he was in Naples in
January 1775, but it is not known whether, upon his return to England, he had
any role in procuring its publication in the English editions which appeared in
this and the following year. Izard, Correspondence, pp. 38-39; Paul L. Ford, Some
Materials for a Bibliography of the Official Publications of the Continental Con¬
gress, 1774-89 (Boston: Boston Public Library, 1890) , p; 4.
®This is a reference to an apochryphal speech which many of the delegates
ascribed to George Washington. See John Adams’ Diary, August 29-September 5, 1774,
note 4.
Robert Treat Paine’s Diary
[October 26, 1774]
Fair. This day the Congress dissolved. ^
MS (MHi) .
^ Paine did not leave Philadelphia until October 28. His diary records little of
his final activities, except that on the 27th he was “preparing to return home.”
Charles Thomson’s Notes of Debates
Wednesday Octr. 26. 1774
The letter to the agents being brought in debated & amended was
approved & is as follows. Here insert it.
The Address to the Inhabitants of Quebec being brot. in was read
& approved and is as follows. Here insert it.
Resolved that the address to the inhabitants of Quebec^ be signed
by the President and that the delgates of the province of Pensylvania
superintend the translating, printing, publishing 8c dispersing it and it
is recommended by the congress to the delegates of New hampshire.
October 26, 1774
249
Massachussets bay and New York to assist in and forward the dis¬
persion of the said address.
The Address to the King being engrossed 8c compared was signed
at the table by all the members.
Resolved that the thanks of this congress be given to the honoura¬
ble house of Representatives of the Colony of Pensyvlania for their
politeness to this congress and that the delegates for this colony be a
committee to communicate this resolution to the said honourable
house. Chas. Thomson secy.
MS (James O. Keene, Birmingham, Mich., 1953. DLC microfilm) .
^The New-York Historical Society text reads; “the Address of the Congress to
the people of Canada.”
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[October 26, 1774]
26th. Met, signed the Petition to the King, finished the Meml. to
Canada 8c some other Matters and rose.^
MS (RHi).
^Ward left Philadelphia October 29. Subsequently he collected expenses for the
72 days he was away from home, August 25-November 4, 1774. See his
“Mem[orandu]m of Expenses after my Appointment to the Congress June 1774,”
a booklet bound with Samuel Ward’s Diary, RHi; and "Samuel Ward’s Account,”
William R Staples, ed., Rhode Island in the Continental Congress (Providence:
Providence Press Co., 1870) , pp. 19-20. Stephen Hopkins’ claim for 81 days covering
the period August 22-November 10, 1774, can also be found in Staples, pp. 18-19.
Ward’s list of expenses included the following two items of special interest for a
study of the first Congress. "Proportion of the present of plate to the Secretary,
£2-16s,” and “To the Door Keepers, 12s.” Hopkins’ list of expenses did not
mention the gift of plate to the secretary but contained an item for “the Door
Keepers’ and Messengers’ Bill, 15s.” Hopkins did, however, submit the following
expense, which was not included in Ward’s list: “To the Secretary for papers,
£3-10s.” Staples, pp. 18, 20. . ■ . n ,
It thus appears that although Congress had no authority to raise and collect
money the delegates assessed each colony for charges which they apportioned
among themselves. However, since the £2-16s Ward paid for the gift to Congress
unsalaried secretary represents approximately one-eighteenth of its price, rat er
than an equal one-twelfth share, it is difficult to imagine what formula was used to
determine Rhode Island’s assessment. No evidence has been found to indicate how
such costs may have been apportioned. If Rhode Island were assessed other
expences at the same one-eighteenth rate. Congress would have paid the door
T™ and ™e»nger, a coil of slightly more than £24, and d.sbu^d about
£62-10s through the secretary “for papers,” a reference undoubtedly to the expense
of printing various publications of Congress. Since it is likely that several such
publications were undertaken by printers at their own expense, which they expect¬
ed to recover through the sale of pamphlet editions of the various papers issued by
Congress, the bulk of this outlay was probably to defray the cost of translating an
printing the “Letter to the Inhabitants of the Province of Quebec.
250
October 27, 1774
John Dickinson to Arthur Lee
Dear Sir, Philadelphia October 27th 1774
Yesterday the Congress broke up. You will immediately know
their proceedings from Publications.
Colonists have now taken such Ground, that Great Britain must
relax, or inevitably involve herself in a Civil War, likely in all human
probability to overwhelm her with a Weight of Calamities, in Com¬
parison of which "plus quam civilia bella,” the Contentions, between
the Houses of York & Lancaster, or the Distractions of the last Cen¬
tury were gentle Misfortunes.
A determined & unanimous Resolution animates this Continent,
firmly & faithfully to support the Common Cause, to the utmost Ex¬
tremity, in this great Sturggle for the Blessing of Liberty, that alone
can render Life worth holding.
I grieve for the Fate of a brave & generous Nation plung’d by a
few profligate Men, into such Scenes of unmerited & inglorious Dis¬
tress. Let her rouse her natural, noble Spirit — be true to herself, 8c of
course be true to Us. Let her not so far adopt the base yet Visionary
Schemes of Fools 8c Knaves, that She may think her Dignity con¬
cern’d to maintain the projects of those, whom her Justice com¬
mands her to punish.
Give us the Butes, Mansfields, Norths, Bernards 8c Hutchinsons
8cc whose Falsehoods and Misrepresentations, have enflamed the
People — Call not their Cause, the Cause of Great Britain — Throw
all Errors 8c occasions of Dissatisfaction on their guilty heads. A new
Ministry of such a Character, that England 8c America both can
trust, may do great Things; Especially if a considerable Change be
made at the next general Election. Why should Nations meet with
hostile Eyes, because Villains 8c Ideots have acted like Villains 8c
Ideots?
1 wish for peace ardently; but must say, delightful as it is, it will
come more grateful by being unexpected. The first Act of Violence
on the Part of Administration in America, or the Attempt to rein¬
force General Gage this Winter or next Year, will put the whole
Continent in arms from Nova Scotia to Georgia.
May God of his infinite Mercy grant a happy Event to these af¬
flicting Agitations.
[P.S.] It is suspected here, that a Design is regularly prosecuted by
the Ministry, to make his Majesty dethrone himself, by the Calami¬
ties 8c Convulsions his Reign is likely to bring on his whole People.
Please to inform Me, what is thought on this Point in England.
RC (MH) . In Dickinson’s hand, though not signed.
October 28, 1774
251
John Dickinson to Josiah Quincy, Jr.
My dear Sir, Fairhill Octr. 28th 1774
I should have answer’d your last Letter before You left Boston, if
I had not imagined from what You said in it, that You must have
sail’d before it could have reach’d that Place.
I now congratulate You on the hearty Union of all America from
Nova Scotia to Georgia in the Common Cause. The particulars. You
are, no Doubt, acquainted with. The Congress broke up the Day be¬
fore Yesterday: and if it be possible, the Return of the Members into
their several Countries, will make the People still more firm. The
most peaceable Provinces, are now animated; and a Civil War is un¬
avoidable, unless there be a quick Change of British Measures. The
usual Events, no Question, will take place, if that happens— Victo¬
ries 8c Defeats. But what will be the final Consequence? If she fails,
immediate Distress, if not Ruin. If she conquers. Destruction at last.
But from the best Judgement I can form, she will not wait long for
her Fate. Several European Powers, it is probable, will fall on, as
soon as she is entangled with Us. If they should not, what can she ef¬
fect at 3000 Miles Distance against at least four hundred Thousand
Freemen, fighting “pro aris 8c Focis.”
I cannot but pity a brave 8c generous Nation thus plung’d in Mis¬
fortunes by a few worthless persons. But, it may be said, how can
she retract with Dignity, in the present Position of Affairs? I answer,
her Dignity is not at all concern’d, unless it be, to punish those who
have abused 8c betrayed her into Measures inconsistent with her
Welfare. Is a Nation bound in Honor to support every mad or villain-
nous Step of a Ministry? It is mean to persist in Errors because We
have committed them; but what is to be said of those, who talk of as¬
serting their own dignity, by vindicating the Errors of others}
The present Cause, is that of Bute, Mansfield, North, Bernard,
Hutchincon 8cc not of Great Britain. Let her renounce their detesta¬
ble projects, which point at her as their ultimate Object, and recon¬
cile herself to her Children, while their Minds are capable of Recon¬
ciliation. “Oh! for a warning Voice,’’ to rouse them to Conviction of
this important Truth — that the Reconciliation depends upon the
passing Moments — 8c that the Opportunity will in a short time be as
irrevocably past as the Days beyond the Flood. Every Thing may yet
be attributed to the Misrepresentations 8c Mistakes of Ministers; and
universal Peace be establish’d throughout the British W’orld, only by
a general Acknowledgment of this Truth, that — half a dozen Men
are Fools or Knaves. If their Character for Ability 8c Integrity is to
be maintain’d by wrecking the whole Empire, Monsr. Voltaire may
write an addition to the Chapter on the Subject of little Things pro¬
ducing great Events, that will be very entertaining to Readers.
252
October 28, 1774
As to your Complaint against an Expression in a late Letter,
know. Dear Sir, I wrote in Agonies of Mind for my Brethren in
Boston.! I trembled, least something might have happened, which I
could not only forgive but applaud, but which might have been ea¬
gerly & basely seiz’d by others, as a Pretence for deserting them.
This was the sense of Men in Philadelphia the most devoted to them.
And under this Apprehension, We agreed to make use of the strong¬
est Expressions. May the Father of Mercies bestow every Blessing
upon You, is the fervent Prayer of, my dear Sir, your faithful & af¬
fectionate Friend John Dickinson
RC (MHi).
^Dickinson’s letter to Quincy of June 20, 1774, contained a warning; “Nothing
can throw us into a pernicious confusion, but one Colony’s breaking the line of
opposition, by advancing too hastily before the rest. The one which dares to betray
the common cause, by rushing forward, contrary to the maxims of discipline
established by common sense, and the experience of ages, will inevitably and
utterly perish.’’ Quincy’s “complaint” was registered in his August 20 letter written
from Boston, in which he concluded: “I see no reason to apprehend our advancing
before our brethren, unless the plans they should adopt should very evidently be
too languid and spiritless to give any rational hojres of safety to us, in our
adherence to them.” Both letters are printed in Am. Archives, 4th ser. 1:434,
725-26.
Edward Rutledge to Ralph Izard
My Dear Sir; Chester, October 29, 1774
A moment’s leisure gives me an opportunity of communicating to
you the business we have transacted, which is briefly this. We have
formed a bill of Rights, by which we insist, that no power on earth
has a right to intermeddle with our internal polity; but that the Par¬
liament of Great Britain, has, of necessity, a right to regulate trade.
We have framed a list of grievances, and have formed an associa¬
tion, not to import any goods, 8cc., either from Great Britain or Ire¬
land, until such grievances, as have arisen since the year ’63, and are
enumerated in such association, shall be redressed. We have further
resolved, that, “if a repeal of those laws, by which we are oppressed,
does not take place, anterior to the 10th of September next, we will
not export any commodity to Great Britain, Ireland or the West In¬
dies, except rice to Europe.’’!
It will take more wisdom than I am master of, to reconcile this
plan to reason; for, upon the most mature deliberation, I disapprove
of it. I have repeatedly held forth my testimony against it, as inexpe¬
dient and weak. I do not mean the bill of Rights; that I think well of,
and offered it every support in my power: for I hold it as a clear
truth, that they have no right to interfere in the regulation of our in-
October 29, 1774
253
ternal polity, where we have a power within ourselves that is equal
to the exigencies of our affairs; it being as ridiculous to suppose that
there could be two complete legislatures, as that there should be two
superior beings.
But no good reason can be urged why we should be satisfied with
a restoration of such rights only, as have been violated since the year
’63, when we have as many others, as clear and indisputable, that
will even then be infringed. Nor can any sufficient reason be as¬
signed, why a non-exportation should not be put on foot immediate¬
ly, or a non-importation delayed, until we are ripe for a non-expor¬
tation, as, I suppose, that the more interested the people of Great
Britain are in the colonies, the more property they have with us, the
more desirous and industrious will they be to obtain a repeal of the
oppressive acts. But I was very desirous that both of them should
take place at an early day, and think a few months would have put
everything to rights again. But to make the matter more absurd, we
have come into a resolution not to export indigo. This, I was totally
against. I proposed to stop all exportation — nothing short of that
would satisfy me. I saw no reason why the inhabitants of this, and
the neighboring colonies, should have full liberty to export their
wheat and flour to every part of Europe, and that we should be re¬
stricted so much in our trade; for under the statute of Charles II., we
could not carry rice to any part of the world, except to England and
Scotland. It is true that, by some subsequent acts, we had liberty to
carry it to other parts, but these were only temporary satutes; and
the one which permits it to be carried to the south of Cap)e Einis-
terre, will expire with the present session of Parliament. Their com¬
modities, not being enumerated, may be carried to any part of the
globe.
It was said, if they were in an advantageous situation, why not al¬
lowed the use of it? The answer is ready: because equality is the ba¬
sis of public virtue. People who are affected but in speculation, and
submit to all the hardships attending it, will not shut up their ports,
while their neighbors, who are the objects of ministerial vengeance,
enjoy, in a great degree, the benefits of commerce. Nor is the fact
true, that Great Britain will not be distressed by withholding our
trade to other parts of the world, for the wealth which is acquired by
such trade, must go to our enemies. But to stop the exportation of
indigo, is still more foolish; it is unequal, too, between the different
parts of the province. St. Helena, is not well affected; the Georgians
are disaffected. How easy will it be for the people, in that part of the
province, to carry their commodity to that market. Again: if they
give up the planting of indigo, what can they do? They can plant
nothing else but provisions, which they can never dispose of, as the
West India trade will be at an end.
254
October 29, 1774
But why stop; does it pay duty? No. It receives a bounty; it is use¬
ful, they say, in dying. Cannot these things be procured from the
French? Yes. But if they could not, why shall we distress our own
people, for no other purpose, than to oblige the people of England to
weave tvhite cloth, instead of blue?
I had much more to say, but have not time. However, this I must
add, that, if the acts are not repealed before May, at which time we
are to have a new Congress, we shall certainly go much farther; for,
submission never can, nor ever shall take place.
Remember me to Mrs. Izard. I am just this moment setting out
for Carolina. God bless you!
MS not found; reprinted from Ralph Izard, Correspondence of Mr. Ralph Izard of
South Carolina, from the Year 1774 to 1804; with a Short Memoir, ed. Anne Izard
Deas (New York: Charles S. Francis & Co., 1844) , pp. 21-25.
^ This quotation is an accurate paraphrase of the fourth article of the Associa¬
tion. JCC, 1:77.
Joseph Hewes to James Iredell
[^Philadelphia. October 31, 1774.'] Reports the adjournment of
Congress “on Thursday last.’’^ All ranks of people here generally
approve their recently published proceedings. “The Germans who
compose a large part of the Inhabitants of this province are all on
our side. . . . Some of our friends are under apprehension that Ad¬
ministration will endeavour to lay hold of as many Delegates as pos¬
sible 8c have them carried to England and tryed as Rebels. This
induced the Congress to enter into a resolve in such cases to make re¬
prisal. I have no fears on that head. . . .” He hopes to arrive at Ed-
enton in December.^
RC (NcD, Iredell MSS) . Endorsed: "Philadelphia 31st Oct. 1774. Jos. Hewes.” The
manuscript is badly damaged, but the document’s fragmentary nature was not
noted when it was published in Griffith J. McRee, Life and Correspondence of
James Iredell, One of the Associate Justices of the Supreme Court of the United
States, 2 vols. (New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1857-58) , 1:227.
^ Congress adjourned on Wednesday, October 26.
^ James Iredell (1751-99), North Carolina statesman and jurist, was at this time
collector of the port at Edenton. DAB.
Edward Rutledge to Thomas Bee
[Philadelphia? October, 1774.] “I long to tell you^ what we have
done, but am prevented, from silence having been imposed upon us
all by consent, the first week in congress; this, however, I may say.
November 7, 1774
255
that the province will not be able to account for our conduct until we
explain it, though it is justifiable upon the strictest principles of hon¬
our and policy. Don’t be alarmed; we have done no mischief, though
I am sure, if Mr. - had had his way, we should. But you may
thank your stars you sent prudent men, and I trust that the youngest
is not the least so. The gentleman to whom you alluded is, if possi¬
ble, worse than ever; more violent, more wrong-headed.^ But I do
not mean to censure others; sufficient for me if I pursue a right line,
and meet with the approbation of my countrymen.”
MS not found; reprinted from extract in John Sanderson, Biography of the Signers
to the Declaration of Independence, 9 vols. (Philadelphia: R. W. Pomeroy, 1820-27) ,
3:1S-14.
1 Thomas Bee (1725-1812), lawyer, planter, member of the South Carolina
Assembly, was subsequently a delegate to Congress, 1780^82. Bio. Dir. Cong.
® Sanderson believed that Christopher Gadsden was the "gentleman” alluded to
here— a hypothesis that seems to be confirmed by Gadsden's remarks in South
Carolina Delegates’ Report to the South Carolina Provincial Congress, January 11,
1775.
Joseph Galloway to Thomas Nickleson
Novr. 1. 1774. Philada. To the husband of his wife’s sister, of
Poole, Dorsetshire, concerned primarily with family finances. Con¬
cludes: “As to the unfortunate Dispute between The Mother Coun¬
try & her Colonies, I fear it is now arrived to such an Heighth that It
will be with great Difficulty accommodated. Nothing has been want¬
ing on my Part to moderate the Violent Temper of the Warm & in¬
discreet People here, and bring about a Reconciliation between the
two Countries upon Principles of Liberty and Government. But what
can one or a few Men do in so Arduous a Task. You will no Doubt
see the Resolves of our Congress and their other Proceedings. I can¬
not say I approve of them, they are too warm 8c indiscreet and in my
Opinion have not pursued the right Path to an Accommodation. All
the Violent Parts of them I strenuously opposed from Conscience 8c
Judgment and because I was convinced they must widen the Differ¬
ences between us.”
RC (DLC) .
William Hooper to Mary Hooper
New York November 7. 1774. Letter to his mother expressing re¬
gret at his inability to visit her in Boston because “the Congress
256
November 7, 1774
(which I expected would have finished their business in a month)
have set near two so that We have now so far advanced in the season
that should I proceed as far as Boston, I must necessarily encounter
all the difficulties of your severe Winter in my return home.” Is ac¬
companying Joseph Hewes on a business trip in New York, but re¬
mains worried about his mother’s continance in Boston. “I am very
uneasy lest the present confused state of Boston should tend to im¬
pair your health. I wish you were presently removed from there into
some situation where in [calm?] retirement you might sf>end the
residue of your days remote from every thing that could give you a
moments Sollicitude. Where that place is I know not, the Spirit of
Contention hath gone forth Sc I know no people or Province which is
not infected with it. I know the Stand my particular Friends in Bos¬
ton have taken in the present controversy. I think them wrong, &
they will readily condemn me for a contrary conduct. In matters
merely speculative let men think for themsevles & act [. . .] but
when the liberties of mankind are at stake, I have no Epithet too
harsh for those who can give a little in aid to sacrifice them. Believe
me I am not a licentious demagogue, but think cooly & dispassion¬
ately upon the conduct of Government & while I possess one ray of
common sense I must most heartily condemn it. A port blocked up
— A Government subverted & for what — for the intemperate folly of
a rabble. Deluded Menl but eno of politicks.” Reveals that he has
been “indisposed frequently since I arrived at Philadelphia,” and in¬
sinuates that somehow this was due to the harsher northern clime,
leading him to boast “I am a Southern Man in manners — sentiments
principles 8c Constitution.”
RC (MHi) .
New York Delegates to the Dutchess
County Freeholders
Gentlemen, New York 7th November 1774.
When our common Liberties are invaded, our dearest Rights in
Danger, and a whole Continent loudly called upon to defend and se¬
cure themselves against high handed Oppression; the Confidence
resposed in us as Delegates of your respectable County is a distin¬
guished Honour, which excites our most affectionate Esteem and
demands our most grateful Acknowledgments.
While we lament that our Talents are unequal to the most impor¬
tant Trust that ever was conferred, we have the Consolation to as¬
sure you that we have endeavoured to discharge the arduous Task
November 7, 1774
257
with Zeal and Fidelity, with a fervent Regard to the Interest and
Happiness of our Country: and a resjjectful Attention to what we
conceived to be the Sentiments of our numerous Constitutents.
It is with the greatest Satisfaction we reflect that while this Colony
has been eminently conspicuous for Loyalty, for their Veneration for
the parent State, and for the Support of just Government, it has nev¬
er failed to exhibit the most solid Proofs of an inviolable Attachment
to Constitutional Liberty: From repeated Testimonies of the Forti¬
tude and patriotism of our Countrymen it is not to be questioned but
that they will in this perilous Hour, when their Virtue and public
Spirit are called forth to a glorious Trial, stand firm to their Engage¬
ments, and with unremitting Ardour and inflexible Integrity main¬
tain the Association entered into by their Representatives.
You Gentlemen in particular who have so chearfully and unani¬
mously embraced the Expedient of a Continental Congress and
appealed to them for the Redress of your Grievances and the preserva¬
tion of your Rights, will, we are confident, nobly disdain every sor¬
did Advantage and temporary Convenience incompatible with a plan
suggested by their united Councils. You will not hesitate to prefer to
every other Consideration, the great purposes of rescuing Americans
from the Chains of Despotism, and handing down to your posterity
the inestimable Blessings which are only to be enjoyed in a free Gov¬
ernment established on the Basis of Constitutional Liberty.
It is our cordial Advice and most earnest Wish that our worthy
Constituents of every Rank and Degree may zealously inculcate that
Union and Harmony which can alone render tolerable the progress,
and ensure the Success of this unhappy and much lamented Conflict
with our parent State: A Conflict justified by the principles of self
preservation and into which we are innocently plunged by the artful
Wiles of an infatuated and tyrannical Ministryl Let us remember
that Discord and Faction cannot fail of exposing us to the Contempt
of our Enemies and the Reproaches of our Eriends: that by over¬
whelming us in Anarchy and Confusion they must enfeeble and dis¬
appoint the best concerted Measures and that Nothing but a Spirit of
Benevolence, mutual Eorbearance and Liberality to the distressed,
can soften the Calamities of this tempestuous Season and maintain
that internal Tranquility which is at all Times desireable, but abso¬
lutely indispensible in this great Struggle for Ereedom.
Unable sooner to present you in one View with the Acts of Con¬
gress, it is with Regret that we have thus long been obliged to
withold this mark of Respect, which we owe to our worthy Constitu¬
tents. The Copy inclosecB comprizes every proceeding except the
petition to the King which cannot in point of Decorum be made pub-
lick until it has been laid before the Throne. The several Resolutions
are too clear and explicite to require Illustration, you will therefore
258
November 7, 1774
be pleased to be refered to them for the Measures it is expected you
will at this momentuous period adopt and religiously observe.
Permit us only to add that the Recommendation of the Committee
of Correspondence of this City in Favour of the distressed Inhabit¬
ants of the Town of Boston has received additional weight by one of
the Resolutions of the Congress. Every Motive of Duty Humanity
and Policy requires that we should at such a Juncture contribute to
the Relief of a people suffering in a common Cause as the devoted
Victims of Ministerial Vengeance; and we flatter ourselves that you
will not be backward in setting an Example on this Occasion worthy
of Imitation and Applause.
We have the Honour to be with the greatest Esteem Gentlemen
Your most obliged and most obedient humble Servants.^
Phil. Livingston Isaac Low
John Alsop Jas. Duane
John Jay
RC (PHC) . Written in a clerical hand and signed by Alsop, Duane, Jay, Low, and
Philip Livingston. Addressed: “To Zephaniah Platt Esqr., Chairman, and the
Freeholders of the County of Dutchess.”
^ This is doubtless a reference to the pamphlet Extracts from the Votes and
Proceedings of the American Continental Congress, Held at Philadelphia on the
5th of September 1774 . . . (Philadelphia: William and Thomas Bradford, 1774) .
JCC, 1:131.
®The New York delegates apparently sent a similar letter to the New York City
Committee of Mechanics. A letter of thanks from the Mechanics Committee to the
New York delegates, November 18, 1774, and the delegates’ undated reply are in
Am. Archives, 4th ser. 1:987.
Silas Deane to Samuel Adams
Dear Sir Wethersfeild Novemr. 13th. 1774
I congratulate You on Your safe return and agreeable reception
at Boston; but more particularly on the Acct. from Montreal which
You doubtless have seen in Holts paper of last Week,^ this seems
like an Omen for good, that while we were preparing our address to
the Inhabitants of Quebeck, They Themselves were taking stepps to
pursue measures for releif but sir have We not been short in Two or
three Articles at the Congress. You may remember I hinted at an
Address to the inhabitants of the West Indies, & of Ireland, then and
the oftener I have thought of it since the more I am confirmed in
opinion of the propriety & expediency of such a measure, but it is
now Too late, but the following is not, (Viz) To have the whole
doings of the Congress, translated into the Erench, & German Lan¬
guages. You know there is an ostensible Reason, and a good one for
November 13, 1774
259
it — To oblige the French in Canada, & the Germans in Pennsylvania
&c. But at the same Time there may be another unnecessary to be
publicly mentioned — The effects the Circulating of this Pamphlet in
France, & Holland may have, on the Affairs of Great Brittain & on
her Connections with those States, especially with her Creditors in
the Latter. The sale of the impression would I am perswaded bear
the expence of the translation &c. If You think this thought, worth
pursuing, a Line to Philadelphia will effect it at once. The people in
this Colony You know will pay the most sacred regard To the reso¬
lutions of the Congress but I cannot help expressing my apprehen¬
sions that the distresses of the people in Boston may increase faster
than the supplies from the Country. The hand of Charity soon grows
cold, and Too many call that Charity, which is nothing more, than a
small part of an immense Debt they justly owe You, for suffering in
their Cause. If my apprehensions are groundless You will forgive
them on Account of the Cause, from whence they rise, but if other-
ways, I wish a more particular State of your Situation of Your past,
& present sufferings was drawn up and circulated as well to silence
those who endeavor to lessen them, in order to prevent, as farr as
possible, any thing being done for You, as to stirr up those really
well disposed, but too inattentive, to Your situation. Surely it will be
false Modesty, to decline even asking, for what the Continent have
Unanimously declared Your due. In any thing of this kind, in partic¬
ular, as well as what more generally affects the great & Common
Cause, You know You can command Me, to the utmost of my Nar¬
row Abilities. The object before You, The Town of Boston must
naturally engage all Your attention, otherways I would ask, and ex¬
pect an Answer, whither Your people have any Thoughts of a West¬
ern extension. This Claim pursued in the only effectual Way, which
is by actual Settlement, would effectually defeat the Quebec Bill,
and open perhaps to Us, certainly to Our Posterity, in those fruitful
Regions more peaceable retreats, than those We are Now contending
for, as Men of Warr, and Armies cannot easily or perhaps possibly
penetrate thither. Our People are increasing that Way fast. Two, or
Three Thousand strong in fighting Men there already, & may in a
few Years extend as farr as Lake Erie east End, which will open a
most extensive Scene, 8c that not to very distant Years or Ages, but
even in Our Days. But more immediately pressing Scenes demand
Our present Attention, yet This, with Me, is one that ought not to be
wholly Neglected. I have rambled beyond my intention but it may
divert You, therefore make no Apology, but am With Complim [en] ts
to Mr. Cushing, Mr. Jno. Adams, 8c Mr. Payne, Dear sir. Your most
Obedt. 8c Very Hume, servt Silas Deane
P.S. Having a Moments Leisure, I threw on paper, the outlines of a
plan, drawn up sometime since, which is not Now before Me.
579=852 0 - 77 - 19 Vol. 1
260
November 13, 1774
ENCLOSURE
Loose Thoughts on the Subject of the Western Lands
Fort Detroit, situated between Lake Erie, and Lake Huron is in
the same Latitude with Boston, this leads Me to conclude that the
dividing Line between the province of Massachusetts Bay, and Con¬
necticut will run through the Lake Erie leaving about one third of it
in Connecticut. Travellers give a most extraordinary Acct. of the
Lands on the Banks of that Lake, & on the Rivers running into it.
The pass of Niagara is very much the Key to the Western Lakes if
You consider the passage that way as going through the lake Ontario,
but the purchase which the Connecticut people have made of the
Natives begins on the Western bank of the Delaware and extends
West One Hundred & Twenty Miles the width of the Colony. Conse¬
quently, it will nearly reach, the South East Corner, of That Lake
which is said to be a very fine situation, it certainly must be as good
a Stand, as any in America, for the Waters of this Lake, or Streams
communicating with it afford Water Carriage, except about Ten
Miles by the Falls 8c rapids quite to Quebec Northward, 8c with
about the same Land Carriage You get into the Waters of the Ohio
Southward, and Westward as farr as Travellers have explored, which
is more than One Thousand Miles. It is proposed in the Spring as
soon as Travelling is any way tolerable, to explore Westward from
where Our People are settled, the Country, as farr as to This Lake,
and if practicable make a purchase of the Natives, of a Tract of
Land, sufficient for a Large Settlement on the Shores Thereof. The
purchase of the Natives may be easily effected, and as to having
Liberty of the Superintendant, it will hereafter be of no Consequence
at all, nor indeed do I consider it of any at present, as it may very
easily be made appear that The [foretended?] Treaties 8c Negotia¬
tion, of the late Sir William Johnson with these Tribes was never any
thing more than a Covering for an iniquitous, 8c lucrative traffic in
which the Natives, and the Crown, were both of them deluded, 8c
plundered. The Natives never had on their part, the most distant
Idea, that the Crown of Great Brittain ever assumed a right, to con-
troll them, in the disposal of their property. They are too free, 8c too
jealous a people not To take the alarm, at the least pretensions of
this Nature. The presents they annually received, were to Them, 8c
still are, direct proofs To the Contrary, for how could they conceive
that the Crown should pay a Subsidy to them for past, 8c in earnest
for future services, and at the same Time exert the last degree of ab¬
solute sovereignty over them. But waving this, as quite one side, the
immediate object, it is proposed, that on such purchase being made,
a Number of Settlers, at least one Thousand strong should instantly
November 13, 1774
261
move on to the Land, with every Necessary, for carrying on, and
supporting their plantation. Such a Body will be sufficient to Awe
the Natives, in case, they are Uneasy, and as to the Government of
Quebec, or the Crown of Great Brittain, They will be too remote, to
occasion much Difficulty from them, and as to the Natives, it must
ever be, the invariable policy, of the Settlers, to Treat Them with
such humanity, and hospitality, that it shall be their Interest To be
Friendly. It is proposed that One Thousand persons join in this Ad¬
venture at first, each of Which, shall advance Twenty shilling, to¬
ward defraying the Expences of the adventure. This sum shall be
laid out in Goods proper for the Indian Trade &: committed to the
Care, of Three trusty, able persons to Transport thither in the best
manner, 8c to lay out, in a purchase of the Natives if to be obtained,
if Not, the effects, their expences deducted, to be returned to the
Subscribers, but the purchase made, each subscriber shall be obliged
to send one able bodied Man to settle thereon within One year after
or forfeit his Right. The purchase shall if practicable be made half
within the Massachusetts & half within the Connecticut Grants, but
the Adventurers shall not consider themselves within either, further
than meerly for ostensible purposes but they shall form a Govern¬
ment of their Own, as nearly as local Circumstances will admit, simi¬
lar, to the first Confederations or Common Wealths in these New
England Colonies. The Continual accession to this Settlement will
soon render it important, even, if No extraordinary pains are taken,
to transport Inhabitants thither. But will it not be the very best poli¬
cy to open Our Doors wide, and use every means, in Our power, to
invite the poor, industrious Inhabitants of Scotland, Ireland Sec to
come in and join Us, and with but little incouragement they will
flock over in Numbers, and soon render it important.
This, or some such plan, will most effectually defeat the design of
the Quebec Bill, which if not broke thro’ Sc defeated in some shape
or other, will be the most fatally mischeivous to the British Colonies
of any Bill ever framed by the Ministry, or that may possibly ever
enter into their Hearts To conceive of. The extending & fixing Settle¬
ments of protestants Westward will not only bring about this wish’d
for event, but will be in future Days Our greatest Strength &: Securi¬
ty. Another Tier as I may say of Colonies settled back of Us will be,
an inexhaustible resource to Us, & render Us humanely speaking in¬
vincible though the united Powers of the whole World should attack
Us. Look at a Map, 8c see, the situation of the Countries between
40.° 8c 45.° through the Continent. This is the New England Inheri¬
tance, as fairly secured for them, by their Ancestors, as any one Acre
they Now possess, and once well settled with Our People, 8c their
descendants, will give Law, not to North 8c South America alone, but
to the World if they please. This will, 8c must be the most indepen-
262
November 13, 1774
dant Country on the Globe, inland Seas or Lakes, and Rivers ex¬
tending quite across the Continent in those parallels, and the West¬
ern extremity lands Us at the very Door, of the Treasures of the
East, and The South. If the Contemplation of these future events
give Us pleasure every effort of Ours to ripen them if successful, in
degree realizes them. This can hardly be called the pleasure of the
imagination only, but rather the pleasure of anticipating great, 8c im¬
portant realities, 8c such as are hastening on, 8c in the arrival of
which, the happiness of Mankind is most deeply interested.
RC (NN) . Enclosure: MS (NN) .
^John Holt, publisher of the New York Journal, had printed an extract of a
letter from Montreal, dated October 9, 1774, discussing resolves adopted at a recent
meeting at which Montreal’s British inhabitants had stated their abhorrence of the
Quebec Act and pledged to struggle to obtain its repeal. The New York Journal;
or, the General Advertiser, November 10, 1774.
William Hooper to James Duane
My dear Sir Philadelphia Nov. 22. 1774
After a cold disagreeable Journey I arrived here on Saturday eve¬
ning last. I cannot leave this place without expressing my gratitude
for the many Civilities I received from yourself 8c your Friends in
New York. It will give me the greatest pleasure to have it in my
power hereafter in Carolina or elsewhere to be useful to you or
them.
I find no material change in the political System of Philadelphia
since I left it. The same patriotick fervor still kindles in the breasts
of the Inhabitants and urges them to a strict adherence to the meas¬
ures which the Grand Continental Congress has taught them are to
produce the salvation of themselves 8c their posterity in time, and
such is the faith of some of these political patients that they are will¬
ing to extend the blessed Influence to all Eternity. God bless the
Congress! Surely they were inspired!
I have surprized every person with whom I have conversed with
the candid representation I have made of the political Creed of the
New Yorkers and their firm and steady resolution strictly to adhere
to the proceedings of the Congress. They view it as a kind of Change
which required the immediate and almighty interposition to effect —
they call it miraculous 8c begin to augur favourably of the cause in
which they are embarked from Heaven having thus signally discov¬
ered its approbation of it in the conversion 8c reformation which it
has thus worked in your Countrymen. Strange that you have been so
flagrantly misrepresented. I am perfectly sincere when I say that
November 22, 1774
263
your Province has been cruelly misrepresented — but it is a Consola¬
tion to you that it has been by a set of men who would have treated
a second Saviour in the same manner if he had encountered the li¬
centiousness of their Religion as their politicks.
I have been informed since I came here that the Pamphlet enti¬
tled, The friendly address to the Americans he has thro a mistaken
zeal of the people been prevented from being publickly sold in this
City;i Strange Infatuation that while we contend with enthusiastick
ardor for the liberty of the press ourselves that we should with such
an intolerating spirit deny it to others. It is a strange freedom that is
confined to one side of a Question I Doctrines in politicks that will
not bear a freedom of discussion carry with them more than a suspi¬
cion of being erroneous, and I am confident that the world will not
be so easily gulled in these as in the unquestionable mysteries of
Church faith. They will take the freedom to think for themselves, &
even to condemn what will not upon a fair dispassionate enquiry
stand the test of solid reason & sound Criticism. I do not mean to in¬
sinuate that the Pamphlet referred to has merit. I think it the most
trifling performance that the publick have yet been insulted with.
The Author has wrote to the passions — to inflame & mislead weak
minds. He has conjured up the Horrors of a Civil War to affright the
timid. It will at once discover the disingenuity of the Author when
We find him asserting that the American contention is as to the
Quantum of the Taxation not the mode of imposing it. Be that as it
will. Neglect would be his greatest punishment. Let him speak in ob¬
scurity, Persecution is what he covets. This poor son of the Church
is aiming at promotion 8c he knows the dirty Channels thro which in
the present administration it flows. It argues a weak mind to contend
with a clergyman, it is a squabble with the other Sex.
Genl Lee has prepared an answer to it which you will soon see.^
He is on the wing for Maryland whither He is invited to observe the
military maneuvers of 500 Militia lately incorporated there. They
have destroyed a Cargo of Tea in So. Carolina.
We leave this on Thursday. In Carolina I flatter myself I shall
hear from you. Mr Hewes joins me in respectful Compts to yourself
& [. . .] Lady & I am Dear Sir With sincere esteem Your most
Obed Hum Sevt Will Hooper
RC (NHi).
^[Thomas Bradbury Chandler], A Friendly Address to All Reasonable Ameri¬
cans on the Subject of Our Political Confusions . . . (New York: James Rivington,
1774) . T. R. Adams, American Independence, p. 83.
‘‘Gen. Charles Lee’s rejoinder to Chandler was published under the title Stric¬
tures oh a Pamphlet, Entitled, A “Friendly Address to All Reasonable Americans,
on the Subject of Our Political Confusions.” (Philadelphia: William and Thomas
Bradford, 1774) . Ibid., pp. 94-95.
264
December 2, 1774
Samuel Chase to James Duane
Annapolis. December 2nd. 1774. Discusses the detention of an in¬
dentured servant. “I shall not fail to communicate any Matter, which
may occur here material to the public Cause. We have heard of the
unexpected Dissolution of parliament (as foretold by Junius) and
believe it to be a ministerial Trick to take the Nation & Opposition
by Surprise. We are anxious to hear of General Carlton’s Motions in
Quebec, is he arming the Canadians or not? Pray inform Me what
You can learn from that Quarter, 8c I sollicit You with freedom to
write Me every Intelligence of the least Importance, and be assured
that You may communicate with entire Confidence your Thoughts to
Me. . . . my most respectful Compliments to your Brethren Jay,
Low, 8c Alsop.”
RC (NHi) . “Duane Correspondence,’’ Publications of the Southern History Asso¬
ciation 10 (September 1906) : 299-300.
John Dickinson to Thomas Cushing
Dear Sir, Fairhill Deer. 11th 1774
I am much oblig’d to You for the Extract You were so kind as to
inclose in your late Letter; and heartily rejoice, that I can repay in
some Degree the favorable Intelligence it contain’d, by informing
You, that. Yesterday our House of Representatives, taking into their
Consideration, the Report of the Delegates from this Province, by a
Resolve in the strongest Terms, “approv’d of all Resolves 8c proceed¬
ings of the Congress, and recommended to the good People of this
province, a strict Attention to and an inviolable Observation of the
Matters 8c Things contained therein.’’ A Ship sailing directly for Eng¬
land, a Copy of the Resolve was immediately transmitted by her.
May God Almighty look down with Mercy upon Us, 8c bring our
righteous Cause to a happy Conclusion. Procrastination is Preserva¬
tion. States acting on the Defensive, should study for Delays. It is a
melancholy Employment to peruse those various Instances recorded
in History, in which, the best Causes have been ruin’d by an Excess
of virtuous Zeal, too hastily to promote them. I ever thought, 8c think
still, that a just Reverence for the Lives of our Countrymen, should
determine us at all Events to wait for a Turn of European Affairs,
and of British Sentiments. Either of these may save Us [with] out
an Effusion of Blood. If at last, the Choice must be the Sword, or
Submission, [then] America cannot hesitate.
Please to present my Compliments to your good Family, 8c to
Messrs Adams, Paine, Adams and Hancock. I am Dr. Sir, with great
December 12, 1774
265
Truth, your very affectionate & very humble Servant,
John Dickinson
RC (PRO: CO. 5, 118) .
John Adams to Edward Biddle?
Dear Sir Braintree Deer. 12. 1774
I received your kind favour 16. Ulto. with great Pleasure last
Week at Cambridge.^ I rejoice at the Proofs your City, has given, of
her inflexible Attachment to the public cause, and Determination to
Support it. There are many Names in your List of Committee Men,
which I had not the Pleasure of knowing, but there are Abilities, Vir¬
tues, and Spirit enough, in those whom I knew very well, to secure
the good Behaviour, of any Committee which could I think be cho¬
sen in Your 8c my beloved City.
The Letter to Quebec, Shall be faithfully 8c Speedily forwarded.
Our Provincial Congress, and the Committee of Correspondence in
Boston, have had under Consideration, various Planns, for opening a
Communication, with Several Parts of that Province.
You kindly inquire What We are doing or Suffering? You will
See, by a Printed Pamphlet, which I will Send you as soon as it is
out, what our Provincial Congress, has been doing. I.e. you will see
in Part; not all. Our People, thro the Province, are every where learn¬
ing the military Art — exercising perpetually — So that, I Supjwse, if
occasion should require, an Army of. Fifteen Thousand Men from
this Province alone, might be brought into the Field in one Week.
The Difficulties We Suffer, however for want of Law and Govern¬
ment, are innumerable. A total Stagnation of Law, 8c Commerce al¬
most. No Man can pay his just Debt, because he can get no Business
to do, by which he can earn any Money, and if he has ever So much
due to him he cant get a Shilling of it from his Debtors.
We are trying by a Thousand Experiments, the Ingenuity as well
as Virtue of our People. The Effects are Such as would divert you.
Imagine, 400,000 People, without Government, or Law, forming
themselves in Companies, for various Purposes, of Justice, Policy,
8c War. You must allow for a great deal of the ridiculous, much
of the Melancholly, and Some of the Marvellous. I must not be par¬
ticular, because my Letter, may miscarry.
I have some Times wished. Since my Return, that We had fallen
in, totis Viribus, with the Motion, made by Mr Ross and Seconded
by Mr Galloway, that this Province Should be left to her own Discre¬
tion, with Respect to Government and Justice, as well as Defence.^
Our Provincial Congress had in Contemplation, Some Sublime Con-
266
December 12, 1774
ceptions, which would in that Case have been carried rapidly into
Execution.
Your Account of the Generals intended Journey to Maryland gave
me great Pleasure. I hope the whole Continent will, provide them¬
selves, at this Time with Arms and Skill. No Country ought ever to
be without Either.
The intuitive, the holy, the decisive Spirit, mentioned in a late
Phyladelphia Paper, cannot avoid recollecting at this Time, my
Friend, that the Grecian Commonwealths, were the most heroic Con¬
federacy, that ever existed. The politest, bravest. Sc wisest of Men.
Their Sculptors, Painters, Architects, Poets, Physicians, Criticks,
Historians, Phylosophers, orators. Warriors, and Statesmen, were the
brightest ornaments of their whole Species, and Examples for Imita¬
tion to all succeeding Generations.
The Period of their Glory, was from the Defeat of Xerxes to the
Rise of Alexander.
Let Us not be enslaved, my dear Friend Either by Xerxes, or Alex¬
ander.
The Town of Boston, is like Zion in Distress— Seneca’s Virtuous
Man, Struggling with Adversity. Spectaculum dignum ad quod respi-
ciat Deus — Suffering amazing Loss, but determined to endure Pov¬
erty and Death, rather than betray America and Posterity.
Be pleased to present my most respectfull Compliments and grate-
full Acknowledgements, to Mr Dickinson, Thompson &c 8cc 8cc I
have not Time to name them all — I mean almost the whole City of
Philadelphia.
I should have written to you, long before this. If I had not been
prevented by an Inflammation in my Eyes, So violent that I have not
been able to write, or read. Pray, write me, as often as possible, and
let me know, how, the fourth Resolution in our Bill of Rights, is re¬
lished and digested, among the Choice Spirits along the Continent. I
had more Anxiety about that than all the rest. But I find it is ex-
treamly popular here. Our Provincial Congress have approved and
adopted it, in Strong Terms. They consider it, as a great Point
gained. They think it has placed our Connection with G. B. on its
true Principles, and that there is no danger from it to Us, and there is
quite as much allowed to her, as Either Justice or Policy require.
FC (MHi) . Incomplete draft in the hand of John Adams, unsigned and unad¬
dressed.
^ Adams was probably responding to a letter from Edward Biddle, who appar¬
ently had recently sent Adams copies of the Letter to the Inhabitants of the
Province of Quebec (Philadelphia: William and Thomas Bradford, 1774) . The
document had been printed in Dunlap’s Pennsylvania Packet or, the General
Advertiser, November 14, 1774. Just before Congress had adjourned, responsibility
for “translating, printing, publishing & disjjersing” it had been assigned to the
December 14, 1774
267
delegates of Pennsylvania, to be assisted by the Massachusetts, New Hampshire,
and New York delegates. Similarly, Biddle— with John Dickinson and Charles
Thomson— had previously been appointed to a committee to oversee the printing
of the Journal of the Proceedings of the Congress. Biddle, along with Joseph
Galloway, had also been a member of the committee to state the rights of the
colonies, and Adams’ letter implies familiarity with the work of the committee.
Since Galloway was certainly not the recipient of the letter, and both Dickinson
and Thomson are mentioned in it, Adams must have been writing to Biddle. JCC,
1:28, 102, 113, 122; and Adams, Works (Adams) , 9:348n.
^The motion of George Ross is not mentioned in the journals, but it was
probably made during the debate on the letter from the Boston Committee of
Correspondence, October 7-10, JCC, 1:57-60.
Thomas Johnson, Jr,, to Horatio Gates
Sir. Annapolis 14 Deer. 1774.
Before you left us you engaged my Promise to advise you of any
Thing I might think material. ^ I have now the pleasure to inclose
you the Resolutions of our provincial Convention from which you
will collect our Temper. ^ You must by this Time be confirmed in the
sudden Dissolution of the parliament immediately on the Scarbor¬
ough’s getting Home and as some say caused by the Intelligence she
carried. This Step from which [. . .] no certain Conclusion can be
drawn of the Intention of Government with respect to America is dif¬
ferently spoke of according to the parties Men are engaged in, their
[fears?] &c. But we have lately heard this of a Vessel in Potomack
that had a very short Passage from Glasgow. She brings Paquets as
late as the 27 Oct. They are in Town. I have not seen them but am
told Wilks is Ld Mayor, Wilks Sc Glynn for Midd[lese]x, Sawbridge,
Bull, Oliver & Haley for London, William Lee for Southwark, and
that Mr. Cruger will be in for Bristol. From all the latest Letters I
have heard of, the Tide of popular Opinion is changing in favor of
America, but I am afraid Governmt. will not be wise enough to re¬
move intirely the Grounds of Jeolesy and Contention, but like
Quacks in Politicks endeavour to still the present Clamour by an
Adoption of temporary Expedients. The Candidates for London See.
signed a Kind of Test by which they promise their Endeav[ou]rs to
shorten parliamts., exclude placemen, repeal the Boston Acts, the
Act for Trial in England of those who offend in America, and I
think the Quebec Bill, and it is said the Test is running pretty gener¬
ally through England. If so England may yet enjoy a healthy Consti¬
tution and America be restored to her Rights. I shall hope for a vir¬
tuous independt. House of Commons Sc if that is obtained that
Branch I trust will not push the Scheme for a Revenue or Systematic
Corruption in America.
Mr. Purviance favoured me the other Day with some Extracts of a
268
December 14, 1774
Letter to him from the Massachusetts dated 16 Novr. It is a very
sensible well wrote Letter. Every Thing was quiet. Genl. Gage as¬
sured the Select Men at an Interview that he had no Orders to seize
any Body nor intended any Thing hostile, that the Soldiers should
not wear Weapons of any Kind but when on Duty and that the great¬
est Care shd. be taken to prevent any [Trouble?] by them. The Se¬
lect Men promised to afford the [officers?] &: Army what Necessar¬
ies 8c Conveniencies they could. He says further I trust Things will
remain as they are until we hear from G. Britain which must dctcT-
mine our future Conduct.” From several other parts of the Letter the
Cool thoughtful part are wishing for peace but all [are] preparing
for War. The Inhabitants of Boston are formed in Companies, are
well armed and have a Magazine. They have one Company of up¬
wards of 60 Men of upwards of 60 Years of Age each, none are ex¬
empt but Clergymen and those who are disabled by Infirmities. Great
Unanimity and peace and good Order prevail through the province
notwithstanding the Suspension of Courts and Law. I congratulate
you on the present Appearance of Things. They look towards an
honourable peace or successful Opposition. Pray make my Compli¬
ments to Mrs. Gates. I am sir, Your most obedt. hble. Servt.
Th. Johnson Junr
RC (NHi) .
1 Horatio Gates (ca. 1728-1806) , a retired major in the British Army who had
taken up residence in Virginia in 1772, was appointed adjutant general of the
Continental Army in June 1775 with the rank of brigadier general. DAB.
^ The Maryland Convention met in Annapolis, December 8-12, 1774. The resolu¬
tions Johnson enclosed are printed in Am. Archives, 4th ser. 1:1031-33.
Samuel Ward to John Dickinson
Dear Sir Westerly 14th Deer. 1774
The distressed Situation of our Native Country, requiring the Unit¬
ed Efforts of All the Colonies; there is a Necessity of frequent Com¬
munications between them, that every Colony may be apprized as
soon as possible, of the base Designs of Administration, and adopt
proper Measures, for the general safety. With this View I entered
into Engagements, with several Gentlemen of the late Congress, to
transmit to them every Thing of Importance, which occurr’d in this
Colony: and in return, to receive All interesting Intelligence, from
Their several Governments. And, I shall be vastly happy, in opening
a Correspondence with You, in the same Manner.
The Letter from Lord Dartmouth,^ 8c the Copy of the Kings Order
in Council (Copies of which are enclosed) were brought by the Scar¬
borough, recieved by Express on Wednesday Evening last, and next
December 14, 1774
269
Morning laid before the Genl. Assembly. They immediately ordered
Copies of them to be sent to Mr. Cushing to be communicated to the
Provincial Congress. They ordered the Cannon at our Fort, (which
was not tenable) to be sent to Providence where it will be safe &
ready for service, 200 bbls of Powder and a proportionate quantity
of Lead &: Flints & several Companies of Light Infantry, Fusiliers,
Hunters &c. were established, the Militia was ordered to be discip¬
lined & the Commanding Officers impowerd to March our Troops to
the Assistance of any Sister Colony. The Spirit and Ardor with which
All this was done Cave Me the highest pleasure and I hope the Mo¬
ment the other Colonies receive this intelligence they will proceed in
the same spirited Manner. For this Ministry appear to be determined
to Commence Hostilities against Us 8c Unless we are provided with
Arms 8cc. We shall be an easy Prey to them, but if properly Arm’d
and disciplined can certainly defend and secure our several Colonies.
The Idea of taking up Arms against the parent State is shocking to
Us, who still feel the strongest Attachment to our sovereign and the
warmest Affection 8c Veneration for our Brethren in Britain. And
may Cod in his infinite Mercy grant that We may never be driven to
that fatal extremity but if We must either become Slaves or fly to
Arms I shall not and I hope No American will hesitate one Moment
which to chuse. For All the Horrors of a Civil War and even Death
itself in any form whatever will be infinitely preferable to Slavery,
which in one word comprehends Poverty Misery Infamy and every
Species of Ruin 8c Distruction.
I have inclosed You A Copy of the Resolves of our Cenl. Assem¬
bly upon the report of their Delegates. The Polite Manner in which
the other Centn. of the Congress are mentioned I hope will be ac¬
ceptable. The people are Universally satisfied with the proceedings of
the Congress, and determined to Adhere to the Association, even the
Merchants who suffer most by discontinuing the Slave Trade, Assure
Me They shall most punctually conform to that Resolve and the
Country in general is vastly pleased with it.
The Other Copy contains the Appointment 8c Instructions of the
new Delegates. 2 The power of Appointing Time 8c Place I thought
Absolutely necessary, for the small Pox and many other Things may
make it necessary to change both. The Power of Adjourning is equal¬
ly necessary for a new Congress cannot be chosen under a considera¬
ble Time. Whilst this is doing the public may Suffer almost irrepara¬
ble Injuries. An Adjournment may prevent any thing of this kind and
be Attended with no inconveniences but a trifling Expence.
Some Centn. were of opinion that if our grievances were redressed
Another Congress would be unnecessary but I am of a different
opinion, many regulations of Commerce Manufactures 8cc may be
made for the general good of the Colonies. And should the Ministry
270
December 14, 1774
be disposed to make any new Attempts upon Us Nothing would so
effectually prevent their taking Place as our continuing firmly United
& being ever on our Guard. For these Reasons I proposed an Annual
Congress.
Upon the whole Our Powers, I think, are very full And I heartily
wish that those of all the other Delegates may be so. For the more
Uniform and full the Powers of the several Delegates Are, the more
Scope they will have for exerting their abilities in the Service of their
Country. We may then debate with Freedom, resolve with Wisdom 8c
Unanimity & execute with firmness whatever the Interest &: happiness
of our Country require. If any Amendments occur to You, be kind
enough to favour Me with them & I doubt not but they will be readily
Adopted.
I am greived to tell You that the Distresses of those brave People
of Boston increase. Many who have hitherto supported themselves
are now forced to apply to the Public. May the Colonies Continue
their generous Donations & may Heaven grant them a speedy Deliv¬
erance.
Please to make my Compliments to the Speaker Mr. Biddle, Mr.
Mifflin and the other Gentn. who were Delegates with Us, 8c to the
Secy with my particular thanks for a Journal extraordinary, 8c present
my most respectful regards to Your good Lady. I am with very great
Esteem and Regard, Dear Sir Your most obedient humble Servant
Sam Ward
P.S. I have not had time to communicate this Intelligence to Mary¬
land. If you think best be pleased to do it.
RC (PPL) . FC (RHi) . Endorsed: “Copy To J. Dickinson Esqr. Decbr. 1774.” A
revealing variation in the FC is duly noted below.
^ A reference to a circular letter from the Earl of Dartmouth to governors in
America, October 19, 1774, enclosing an order in council of the same date which
forbade "the Exportation from Great Britain of Gunpowder, or any sort of arms or
ammunition.” Edmund B. O’Callaghan and Berthold Fernow, eds.. Documents
Relative to the Colonial History of the State of New-York, 15 vols. (Albany:
Weed, Parsons and Company, 1853-87) , 8:509.
^ After “Delegates” in FC Ward added and then deleted: “being sensible of the
Inconveniences of the [. . .] Instructions of the Gentn. of Virginia . . . .” This
was a reference to the fact that the convention which elected the Virginia delegates
to the First Congress had instructed them to confine their attention to colonial
grievances against Great Britain in the period since 1763. Although other delegates
also wanted to protest certain British policies adopted before then, the Virginians
refused, arguing that they could not follow this course of action because “it had
been agreed upon at home, not to go beyond that year [1763], as thereby, the
greater odium would be thrown upon the reign of George III., which was so fatal
to the peace of America.” As a result, Congress had decided on September 24 to
consider only those objectionable acts of Parliament which had been passed since
1763. Am. Archives, 4th ser. 1:689-90; JCC, 1:23, 42: South Carolina Delegates’
Report to the Provincial Congress, January 11, 1775.
December 14, 1774
271
Samuel Ward to Richard Henry Lee
Dear Sir Westerly 14th Deer. 1774
As it is of the greatest Importance that every Colony should have
the earliest Notice of the hostile Intentions of Administration I have
enclosed You Copies of Lord Dartmouths Letter & the Order re¬
ceived with it.i Our Genl. Assembly immediately ordered Copies of
them to be sent to Mr. Cushing to be communicated to the provincial
Congress. They then ordered the Cannon at Fort George (which was
not tenable) to be sent to Providence where they will be safe and
ready for Service, 200 bbls. of Powder, a proportionate quantity of
Lead & Flints 8c several Pieces of brass Cannon for the Artillery
Compy. were order’d to be purchased, a Major General (an officer
never before chosen in the Colony) was appointed, several independ¬
ent Companies of light Infantry Fusiliers, Hunters 8cc were formed,
the Militia was order’d to be disciplined 8c the Commanding Officers
empowered to march the Troops to the Assistance of any Sister Col¬
ony. The Spirit 8c Ardor with which all this was done gave Me ineffa¬
ble Pleasure and I heartily wish that the other Colonies may proceed
in the same spirited Manner for I fear the last Appeal to Heaven
must now be made 8c if We are unprepared We must be undone. The
Idea of taking up Arms against Great Britain is shocking but if We
must become Slaves or fly to Arms I shall not hesitate one Moment
which to chuse for all the Horrors of civil War 8c even Death itself in
every Shape is infinitely prefarable to Slavery which in one Word
comprehends every Species of Distress Misery Infamy 8c Ruin.
I have enlosed the Resolve of our Assembly upon the Report of
their Delegates. The polite Notice taken of all the Gentn. of the Con¬
gress I hope will be acceptable; You may rely upon a most punctual
Adherence to the Association in this Colony.
The other Copy contains the Appointment and Instructions of the
new Delegates. The Power of appointing Time 8c Place for holding a
Congress I thought absolutely necessary for the small Pox 8c many
other Things may make it inconvenient to sett at Philadelphia. The
Power of adjourning is equally necessary for it will take much Time
to chuse new Members 8c in the interim the Public may suffer the
greatest Mischiefs 8c the trifling Expence of Meeting is the only Ob¬
jection.
It was supposed by some Gentn. that if our Grievances were re¬
dressed this Winter there would be no Necessity of another Congress.
I am of a different Opinion. Many new Regulations of Commerce
Manufactures 8cc, may be adopted for the general Good of the Colo¬
nies and should the Ministry be inclined to make any new Attempts
upon Us our being united 8c on our Guard would be the most proba¬
ble Means of preventing them. For these Reasons I proposed an an-
272
December 14, 1774
Samuel Ward
December 16, 1774
273
nual Congress; upon the whole our Powers are full Sc I wish all the
Delegates may have such that being free from all Restraints We may
deliberate with Freedom, resolve wisely Sc execute with Firmness
whatever the Necessities of our Country may require.
The Distresses of the Town of Boston increase greatly. Many who
have till lately supported themselves are now forced to apply to the
public, eighteen or twenty Petitions are sometimes reed, in a Day.
May the generous Donations of the Colonies continue until God in
Mercy relieves them.
Be kind enough to present my most respectful Compliments to
your worthy Collegues & to your good Lady Sc Family Sc ever remem¬
ber Me as one who is With the greatest Esteem Sc Regard Dear Sir
Your most obedient humble Servant Sam: Ward
P.S. Be kind enough to communicate the Order from home to the
southern Colonies.
RC (PHC) . Endorsed: “Reed. 24th Feby. 1775.”
^ See Ward to John Dickinson, this date, note 1.
Thomas Johnson, Jr., to James Duane
Sir. Annapo. 16 Deer. 1774
My Time and Attention has been much taken up since I left you
with my Business in my Profession and what I think less entertaining
Meetings of the People Committees, Conventions, &c. I now inclose
you the Proceedgs of the last,^ and though I do not imagine the Res¬
olutions of the Congress are agreeable to every Individual of our
Province yet I believe all are so well convinced of the Necessity of
Unanimity that we shall have no Trouble at all to execute the Asso¬
ciation or by degrees to go any Length that may be necessary to
defend the Rights of America.
We shall probably have no Assembly till the Spring; that may not
be the Case with all the Colonies and if a Congress is thought at
Home to be unconstitutional or what is more likely the Ministry in¬
tend to treat with the several Assemblies seperately to avail them¬
selves of a hoped for Disunion or Differences in the Claims of Right
I imagine several Assemblies will be called especially in those Colonies
where the People in general are the most strongly attached to the
Mother Country. You and I, I believe, thought much alike and were
equally distressed on particular Points but as Things are now circum¬
stanced if the Proceedgs of the Congress come before the Assemblies
I am afraid a Disapprobation of any Article might be of infinite Mis¬
chief to our Cause. I shall be glad of your Sentiments on this truly
delicate point and if your Assembly should sit that you d take the
274
December 16, 1774
Thomas Johnson
December 28, 1774
275
Trouble to furnish me with your proceedg it may be a Matter of
Consequence to be well advised of it. We here fear the sudden Disso¬
lution of the Parliamt. and the Reelection of so many of the old Bor¬
ough Members will put it much in the power of the Ministry to con¬
tinue their plan and that their Inclination will be secured by their
Attachmt. to their places. We pray for peace but shall be busy in pre¬
paring for the worst. I am Sir With great Esteem Sc Regard Your
most obedt Servant Th Johnson Junr.
RC (NHi) .
The Maryland Convention met in Annapolis December 8-12, 1774, at which
time “the Proceedings of the Continental Congress were read, considered, and
unanimously approved.” Am. Archives, 4th ser. 1:1031.
John Adams to James Burgh?
Sir Braintree Deer. 28. 1774.
I have had the Honour of receiving from you a most {valuable)
desirable Present, in two Volumes of Political Disquisitions.^ The
very polite and obliging manner in which this Present was conveyed
to me demands my gratefull Acknowledgments. But the Present itself
is invaluable.
I cannot but think those Disquisitions, the best Service, that a Citi¬
zen, could render to his Country, at this great and dangerous Crisis,
when the British Empire Seems ripe for destruction, and tottering on
the Brink of a Precipice. If any Thing can possibly open the Eyes of
the Nation and excite it to exert itself, it must be such a Sight of its
Danger, and of the imperceptible Steps, by which it ascended to it.
I have contributed somewhat to make the Disquisitions more
known and attended to in several Parts of America, and they are held
in as high Estimation by all my Friends as they are by me. And the
more they are read the more eagerly and generally they are Sought
for.
We have pleased ourselves in America, with Hopes, that the Publi¬
cation of these Disquisitions, the Exertions of the other Friends of
Virtue and Freedom in England, together with the Union of Senti¬
ment and Conduct of America, which appears by the Proceedings of
the Congress of Phyladelphia, would have had their full operation
and Effect upon the Nation, during the Fall and Winter, while the
People were canvassing for Elections, and that in Spight of Bribery,
Some alteration in the House of Commons for the better might have
been made. But the Sudden Dissolution of Parliament and the impa¬
tient Summons for a new Election, have blasted all these Hopes. We
now see plainly, that every Trick and Artifice of Sharpers, Gamblers
579-852 0 - 77 - 20 VoL 1
276
December 28, 1774
and Horse Jockies is to be played off against the Cause of Liberty in
England and America: and that no Hopes are to be left for Either
but in the Sword.
We are in this Province Sir, at the Brink of a civil War. Our Alva,
Gage, with his fifteen Mandamous Councillers, are Shutt up in Bos¬
ton, afraid to Stir, afraid of their own Shades, protected with a Dozen
Regiments of Regular Soldiers, and strong Fortifications, in the
Town, but never moving out of it. We have No Council, No House,
No Legislature, No Executive. Not a Court of Justice, has Sat Since
the Month of September^ — ^Not a debt can be recovered, nor a Tres¬
pass redressed, nor a Criminal of any kind, brought to Punishment.
What the Ministry will do next, is uncertain — inforce the Act for al¬
tering our Govt, [it] cannot. All the Regiments upon the Establish¬
ment, wd not do it — for Juries will not serve, nor Represent.
Whatever Alva and his Troops may think of it, it has required
great Caution and Delicacy in the Conduct of Affairs, to prevent
their Destruction. For my own Part I have bent my chief Attention
to prevent a Rupture, and to impress my Friends with the Impor¬
tance of preventing it. Not that I think the Lives of 5 or 10 thousand
Men, tho my own should be one of them, would not be very profita¬
bly Spent, in obtaining a Restoration of our Liberties. But because I
know, that those Lives would never go unrevenged, and it would be
vain ever to hope for a Reconcilation with great Britain afterwards.
Britains would not easily forgive the Destruction of their Brethren. I
am absolutely certain that New England men never would that of
theirs. Nor would any Part of America ever forget or forgive, the
destrucion of one New England man in this Cause. The Death of 4
or 5 Persons, the most obscure, and inconsiderable that could have
been found upon the Continent, on the 5th March 1770 has never
yet been forgiven by any Part of America. What then would be the
Consequence of a Battle in which, many Thousands must fall of the
best Blood, the best Families, Fortunes, Abilities and moral Charac¬
ters in the Country?
America, never will Submit to the Claims of Parliament and Ad¬
ministration. New England alone has 200,000 fighting Men. And all
in a Militia, established by Law, not exact Soldiers, but all used to
Arms.2
FC (MHi) .
* James Burgh (1714-75), British academician and political writer, had appar¬
ently sent Adams a set of the first two volumes of his work, Political Disquisitions;
or, an Enquiry into Public Errors, Defects and Abuses . . ., 3 vols. (London: E.
and C. Dilly, 1774-75) .
^ The final section of this document is missing.
December 29, 1774
277
James Duane to Samuel Chase
Dear Sir New Yorke 29t. Decembr 1774
I am greatly obliged to you for communicating so early the impor¬
tant Transactions of your provincial Congress. In the publick Letter
from the New York Committee to your Committee of Correspond¬
ence you will see the Footing on which this delicate Business rests
with Us. The Members of our Assembly live so dispersed that I am a
Stranger to their {political Creed) Feelings at this alarming Crisis,
and the Gentlemen of that House who are in Town seem either not
to have formed decisive Sentiments or to act on the Reserve till they
try the pulses of their Brethren. The time swiftly approaches when
they must declare themselves & take a conclusive part and to you or
our Friend Mr. Johnson I shall faithfully communicate the result of
their deliberations. My Conjectures can give you no useful Informa¬
tion and I am sure they will be readily dispensed with.
The Step you have taken which will be called an Assumption of
the Militia into your own hands is certainly of a very serious nature
and here it produces great Anxiety.^ It is observed that it is the first
publick Act out of the pale of New England which indicates a prepa¬
ration for war & denounces its near Approach; & Men make a wide
distinction between the calm & deliberate Resolutions of Maryland
remote from the Scene of Action, & the Conduct of those who more
immediately engaged in it have their passions roused & their Appre¬
hensions stretched to a painful Pitch of Anxiety. You may be assured
that the seizing 8c dismantling Fort William 8c Mary by the Inhabit¬
ants of New Hampshire 8c removing the Cannon 8c military Stores to
an interior Town in that province occasions far less agitation than the
Issue of your Convention. ^ My principal alarm is that those Meas¬
ures will inflame the Ardor of our Friends in Boston and precipitate
an Attack on the King’s Troops. It is beyond all doubt with me that
this is what is wished for by a vindictive Ministry. In that way they
may hope to subdue us by the Strength of their Arms: whereas if we
coud maintain a pacific and defensive Conduct Success must unques¬
tionably crown our Efforts 8c reward our Fortitude. What have we to
fear but the uncertain issue of War? The Ministry have in my opin¬
ion spent their malice in enacting that cruel project of Shutting up
the port of Boston. But this brings them very little nearer to the Ob¬
ject they aim at than they were at first setting out. They have cut off
its trade 8c greatly oppressed Individuals: but the province is still at
Liberty to pursue its Commerce with the usual vigour and success.
They have Blockaded the Harbour with a Fleet 8c filled the Town
with Troops but the generous Contributions of the Colonies and the
immense Sums diffused by so great an Armament will upon the
whole rescue this devoted people from intolerable Distress.^ Calami-
278
December 29, 1774
tous as is their situation it is in such Events to be preferred to the
Horrors and the uncertain issue of a civil war. The other branches of
ministerial Tyranny must fall of themselves. A new form of Govern¬
ment cannot be imposed without their own Consent. There can be no
Court without Suitors & Jurors: no Legislature without the lower
House. The Authors of this despotic plan may threaten, they may re¬
double their Fleets & Armies & call those of Russia &c, at which I
shoud not be surprized, to their Assistance, but unless we begin the
attack or give them Reasons which will satisfy the world; in declaring
us to be in Rebelion they will not, they dare not shed one drop of
American blood. In the mean time can the people of England suffer
patiently the Loss of their trade & all this accumulated Expence? Will
they not when they feel clamour for a change of Measures? They
will!
Let us but act with wisdom and Temper, avoid the Imputation of
commencing hostilities Sc persevere with Virtue and Fortitude in our
Association and all will yet be well without recurring to the last Ex¬
tremity in which Victory itself however decided must be destructive.
I think you may rely that the Inhabitants of this province will adhere
to the Association with inflexible Integrity. That they will give it all
the Time & opportunity to operate that can be desired; & if pacific
Measures finally prove ineffecutal that they never will surrender up
their Liberties. At the same time as far as my Information extends
they are universally of your opinion that the Right of regulating our
Trade bona fide, as the Basis of an accommodation ought to be ceded
in the most express terms. The Maryland Arguments in which you
had so great a share on this essential point were unanswerable. They
were never attempted to be answered: yet unhappily they produced
no Conviction. Tell me then my dear Sir how a plan of Union is to
be adopted which will be acceptable in every Colony? You have not
I see altered your Opinion; If the Question comes to be proposed to
you in your Legislative Capacity do you think you will? If not is it
reasonable to expect that this Colony will at once recede from what
they have always laid down as a fundamental Principle of their Con¬
stitution. For my part I candidly confess that had this cardinal point
been properly ascertained on a great occasion I shoud have been
much more happy than I am at present. Finding it would not be
yielded in any Terms which could give Satisfaction or even elude
Suspicion, I listend to a certain plan^ which chiefly on that Account
made a deep Impression. I have not yet been fortunate enough to
hear any objections against it which weigh in my Judgment. I ask the
favour of you who were averse to it, & will not determine but on
good Grounds to state them. In the mean time suffer me to explain
the Light in which it strikes me. The plan is calculated to secure to
every Colony its own exclusive internal Legislation & form of Gov-
December 29, 1774
279
eminent; Except in matters which respect Great Britain & the Colo¬
nies jointly, such for instance as War & Commerce. The new Council
were to have no authority; and in all cases the Representatives of the
people were to be vested with a complete negative. Thus far we
shoud secure the first & capital Right of all free subjects; to be bound
by no Laws without their prior Consent. But why it is said ought the
parliament of England to participate in this great Council? I conceive
for two Reasons, first that there may be but one supreme head in the
State to conduct Events which regard the whole Empire &: upon
which its very Existence may depend, secondly because it is just that
Great Britain shoud be guarded against all attempts of the Sovereign
to unite with one part of the Empire, which must seem to [be'] the
most important, to oppress or injure her. It has been objected that
this Plan by introducing these additional Assemblies is repugnant to
the Constitution. I answer that Colonization is a new Case unprovid¬
ed for by the Constitution: & it is therefore necessary to remedy the
Defect by a new system founded on general principles of Liberty. It
is further objectd that it is highly dangerous Sc by giving [. . .]®
may be exposed to corruption; to this it is answered that our Assem¬
blies at present [. . .]® prove that there can be no Society without
Confidence & that the direction of the Council may be so contrived
as effectually to silence the Fears of seduction. You are already mas¬
ter of my sentiments on this plan & I may express my Thoughts with
Freedom but I woud not have you to understand that I think it per¬
fect in its present rude form & much less that I am so fond of it as to
recommend it to our Assembly for Adoption. This however I must
observe that if the right of regulating Trade is to be rejected or pared
away to nothing some Plan of Union must be seriously thought of.
That our different Assemblies will be called upon by Government
for their respective Systems, I make no question: any more than I
doubt that delegates even from our Congress woud have been re¬
spectfully receivd by Government if they would have suggestd any fit
& reasonable Scheme for terminating our unhappy Dissentions amic¬
ably. I entreat you my dear Sir and the other delegates appointed for
your Colony to take this Subject into serious Consideration. If you
cannot approve of something like the above mentioned plan devise
one which you will support. Think in Time of the Conditions of Un¬
ion to which you will accede; &: communicate them with Candour.
This may be of the most important consequence to this Colony & to
the Common Cause. We are among those that are thought most
strongly attached to the parent State; & probably from us will first be
demanded a System of Union. We therefore stand in need of Infor¬
mation; at least we ought to know the Sentiments of some of the Col¬
onies, and I exclusively have my Eye upon those whose politics I
think the most consistent & rational. I am afraid I have tired you
280
December 29, 1774
with this long disquisition but remember that you have twice pressed
me to communicate my thoughts with Freedom, and I am encour¬
aged from a Sense of duty as well as the Expectation of a rich ex¬
change by expecting from you the same fraternal Candour. I am with
great Esteem Dear Sir Your most Obedient Humble Servant
Jas. Duane
FC (NHi) . Tr (NHi) ; in hand of Samuel W. Jones. Tr (NN: Bancroft Collec¬
tion) . Illegible and missing words in FC supplied from the two Trs.
^Delegates to the Maryland Provincial Convention held at Annapolis December
8-12, 1774, had passed a resolution calling upon all inhabitants of the province
between the ages of 16 and 50 to form themselves into militia companies which
were designed to replace Maryland’s traditional militia system and to provide the
revolutionary movement there with reliable military power in the event of an
armed conflict with Great Britain. David Curtis Skaggs, Roots of Maryland Democ¬
racy, n 53-111 6 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, Inc., 1973) , pp. 156-57.
“A large number of Portsmouth inhabitants, prompted by a message from the
Boston Committee of Correspondence reporting the coming of British regulars to
garrison Fort William and Mary, stormed this stockade on December 14, 1774, and
removed approximately 100 barrels of powder from it. The next evening another
crowd broke into the fort and made off with about 60 small arms and 16 pieces of
cannon. Am. Archives, 4th ser. 1:1041^3, 1069-70.
“ Duane wrote the last two sentences in the margin of the FC as a substitute for
his initial, less charitable view of the effect on Boston of the Boston Port Act:
“This in my opinion can have no effective Object on the [. . .] Trade of the province
and it may be questioned whether the Town itself with the Contributions of the
Colonies & the immense Sums diffused by so great a Fleet & Army will upon the
whole be very much impoverished.”
*That is, Galloway’s Plan of Union.
“ FC torn; about six words missing.
® FC torn; about three words missing.
James Duane to Thomas Johnson
My dear Sir New York 29th Decemr 1774
I have Just finished a long Letter to Mr Chase in Answer to one
with which he was pleased to honour me. To avoid Repetition I have
requested him to submit it to your Perusal. Addicted like you to a
close Attention to the Duties of my profession I have ever avoided
both from the want of Inclination & Leisure an active part in politics.
Unhappily for my Repose the alarming state of our publick affairs Sc
the Acts of my Countrymen oblige me at once to plunge into the
midst of a Tempest which I find myself unable to direct. For the As¬
sociation I am under no Concern the universal Acquiescence of the
people having exceeded my most sanguine Expectation. But the ap¬
proaching Session of our General assembly gives me the most painful
Solicitude. The Necessity of maintaining an Union of Sentiment &
Conduct with our Sister Colonies on the one hand & on the other the
December 29, 1774
281
dread of a civil War which I fear they will think sufficient Care has
not been taken to prevent most powerfully operate on their Minds 8c
distract their Councils. 1 tremble for the Event! If they pursue a
Middle path, assume a Resolution to maintain their Rights with For¬
titude and at the same time hold up a plan of Accommodation &: Un¬
ion, they must tread upon Thorns, expose themselves to Suspicion Sc
Distrust 8c perhaps yield up points which their Sister Colonies will not
approve. It is a great Misfortune that altho’ I have carefully watchd
the Temper of the Congress I am myself yet to learn what System
will content a Majority of the Colonies; &: conscientously Declare I
can give them no New precise Information. It seems it was not a
Subject fit to be determin’d by the united Councils of the Colonies &
yet as you Justly remark every Colony will too probably be acted
upon distinctly. Sc reduced to the necessity of declaring the Condi¬
tions on which they will accede to an Union & close this unnatural
Breach which threatens the Empire with a Dissolution.
The people here however misrepresented are sincerely devoted to
the Cause of Liberty. And tho’ they are ungenerously condemned in
other colonies [. . .] they will not suffer the press to be restraind,
nor a decent Freedom of speech to be controled. These Indulgences
in part proceed from a proper sense of Liberty. Under this advantage
It is not difficult for a Man of Observation to discern the General
Opinion on important & popular subjects. It seems to be agreed here
that every pacific &: persuasive Expedient ought to be tried before a
Recourse to Arms can be Justified; and accordingly the petition to
the King as well as the Association are highly approved. Here they
conclude we ought to rest till Time is given for the Operation of
these Solitary Measures on the Success of which they greatly rely. If
we proceed to Extremities the principal Burthen of a War they think
will fall upon New England without any effectual Succor from their
Neighbours 8c they cannot be persuaded that undisciplind 8c destitute
of competent Artilery Ammunition, or Authority to enforce the Acts
of War or [the Means] of defence these Colonies will long be able to
maintain a Conflict with the formidable power of Great Britain. And
if they shoud be subdued all is lost, 8c for an Age we must submit to
the imperious Dictates of our Conquerors.
They at the same time consider our Eastern Neighbours as highly
irritated, impatient under severe and unmerited Sufferings, and so
ready to rush into war that they are constrain’d by no other Consid¬
eration than a Respect to the advice of their Sister Colonies. The En-
terprize of our New Hampshire Friends against Fort William 8c
Mary; the Seizure of the Cannon 8c Ammunition, and their removal
into an interior Town, which some Construe to be repugnant to the
Spirit of that Resolution of the Congress which restrains the Massa¬
chusetts from offering Violence to the King’s property, they conceive
282
December 29, 1774
to be a strong Indication of the Impetuosity of our Eastern Brethren.
They therefore conclude it to be impolitic to inflame their Ardour or
stimulate them to Action by military preparations in other Colonies.
Besides it is apprehended that if such preparations shoud become
general it will afford the ministry an opportunity of representing us
as in a State of actual Hostility and of inciting against Us the pas¬
sions, prejudice & the Vengence & Resentmt of the whole nation,
frustrating all our moderate Councils, and extinguishing every Hope
of Accommodation. These seem to be the prevailing Sentiments of a
people who have engaged in this Contest with unusual Calmness &
Deliberation, and who [. . .] it in all its Stages with a fixd & pensive
Attention. And under such Impressions you will naturally imagine
that they will enter into Measures which may be ascribed to a hostile
and unconciliating Spirit with Caution and Reluctance.
But notwithstanding all I have said you may rest fully assured that
the most tremendous prospect will never intimidate them into mean
Submissions or an unworthy Surrender of an Atom of their Liberties;
however great their Attachment to England & Monarchy, 8c their de¬
sire of peace 8c Tranquillity.
I have endeavored to give you a proof of my Candour and sincere
Intention to encourage that friendly Correspondence which at so im¬
portant a period may be of some Use to the Cause of our Country.
The proceedings of our General Assembly shall be faithfully commu¬
nicated with every Occurrence which may serve to explain the Tem¬
per 8c Views of a Colony whose Situation is upon many Accounts
truly critical. I expect the same Friendship on your part 8c shall study
to deserve it.
Be pleased to accept my Thanks for your obliging favour accom¬
panying the Resolves of your provincial Congress 8c believe me to be
with very great Regard Dear Sir Your most obedient hum Servt
J. D.
FC (NHi) .
Joseph Galloway to Samuel Verplanck?
Dear Sir, Trevois Decembr. 30th 1774
Your obliging Favor of the 17th Instant waited here, untill my Re¬
turn from the Assembly; I shoud have answerd it sooner had not
some particular Engagements which I coud not well postpone, pre¬
vented.
You request that I wou’d give you my “Sentiments occasionally on
the State of our Public Affairs.”^ Did you consider either the Dan¬
ger or the Difficulty of the Task? You did not. The Land you live in.
December 30, 1774
283
where the Times so well described by Tacitus — “when you may think
what you please, and speak what you think,” prevail, affords no
Ground for the Suspicion. But here, I often mourn to see that Coun¬
try which ever since its Settlement has been deemed the first in the
World for virtuous Liberty; where Agriculture, elegant and beneficial
Improvements, Philosophy, and all the liberal Arts and Sciences have
been nursed and ripen’d to a Degree of Perfection astonishing to
Mankind; where Wisdom and sound Policy droping from the Lips of
venerable Sages have ever sustaind their due Authority, kept the li¬
centious in Awe, &: even renderd them Subservient to their own & the
Public Welfare; and where Freedom, Peace and Order have always
equally triumphed over those Enemies to human Happiness, Oppre-
sion and Licentiousness, now governed by the barbarian Rule of am¬
bitious Fools and impolitic Madmen, to whose Fury Candor, Honor,
[and] Virtue are equally liable to fall a Sacrifice. Nor did you Con¬
sider the Difficulty. For while such Scenes of Confusion & Distraction
maintain the Ascendant in America; a lawless Power established in
most of the Colonies, to which the regular Magistracy of the Consti¬
tutional one in some places reluctantly, and in others willingly, sub¬
mit — the invaluable Liberty of the Press destroyd — America arming
in the East and West in Opposition to her Parent State, and that
State sending over Eleets and Troops to support her ancient Authori¬
ty, it seems scarcely in the Power of the wisest of Men to pick out
principles upon which Prudence woud justify him in risquing his
Judgment on Public Affairs. But however these Things may be,
seeing you request it, I will not only now, but occasionally, run the
Hazard, under a Confidence that my Sentiments, however mistaken
or erroneous, will be safe when deposited in the Bosoms of my
Friends.2
Prom a View of all the Facts as well before as since the year 1763,
I have no Doubt but the Dispute between the two Countries is now
near its Crisis, and will be soon settled, more to the Advantage of
both than had it been longer postponed. And whether it be deter¬
mined by Arms or otherwise. Great Britain will never give up her Su¬
preme Authority in any Case or Circumstance whatever. Because a
Surrender of it will be a yielding up the Colonies to themselves, and
casting so many Members out of the Circle of her Jurisdiction, and
consequently depriving herself of the Power of deriving, with any
kind of Certainty, the least Benefit from them; there being, as yet.
Nothing ever invented, in the forms of any Kind of Government,
which can give the State the necessary Command over its Members
but the Legislative Authority. It is this which cements the Whole to¬
gether in one Politic Body, and enables that Body to compell every
Part of it to act in Concert for the general Good. Nor can she, in my
Opinion, upon any good Policy, suffer it to be in the least impaired.
284
December 30, 1774
as that woud be weakening a System, by a division of its principles
and their Operations upon the Preservation of which entire, its whole
Strength materially depends. A Conduct of this kind is therefore so
inconsistant with the Principles of all Governmts, her own Interest
and Welfare, and the Power and Dignity she holds among Nations,
that I have ever thought it, the greatest of all Absurdities in America
to expect it.®
But, it seems, America is of a different Opinion, and beleives, if I
may judge from her Conduct, that G. Britain will yield up the only
Principle of Union which can form them into one State; and she has
accordingly resolved on the Part she will Act. The Language she
hold[s] up to the World is — “That the Colonies are entitled to a jree
and exclusive Power of Legislation in their several Provincial Legis¬
latures, subject only to the Negative of the Crown.” The Parliament
is not even to retain the Power of repealing a Law of the Colonies.
But, out of their mere Grace & Favor, they “Consent to the Opera¬
tion of” [not to the Power of making] “such Acts of Parliament as
are” [not shall be hereafter] “bona fide restrained to the Regulation
of our external Commerce.”^ And yet this is to be done if it be possi¬
ble to do it, which many will doubt, “for the purpose of Securing the
Commercial Advantage of the whole Empire to the Mother Country,
and the Commercial Benefits of its respective Members.” But how
the Commercial Benefits of the whole Empire can be secured to the
Mother Country and at the Same Time to its American Members, I
think will puzzle a Casuist to determine. Here we have American
Claims and Pretensions. Thus the Issue is join’d between the two
Countries — The one asserting her Supremacy in all Cases whatever,
and the other denying it in all. And the Measures, which the latter
seems determind to pursue in Maintenance of her Claims, are al¬
ready carrying into Execution. They are, a Refusal of all Commercial
Connection, and if that should not succeed. Opposition to the Exer¬
cise of Parliamentary Jurisdiction by Arms, if necessary.
When these Facts shall appear, beyond a Doubt, to the grand
Council of the Nation; when they find that the Claims of the Colonies
are evidently the Claims of Independency, will it not strike them with
the most alarming Apprehensions, and in all Probability induce them
to exert their whole Strength to Suppress a Spirit so dangerous to
their future Welfare, if not to their Existence as an independant Na¬
tion, shoud their whole Strength be necessary for the Purpose? That
she will do this, unless some unforeseen Event shall intervene to pre¬
vent it, seems more than probable from her former Conduct, which
has been more firm and uniform than many imagined. Before the last
War G. Britain seemed little acquainted with the Value and Impor¬
tance of America. The Intercourse between them during that Period
opened her Eyes, and placed the Colonies before them in their most
December 30, 1774
285
alluring Forms. And therefore she was determined to preserve an
Object which was of such great Consequence to her, and which she
had retaind at the Expence of so much Blood and Treasure. With
this View G. Britain has maintained, ever since, at her own Expence,
a Military Force in most of the Commercial Cities in America. But it
was not her Design to retain America meerly for the sake of expend¬
ing her own Strength in Protecting her. Her Views were rational and
therefore went farther. They were to add Strength 8c Dignity and a
farther security to the British Empire. And therefore she expected
that the Colonies, as Members of the State, shoud, as they certainly
ought, contribute their just and reasonable Proportion of Aids, to¬
wards those important Ends. She well knew that this was the primary
and essential Duty of every Member of a Society. But having found
from all the Experience which the last War afforded, that the Colo¬
nies neither did, nor were in a Capacity from their Disunion, to com¬
ply with this rational Obligation upon any princple of Justice either
in respect to themselves or the Mother State, the Parliament passed
the Stamp Act. This Act, tis true, was soon after repealed, but that
repeal was occasioned more by the State of Parties at that Time at
Court, than any Alteration of Sentiment in the British Legislature re¬
specting their Right, or to the Measures taken for that Purpose by
America. Of this Truth the Declaratory and sundry other Subsequent
Act[s] are full proof. But shoud any one doubt, after considering
these Proofs of a Resolution in the British Government to maintain
its Legislative Authority over us at all Adventures let him consider
its Conduct in Respect to the Duty on Tea, the Manner of sending
that Commodity to the Colonies for Sale, the Plan 8c firm Measures
Concerted and pursued to enforce the Act — The Boston Port Bill —
the one for the Alteration of their Government — The Act for trial of
American Offenders 8cc and I think they must remove every Doubt
which either Hope or Ignorance or Inattention to the Facts may have
raised.
The Parliament is now sitting — The proceedings of the American
Congress with the Resolves of all the Provincial Congresses and
County Committees are before them. The Spirit of American Inde¬
pendency breathing throughout all of them will be painted in the
strongest oratorial Colours, and the Necessity for vigorous and firm
Measures to subdue it urged with Success, and Supplies granted to
carry them into effectual Execution. Fleets and Troops will cross the
Atlantic early in the Spring: the one to take Care of the Ports and
Coasts the other to secure the Dependency of the Commercial Cities
in America. These purposes effected, the Experience of Ages in¬
forms us that the internal Parts of a Country dependant on Commerce
for its Health, and in many Respects for the Conveniencies and
Comforts of Life cannot hold out long. The Stopage of our Trade,
286
December 30, 1774
which, perhaps will be but a small Part of the Business of those
Fleets 8c Troops will alone throw America into Convulsions insup¬
portable. The Merchant without Trade, the Mechanics without Em¬
ploy, and the Farmer without a Sale for his Produce, will feel a new
Distress and one as intolerable as new. They will then, and not be¬
fore, enquire for themselves into the Cause of their Misfortunes, and
that Enquiry in all Probability will lead them to a Submission. But
shoud the Force of the Mother Country be exerted against us, how
little will all the threatened Opposition of the American Congress
avail? Where are their Fleets or Armies? There are Men, but where
their discipline- — their Veteran Officers, their Arms or Ammunition,
their Money, or their Power to form and enforce the Execution of a
Plan of Opposition to the Valour and Strength of one of the most
Powerful Nations in the World? All the Art, Sophistry and Heroism
of the greatest American Heroes to be found in a late Convention
will not be able to sustain the Shock nor raise the Sinking Spirits of
the deluded People.
This is only a light shaded Picture of the Distress in which, I have
been long apprehensive, the rash and violent Proceedings of the
Short-sighted American Politicians woud involve their Country. I
have therefore opposed them whenever I met them in my Small
sphere of Public Life; and used my utmost Endeavours to prevail on
America to pursue a safer and more rational Conduct. The Plan of
Negotiation wou’d have been, in my Opinion the Plan of Safety; it
woud have led us into the Harbour of Liberty — to a firm 8c solid Es¬
tablishment of our Rights, and to an Union with the Mother State
upon Principles of permanent Freedom. Nor wou’d it have been a
difficult task for the late Congress to have taken this Ground, had
their Principles disposed them to an Union with the British Govern¬
ment. The Materials are always at Hand to a Person acquainted with
the History of the Colonies — their Connection with G. Britain and
the Principles of the English Constitution. The History of the Colo¬
nies afford abundant Proof that they are, and can be considered in
no other Light than Members of the British Government. The Terri¬
tory was discovered by Sebastian Cabot, authorised for that Purpose
by Henry the 7th, Sovereign Trustee of the English State, under the
Great Seal — the Seal of the State — or the Seal of the King Lords and
Commons^ The Intent of the Discovery was to increase the Territo¬
ry, extend the Commerce and add to the Wealth and Power of the
State. The Charters of Settlement have been all granted in the same
Manner under the Authority of the Great Seal and by the subsequent
Kings in their Politic, not private. Capacity, and as the Sovereign
Representative of the politic Body of the whole State. In many of
them the Purposes before mentioned are declared to be the Objects
and Designs of the Grants. There is no Exemption in any of them.
December 30, 1774
287
save one, and that is a partial Exemption from the Legislative Au¬
thority of the Parliament; and had there been such an Exemption in
all of them it woud have been an Excess of the Royal Authority &:
void. The Colonies being thus clearly the Property of the English
Government they have been settled by its Subjects chiefly emigrating
from its Bowels &: owing Allegiance and Obediance to it. During the
Infancy of their Settlement and to this Day they have been fosterd
and Protected under its Guardianship and Power; and have ever Sub¬
mitted to the Legislative Authority as well in Matters of Internal and
external Taxation as internal Police untill the Commencement of the
present Dispute.
This is a just Epitome of Facts too well supported by authentic
Documents and History to be denied. Upon what Reason or Policy
then can the Colonies deny the Authority of the British State, refuse
to be represented in its Parliament, and decline to make Proposals of
some Kind of a Political Union between the two Countries? Surely
upon none. For while we stand upon this Ground the wisest among
us are bewilderd. All the Attempts which have been made by our
greatest Patriots, to settle a Line of Parliamentary Jurisdiction, or to
point out an Existing American Constitution have proved unsatisfac¬
tory and indeed truly ridiculous, and stand opposed by the following
Solemn Truths. That the Territory upon which we are Settled is the
Right and Property of the State whose Jurisdiction we deny. That we
settled under its Licence and Authority. That the great Design of our
Settlement was to increase the Wealth Strength and Dignity of the
Nation. That we have been ever Protected by its Wealth and Power.
That we are truly Members of the Empire and owe Allegiance to its
Supreme Head. And further when we look into the Nature of Civil
Society, and trace the Principles upon which all Governments ever
were established, we find that none ever did, or can in the Nature of
Things, exist, without a Supreme Legislative Authority exercising a
complete and full Jurisdiction over every Member and part of it.
And Yet such is the Folly, may I not say the Frenzy of America that,
in the Face of these glaring Facts and this universally acknowledged
Principle, she seems determined to set up for Herself, plunge into
Rebellion and subject her People to all the Horrors of a civil War, in
which she must be infallibly subdued, rather than Petition for or ne¬
gotiate an Union with Britain, upon Grounds which woud secure to
Her the full Rights and Liberties of a Government which is allowed
by all Authors to be the most excellent in the World for securing the
Happiness of its People.
Here, as a Friend to America, and as a Person interested in her
Welfare and deeply Affected with the Prospect of her Distress, I
condemn the late Measures as untenable ancl altogether insupporta¬
ble. I have ever thought, that a Political Union, between the two
288
December 30, 1774
Countries founded on the Principles of the English Constitution,
which shoud secure, to the Mother State a regular and faithful Dis¬
charge of the reasonable Duties of the Colonies, and to the Colonies
those Antient Rights and that Freedom which their Ancestors enjoyd
in Britain, was what America ought to ask and all she ought to de¬
sire. To obtain this Union is certainly more the Interest of America
than Great Britain.® The latter supported her Dignity as a Nation for
many centuries before America was known, and yet has immense
wealth and Power of her own, and besides is connected with the most
Potent States in Europe, whose Interest it wd. be to Support her were
the Colonies annihilated. But in what situation are the Colonies with¬
out an Union with G. Britain. They are weak in themselves, and
many of them hold an Enemy within their own Bowels ready to de¬
stroy them. With Respect to each other, they are in a perfect State of
Nature, destitute of any Supreme Authority among themselves either
to decide their Disputes, or to compel them to act in Concert for
their Common Safety. Their different Forms of Government — Pro¬
ductions of Soil — and Views of Commerce, their different Religions
— Tempers and private Interests — their Prejudices against, and Jeal¬
ousies of, each other — all have, and ever will, from the Nature and
Reason of things, conspire to create such a Diversity of Interests In¬
clinations, and Decisions, that they never can unite together even for
their own Protection. In this Situation Controversies founded in In¬
terest, Religion or Ambition, will soon embrue their Hands in the
Blood of each other, when the Authority of G. Britain ceases to exist
over them; or they will become an Easy Prey to every foreign Invad¬
er.
You will now enquire how is this Union to be obtained. Since the
Parliament will not hear the Petitions of the Colonies? Great Pains
have been taken to delude the good People of America into a Belief,
that his Majesty and the two Houses of Parliament have refused to
hear the reasonable Petitions of the Subject and with too much
Success.'^ Tis true the Parliament has treated with Neglect perhaps
Contempt, the American Petitions when they Spoke Nothing but the
Language of Independency, when they denied the Authority of the
Supreme Legislature, and a Capacity in the Colonies to be represent¬
ed in Parliament, without proposing any other System of Polity to
bring them within the Circle of Members of the State. Shoud a Child
take Umbrage at the Conduct of a Parent, and deny his Authority
over him, tell him he was not his father nor woud he consider himself
as his Child on any Terms, wou’d the Parent Listen to such undutiful
Language or woud he not immediately exercise his parental Authori¬
ty to bring his Child to Reason & Duty? But let the Americans take
up another Language and Act upon rational Principles and we have
Reason to know that we shall be heard and attended to. Let us in our
December 30, 1774
289
Petitions tell them that we see the Necessity of a Supreme Legislature
over every Member of the State — That we acknowledge, the Colo¬
nies are Members of the British Government. But as by our Settling
and improving a Desart Wilderness we have greatly increased the
Commerce Wealth and Power of the Nation and thereby thrown
Ourselves out of the Circle of the Liberties of that Government, we
ought in all Equity to be restored to them. That the English Govern¬
ment is founded in Freedom — That this Freedom depends on its par¬
ticular Constitution, in which it is and ever was essential and funda¬
mental, that the Landed Interest, or the Freeholders of every Part of
its Territory shoud be represented in and participate the Supreme
Legislative Authority. That this Priviledge it is alone, which distin¬
guishes British Subjects from the Slaves of the most despotic Govern¬
ments. And therefore that we most ardently desire to be restored to
this invaluable Right and all other Priviledges of the British State,
upon such Grounds as best suit our local Circumstances. A Petition
of this kind, so reasonable and just and so well established on the
Principles of their own Government, attended with such a Plan of
Union as shoud be wisely digested, and carried to the Parliament by
one or more Delegates of each Colony must have been heard and at¬
tended to; must have divided the Nation in our Favor, created us in¬
numerable Friends, by whose Weight and Influence and the Recti¬
tude of our Cause we shoud have obtained a full Redress of our
Grievances and a permanent System of Union with the Mother State
upon Principles of Liberty and Safety.
Had this Controversy been of the first Impression, I shoud not be
surprized to find the American Politician so much at a Loss for Facts
and Principles so often changing their Ground and so bewildered in
all their Arguments.® But as the Case of America and the dispute
thence arising is not Novel in the English Government, I confess I
know not whether to attribute the Incertainty — the Fickleness of
their Conduct to a total Ignorance of the Merits, or to a Design of
throwing: off all Political Connections with the Mother State. Howev-
er this may be, it is most certain that Precedents of the like Dispute
and the Remedy by which they were happily reconciled are not want¬
ing. The Principality of Wales, the Palatine of Chester, and the Bish-
oprick of Durham labourd under the like Grievances and were for
many Years bound by the Authority of Parliament without being
there represented. Great Discord and Sedition flowed from this slav¬
ish Distinction between the Subjects of the same State. The injured
Inhabitants of those Districts severally and at distant Periods pursued
for their Relief the same Remedy I have before pointed out. The Eq¬
uity and Justice of their Claims and their Right to participate the su¬
preme Power which held an universal Controul over their Conduct,
and Authority to bind them in Matters of so much Importance as
290
December 30, 1774
Life Liberty 8c property were so irresistably solid, that they became
upon their several Petitions vested with all the Rights 8c Liberties of
the English Government and particularly with that of a Share in the
Legislative Council. When H. 3. conquered Calais and settled it with
English Subjects; it was held so inconsistent with English Freedom
that the Legislative Authority shoud extend to a Member of the State
which held no Share in it, that they were incorporated in the British
Government and vested with the same great and important Privi-
ledge. These apposite Precedents, affording such solid Grounds of
lasting Redress before the Eyes of the the American Politician, what
Infatuation coud possess them not to pursue them with such variation
as best suited the local Circumstances of their Country? However this
is not done. And I fear we have foolishly and wantonly lost the only
Opportunity Providence will ever lay before us. The fatal Declara¬
tion of Independency and the Manifestoes containing the frantic Res¬
olutions of maintaining it by Arms are gone forth, and even sounded
in the Ears of the British Lion. He is before this Time roused — and
unless the Mercy Sc Nobility of his Nature shoud mingle Liberty with
his Power, into what ineffable Misery and Distress must America be
involved.
Thus I have, in Haste given you my Sentiments in the Abstract.
Shoud they in any Degree contribute to your Amusement or that of
any of our Friends it will give me Pleasure.
Beleive me, always, with unfeigned Esteem, Dear Sir, your obliged
and most Obedient Servant Jos. Galloway
RC (NHi).
^ In a letter to Samuel Verplanck of January 14, 1775, Galloway mentioned his
recent “letter on Public Affairs.” On a trip to New York in November, apparently
undertaken to test sentiment in support of his plan of union, Galloway had visited
Verplanck. Subsequently the two men exchanged a series of letters which spanned
the period December 7, 1774-August 17, 1775. This letter is probably Galloway’s
second of that series. “Some Letters of Joseph Galloway, 1774-1775,” PMHB, 21
(1897) : 477-84.
^ Shortly after he wrote this letter, Galloway began composing a pamphlet which
James Rivington published at the end of February 1775. The substance of this
paragraph to Verplanck is repeated and elaborated in his opening paragraph of A
Candid Examination of the Mutual Claims of Great-Britain, and the Colonies:
with a Plan of Accommodation, on Constitutional Principles (New York: James
Rivington, 1775) .
® Galloway’s discussion of the “supreme legislative authority” begins on page 4
of his Candid Examination.
* Brackets in the MS.
®See pp. lift of Candid Examination for an elaboration of this point.
•’ Galloway developed this subject in pp. 43-48 of his Candid Examination.
’’ On this point, see pp. 49-50 of Galloway’s Candid Examination.
® The substance of this paragraph was repeated in pp. 58-59 of his Candid Exami¬
nation.
January 2, 1775
291
Silas Deane to Patrick Henry
Wethersfield in Connecticut, January 2d, 1775. Nothing has been
heard to predict the fate of Boston or the disposition of the North
Ministry. Boston is firm; the New England militia prepared. The
Governor has received orders to seize arms imported into
Connecticut.! “We have received an acc[oun]t of a severe Battle
fought on the Banks of the Ohio between your people and the
Indians. ... A Number of Inhabitants from this Colony would ad¬
venture on a Settlement on the Ohio if properly informed and en¬
couraged.” Discusses western lands at length.
“Returning to Politics, you will see that the Massachusetts, New
Hampshire, Rhode Island, Connecticut, have reappointed their Dele¬
gates for May, with the addition of some others to their Number.”
Sends papers pertaining to the early New England charters, and dis¬
cusses the New England Confederation, 1643-85. “I need not men¬
tion to you what would have been the Consequences had this Con¬
federation have continued untill now, and the other Colonies early
acceded to it — it is not too late to form such an one that will suit Our
present Circumstances & which being varied as future Contingences
arise may last forever. Something of this kind appears most absolute¬
ly necessary, let Us turn which way We will. If a reconciliation with
G Britain takes place, it will be obtained on the best terms, by the
Colonies being united, and be the more like to be preserved, on just
and equal Terms; if no reconciliation is to be had without a Confed¬
eration We are ruined to all intents and purposes. United We stand,
divided We fall, is our motto and must be. One general Congress has
brought the Colonies to be acquainted with each other, and I am in
hopes another may effect a lasting Confederation which will need
nothing, perhaps, but time, to mature it into a complete & perfect
American Constitution, the only proper one for Us, whether connect¬
ed with Great Britain, or Not. A Sketch of this I likewise send you
with the papers mentioned before.”
Describes “the method of settling and governing” in New England.
“If you are near Col. Bland, I pray you the favor, to obtain of him,
and send me” several papers on early Virginia history which he “was
kind enough to offer Me.” “There is No such thing as procuring a
good History of Virginia in this Colony; I shall be greatly obliged to
You to send Me the most Authentic extant, and in return will favor
you with the History of New England in general, but of Connecticut
in particular, which will be soon sent to the press. ... I shall for¬
ward this packet to Mr. Mifflin, to whom I have wrote, to send it by
some private, but Trusty hand, to Virginia. To his Care, please to di¬
rect your Answer, unless some more direct conveyance offer. 1 ought
perhaps to mention, that We returned during the sitting of our Gen-
579-852 0 - 77 - 21 Vol. 1
292
January 2, 1775
eral Assembly, who most Unanimously approved of the doings of the
Congress, and recommended the Association to the strict observance
of the Inhabitants, who universally and without hesitation have de¬
termined to abide thereby. Please to present my compliments to the
Gentlemen with whom I had the happiness of being acquainted in
Congress, if you see them.”
MS not found; abstracted from NYHS Collections 19 (1887) : 33-42.
^ Dartmouth’s circular letter to the governors, October 19, 1774, is printed in
Am. Archives, 4th ser. 1:881.
Samuel Adams to William and Thomas Bradford
Gentlemen Boston Jan. 7 1775
I have lately receivd your^ favor of the 6 Deer by the Post, advis¬
ing me of your having shipped to my Care on board the Captains
Glover and Johnson two boxes containing in the whole 350 Journals
of Congress. I have since been informd that they are arrivd in Salem,
and expect daily to receive them. I shall observe your Directions to
dispose of one to each of the Gentlemen you have mentiond, and
make the best 8c most speedy Sale of the others.
I am with due Regard Gentlemen Your humble servt.
Sami Adams
RC (DLC) . Printed facsimile.
^William Bradford (1721/22-1791) and Thomas Bradford (1745-1838) were a
father and son team of Philadelphia printers and publishers of the Pennsylvania
Journal; and the Weekly Advertiser. DAB.
South Carolina Delegates’ Report to the
South Carolina Provincial Congress
[Charlestown, January 11, 1775]
Our Delegates from Congress being present, the proceedings of
that body at Philadelphia were taken into consideration; and many
questions were proposed to them relative to various parts of the pro¬
ceedings; to which, answers and explanations were given by them.
One of the most important of these was, why, at a time when a num¬
ber of gentlemen were sent to Congress, from all parts of America,
for the express purpose of considering and stating the American
grievances; and for devising the proper means, of redressing them;
why, did they limit their researches to the year 1763; and not trace
back, as could easily have been done, the many aggressions which
January 11, 1775
293
had been committed by Great Britain upon her infant Colonies; in
the jealousies, monopolies, and prohibitions, with which she was so
prodigal towards them; for the express purpose of depressing their
population — confining their trade — and crippling their attempts, at
even the most domestic and necessary manufactures? To this it was
answered, that our Delegates were willing to have stated all the griev¬
ances, as were the greater part of the other Delegates; but the people
of Virginia would not retrospect farther back, than 1763, being limit¬
ed in their powersd And, although they did not avow the reason;
yet, it was privately declared, it had been agreed upon at home, not
to go beyond that year, as thereby, the greater odium would be
thrown upon the reign of George III — which was so fatal to the
peace of America. The Delegates farther answered, it was then
pressed in Congress, that the other Colonies should, in this measure,
act independently of Virginia; but Maryland and North-Carolina
represented, that as their exports were similar to those of Virginia,
so, they could not with any advantage to the common cause act inde¬
pendently of her; for, their own commodities would be carried to the
Virginian ports; which, would run away with all their trade. And,
that in this manner, was the measure of stating all the grievances, de¬
feated.
The articles of association determined upon by Congress, and rec¬
ommended to the Provincial Conventions and Congresses to be car¬
ried into execution, now came on to be considered: and the four last
words of the fourth article of that instrument, (“except rice to
Europe,”) gave room for a long and a violent debate. This exception
had created an alarming disunion, throughout the whole Colony; in
consequence of which, the Representatives had met, with jealous
feelings on the subject; as by that article of the Association, it was
contracted that, after the 10th day of September 1775, America “will
not directly or indirectly export any merchandize or commodity
whatsoever, to Great Britain, Ireland, or the West Indies, except rice
to Europe.” This exception had given so general a disgust, that the
whole interior of the province, considered their interests as sacrificed
to the emolument of the rice planters; and, accordingly, a motion was
made and seconded “that the Delegates to be elected, use their ut¬
most endeavours at the ensuing Congress at Philadelphia to cause
those words to be expunged.”^
Mr. Gadsden, then rose, and explained to the Congress, what had
taken place in the Continental Congress, during the passage of the
obnoxious exception. He said he thought it was his duty to declare,
he had not any hand in causing those words to stand in the instru¬
ment of association — that, they had well nigh occasioned a division
in Congress. And, so ill was a proposition of that nature received,
that it had occasioned a cessation from business for several days; in
294
January 11, 1775
order to give our deputies time, to recollect themselves. That when
the association was completing, and the members of Congress were
signing that instrument, all our Deputies, but himself, withdrew. That
he would have been glad of the honour, of signing his name alone,
and for doing so, would have trusted to the generosity of his constitu¬
ents. That he had offered to do so: and, that Carolina was on the
point of being excluded the association, when our Deputies being
again summoned by the Secretary, they returned into Congress,
yielding up the article of indigo: and that Congress only for the sake
of preserving the union of America, allowed the article rice to be
added to the association. That this however, was illy received by the
other Colonies, who had thence, become jealous of the rice Colonies:
and therefore, it was his opinion, that for the common good, as well
as our own honour, we ought to remove this as soon as possible, by
having the words “except rice to Europe” struck out, of the fourth
article of the association.
Mr. John Rutledge now undertook his own defence, and that of
his three associates. He said, that at an early period he and the other
Delegates from this Colony had warmly pressed an immediate non¬
importation, and total non-exportation. That, as a non-exportation to
Great Britain and Ireland, was to withhold from thence, the advan¬
tages their people might acquire from a receipt of American com¬
modities; so, the end would be more surely effected, by retaining
those commodities altogether in America. Such measures however,
could not be effected; the Northern Colonies resolving to remit to
England, as usual, to pay their debts by the circuitous mode of their
flour and fish trade to the rest of Europe. In short, the commodities
they usually sent to the mother country were but trifling; and their
real trade, would be but little affected by the association. For in¬
stance, Philadelphia carried on a trade of export, to the amount of
£700,000 Sterling; whereas, scarce £50,000 value of it, went to
the market of the mother country. That, as it was evident, those Col¬
onies were less intent to annoy the mother country in the article of
trade, than to preserve their own trade: so, he thought it was but jus¬
tice to his constituents, to preserve to them their trade, as entire as
possible. That, as the Northern trade would be but little affected by
the association, he saw no reason why ours should be almost ruined;
for, nearly all our indigo, and two thirds of our rice, went to the ports
of the mother country. That, if we must bear burdens in the cause of
America, they ought to be as equally laid as possible. Upon the
whole, he said the affair seemed rather like a commercial scheme,
among the flour Colonies, to find a better vent for their flour through
the British Channel; by preventing, if possible, any rice from being
sent to those markets: and, that for his part, he could never consent
to our becoming dupes to the people of the north; or, in the least, to
January 14, 1775
295
yield to their unreasonable expectations. That, as by the association,
the rice planters preserved their property; so it had been the idea of
the Delegates at the Congress, that they should make compensation
to the indigo planters, who could not send their crops to the mother
country. Such a plan, was just, and practicable; and it ought to be the
subject of our debate — rather than expunging the means of exporting
a great part of our annual crop; and therewith, supplying ourselves
with those necessaries we might require.'*
MS not found; reprinted from John Drayton, ed., Memoirs of the American
Revolution . . ., 2 vols. (Charleston, S. C.t A. E. Miller, 1821) , 1:167-71.
^ On this point, see Samuel Ward to John Dickinson, December 14, 1774, note 3.
^ Not only did the Provincial Congress fail to adopt this motion, but on January
12 it defeated, by a vote of 87 to 75, the motion by Christopher Gadsden,
mentioned in the next paragraph, to approve the association only after deleting
from it the provision exempting rice from the nonexportation agreement. Drayton,
Memoirs of the American Revolution, 1:172-73.
® The Provincial Congress approved Rutledge’s suggestion for a compensation
plan but extended it to include— in addition to indigo growers— producers of hemp,
corn, flour, lumber, pork, and butter. Drayton, Memoirs of the American Revolu¬
tion, 1:173-76; William Edwin Hemphill and Wylma Anne Wates, eds.. Extracts
from the Journals of the Provincial Congresses of South Carolina, 1775-1776 (Co¬
lumbia, S. C.: State Commercial Printing Co., 1960) , pp. 24—26.
Joseph Galloway to Samuel Verplanck
Dear Sir; Trevose, Jan. 14 1774 {i.e., 1775]
I had wrote all but the last Page of the letter on Public Affairs,^
on the Day of the Date, intending to finish it the next morning, when
I was prevented by an accident which entirely disabled me from us¬
ing my right Thumb, otherwise you shcl have heard from me sooner.
You say, “you do not altogether acquiesce with . . . explicit ap¬
probation our Assembly have given to the Proceedings of the Con¬
gress.” In this you do not much differ in opinion from me, as I total¬
ly disagree with them in all, and think they have not taken one foot
of that ground which they should have taken. When I went to the As¬
sembly and found they had approved of the measures of the Con¬
gress so fully, and had appointed me one of the Delegates at the next,
I very explicitly told them, that I entirely disapproved of them.^ I did
so in Congress and continued yet of the same opinion and that I
might not appear to undertake the Execution of measures which my
judgement and conscience disapproved I could not serve them as a
Delegate at the ensuing Congress. And yet I could not prevail in
persuading them to a new appointment in my stead.
The conduct of this Assembly in this Respect has given great un¬
easiness to many. The men of Property begin to think &: speak their
296
January 14, 1775
Sentiments, and I hope will in a little time take that Lead which their
Consequence entitle them to. But I conclude this will not be the case
until the measures of Parliament are known, and they can hope to be
protected in their upright conduct.
A Committee has been appointed for this County by a few warm
People of neither Property or significance among us. But I think they
have found it so contrary to the sense of the Country that they will
not attend the Provincial Congress. The design of their Meeting to
prevail on the People to Appoint in the several Townships Military
officers, raise companies, and prepare for opposing with Arms the
British Forces.
Mrs & Miss Galloway unite with me in our best Compliments to
Mrs. Verplanck. Mrs. Galloway enjoins me not to forget as I did in
my last to request Mrs. Verplanck to propose her compliments to
Mrs. Ludlow, and return her grateful thanks for the very acceptable
and plentiful present of Roots. Miss Galloway has received the
gloves, with which she is extremely pleased, particularly with the work
on the Back, for which she is much obliged to Mrs. Verplanck. The
china is arrived safe.
I am Dr Sir with great Truth 8c Esteem Your obliged 8c Obedt Sevt
J. Galloway.
P.S. What are your Assembly abouti I hope they will not follow the
mad President [precedent?] of Pennsla.
MS not found; reprinted from PMHB 21 (1897) : 477-78.
^ See Joseph Galloway to Samuel Verplanck, December 30, 1774.
*The Pennsylvania Assembly, which was in session December 8-24, 1774, ap¬
proved the proceedings of the Continental Congress on December 10. Since Gallo¬
way did not take his seat until the 13th, he had not participated in the debate on
the consideration of the proceedings. From December 22 to 24, the assembly
debated instructions for the delegates elected to attend the Second Congress in May
1775, but final action on the instructions was postponed to the February 1775
session. Pa. Archives, 8th ser. 8:7160^80.
John Adams to a Friend in London
January 21, 1775
You have no doubt, long before this time, heard the particulars of
the General Congress, and that the court and the country have di¬
gested their thoughts upon them, if not adopted their consequent plans
of conduct.^ God grant that the nation and parliament may tliink fa¬
vourably of them, and grant the prayer of our petition to the King.
Britain and America are made to be friends; and it is the most unnat¬
ural, detestable quarrel between them that ever happened in the
world. Britons and Americans may write or say what will, but this
January 21, 1775
297
quarrel never will and never can be made up, but by restoring us to
the state we were in, in 1763. It is as certain as that London or Bos¬
ton exist, that no other plan or scheme of policy that ever can be in¬
vented will keep the two countries together, but that which nature
dictated, and which experience found useful for 150 years. It is in
vain, it is delirium, it is frenzy to think of dragooning three millions
of English people out of their liberties, at the distance of 3000 miles.
It is still more extravagantly wild for a nation to think of doing it,
when itself is sinking down into a bottomless gulph of debt, in order
to make the conquered lift her out of it.
The Congress have drawn a line by the banks of the ocean. They
have claimed their own exclusive jurisdiction in all interior concerns,
and in all cases of taxation. They have left to Great Britain the ex¬
clusive sovereignty of the ocean, and over their trade. They have
placed both upon constitutional principles; and if Britons are not
content with all we have but our liberty, we say as the corporation of
London said to the King in 1770, “We call God and men to witness,
that as we do not owe our liberty to those nice and subtle distinctions
which pensions and lucrative employments have invented, so neither
will we be deprived of it by them; but as it was gained by the stern
virtue of our ancestors, by the virtue of their descendants it shall be
preserved.”
The Congress consisted of the representatives of twelve colonies. ^
Three millions of free white people were there represented. Many of
the members were gentlemen of ample fortunes and eminent abilities.
Neither corruption nor intrigue had any share, I believe, in their
elections to this service, and in their proceedings you may see the
sense, the temper and principles of America, and which she will sup¬
port and defend, ever by force of arms, if no other means will do.
The state of this province is a great curiosity: I wish the pen of
some able historian may transmit it to posterity. Four hundred thou¬
sand people are in a state of nature, and yet as still and peaceable at
present as ever they were when government was in full vigour. We
have neither legislators nor magistrates, nor executive officers. We
have no officers but military ones. Of these we have a multitude cho¬
sen by the people, and exercising them with more authority and spirit
than ever any did who had commissions from a Governor.
The town of Boston is a spectacle worthy of the attention of a dei¬
ty, suffering amazing distress, yet determined to endure as much as
human nature can, rather than betray America and posterity. Gener¬
al Gage’s army is sickly, and extremely addicted to desertion. What
would they be if things were brought to extremities? Do you think
such an army would march through our woods and thickets and
country villages to cut the throats of honest people contending for
liberty?
298
January 21, 1775
The neighbouring colonies of New Hampshire, Rhode Island, and
Connecticut, are arming and training themselves with great spirit,
and if they must be driven to the last appeal, devoutly praying for the
protection of heaven.
There is a spirit prevailing here, such as I never saw before. I re¬
member the conquest of Louisburg in 1745; I remember the spirit
here when the Duke d’Anville’s squadron was upon this coast, when
forty thousand men marched down to Boston, and were mustered
and numbered upon the common, compleat in arms, from this prov¬
ince only in three weeks; but I remember nothing like what I have
seen these six months past.
MS not found; reprinted from The Remembrancer, or Impartial Repository of
Public Events, 17 vols. (London: J. Almon, 1775-84) , 1:10-11. Published by Almon
under the caption “A Letter from a Gentleman in the Province of Massachusetts,
to his Friend in London,” but identified as the work of John Adams when
translated into Dutch and reprinted in John Adams, Geschiedenis van het Geschil
tusschen Groot-Britannie en Amerika, zedert deszelfs Oorsprong, in den Jaare 1754,
tot op den Tegen-Woor digen Tijd (Amsterdam: W. Holtrop, 1782) , pp. viii,
145-50.
^The recipient of this letter has not been identified. Adams’ correspondents in
England included a number of political liberals such as the writer James Burgh
and publisher Edward Dilly (1732-79). This letter was published in Almon s
Remembrancer with a second letter dated February 10, 1775, both of which may
have been written to the same person, and may well have been composed with an
eye to publication.
® Georgia was not represented until the Second Continental Congress met in May
1775, when Lyman Hall arrived as a delegate from St. John’s Parish.
Thomas Johnson, Jr., to Samuel Purviance, Jr.
Dr. Sr. Annapo 23 Jany 1775.
I do not know who besides Mr Cushing I could with any propriety
write to. I have however not forborn writing to others from a meer
point of Delecasy but because if a Letter from me can weigh a single
Grain I am almost sure Mr Cushing will candidly show it, let him be
of what Sentim[en]t he may himself, though I am apt to believe
you^ and he and I could very nearly say our political prayers togeth¬
er. I dare say if J Dickenson knows any Thing of choosing a Govr. is
in Agitation he has already wrote his Sentimts. If not a single Line
from you will I dare say induce both him 8c Mr. Mifflin to write but I
question not only whether Ltrs from any of us may not be too late
but also whether there may not be such an Alteration of Circum¬
stances as to make letters even prudent; if Intelligence from England is
any way favourable I don’t imagine that the Quest [io]n will be
strained at all in their Congress, but if the Resolu [tion] s of pari.
January 23, 1775
299
cutt off all Hope of a peaceable Settlemt. & they shd. be advised of
them as they [are] expected by Febry. you may depend on it the N
E people will try their Strength even were they sure to go alone and
will endeavr. if possible to get rid of the Troops now at Boston be¬
fore they can be joined by any more. They will you may be sure re¬
sume and endeavour to settle an internal Governmt. to collect and
draw their Strength to a point which will be most essentially neces¬
sary in Case of any Misfortune or Disappoint [ment] in the Outset.
You will be pleased to peruse the Ltr I write to Mr. Cushing and if
my Sentimts. correspond with yours seal and forward it. We now
stand on a very ticklish point of Time. I really wish every Thing
could be kept just moving till we hear from thence 8c that if the least
prospect of Accomod[atio]n opens we may prudently cultivate 8c im¬
prove the Occasion. But if no Hope is left our own Resolutions ought
to be ready formed in our own Minds. It will be a great Question
whether we shall resolve to continue the present Appearances of
Governmt. which indeed is not strong enough to protect agt. Violence
and is only treated with Respect from principle by those from whom
Violences need not be apprehended 8c which must necessarily be a
Clogg in our Motions so long as it continues, or whether a real sub¬
stantial active Governmt. coinciding with the Views of America shall
be established by Consent. I need not observe to you that the free¬
dom with which 1 write to you claims your utmost Discretion and the
Subject your mature Thoughts. No Man in the British Dominions
more passionately wishes for a Reconciliation than myself but if the
terms are so hard as Slavery to America I have formed my Resolu¬
tion and am clear for employing every Means of Self Defence. If the
Report is true that 10 or even 4,000 Men more are to be sent to Bos¬
ton I do not know that we ought if we could to stay the Hands of the
N E people till their Arrival. The Season of the Year may afford an
Oppty that if lost may be lost forever. 1 am sure if they must fight it
out I cannot blame them for taking every Advantage, and the Time
appointed for their Convention with what 1 have collected of the
Dispo[sition] of the people pretty well explain to me their Inten¬
tions. I heard some Time since of the Appointmt of field Officers. I
am very sorry to understand that Ammunition is wanting. I wish
some of the Ingenious amongst you would bestow some Thoughts
and Experiments on Salt Petre 8c Sulphur. I have little Doubt but
that we might supply ourselves amply with both.
You judged right that I had Nothing to do with the cursed Hand
Bills.2 The ill timed Resolution here has done us a real Disservice. I
as well as many others are greatly embarrassed by it. I cannot exe¬
cute a Measure so flatly agt. my best informed Opinion 8c am sure a
pursuit of it will throw us into Divisions which we shall not be able to
erase within Ourselves. S[amuel] C[hase] went alone in it not only
300
January 23, 1775
witht. any of the Comee except M[atthias] Hammond^ that I know
of but the Sentiment was expressly disapproved by several of us. I do
not know any more likely Way to put the people on thinking than for
several of us to withdraw from the Commee which I believe we shall
do. They will at first Beware but I am in Hopes it will make them a
little more cautious. This Humour of serving people will if not
checked Spread itself so as to be very inconvenient. I learn from
Fred [eric] k that small parties of unthinking Men are forcing others
to enrol who are principled agt. bearing Arms. The people at large
are not a Body fit for Deliberation, they are gen[era]lly carried away
with a warmth of Zeal that overleaps sedate Sc wise policy. Several
with us will not subscribe meerly because of the Threat & some who
very freely subscribed declare they will not pay their Money for the
same Reason; had it not been for this unlucky flight I beleive we shd.
have raised our Money witht. difficulty. As it is I am afraid we shall
not. Genl. Lees Observations^ will soon be printed but he esteems
the manual Exercise^ of very little Consequence he does not even
touch upon it: his chief view is to prove the best Line of Fire consists
only of two deep and Major Gates is fully in Sentimt with him & to
give the simplest and easiest Directions for forming a Line of Impres¬
sion or Resistance of 4, 6, or 8 Deep. It has been delayed so long to
get a plate cut. We go on with good Spirit in our Compys. We have
but two in Town. We have some surplus men but not eno. if every
Body would enrol to make up a third Compy. A good many perform
the manual Exercise, which is done with us in the prussian Manner &
differs but little from yours, with dexterity. The Country people of
our County show an unexpected forwardness.
I am satisfied you will make all the allowance you ought for my ta¬
citurnity but I am really ashamed that you have so much Cause of
Complaint against me for intire Silence. When I write you at all I
leave Nothing behind which I think worth mentioning.
I am Sr. Your Affect, hble Servt. Th Johnson Junr
[P.S.] You will Notice that I have not stated the Matter fully to Mr
Cushing but left it as if nothing had been yet moved in the Conven¬
tion. I think any Argumt. from my Ltr will be the stronger.
RC (Herbert Klingelhofer, Bethesda, Md., 1974) .
^ Samuel Purviance, Jr. (1728-88?) , Baltimore merchant and revolutionary lead¬
er, subsequently became chairman of the Baltimore Committee of Observation.
David C. Skaggs, Roots of Maryland Democracy, 1753-1776 (Westport, Conn.:
Greenwood Press, 1973) , pp. 133-34, 152.
^ These handbills, which were widely denounced, consisted of the printed pro¬
ceedings of a January 16, 1775, meeting in Annapolis of the inhabitants of Anne
Arundel County. The most objectionable feature of the proceedings was a resolu¬
tion authorizing the local committee of observation to collect contributions for the
purchase of arms and ammunition and publicly to brand as enemies to America
those who refused to contribute. Am. Archives, 4th ser. 1:1140-41.
January 26, 1775
301
^ Matthias Hammond (1740-86) , Maryland planter and lawyer, was, like Samuel
Chase and Johnson himself, a member of the Anne Arundel Committee of Observ¬
ation. Am. Archives, 4th ser. 1:1140; and Skaggs, Roots of Maryland Democracy,
pp. 120-21.
* Charles Lee, whose sympathy for the American cause brought him to Philadel¬
phia during the meeting of the First Continental Congress and subsequently led to
his appointment as a major general in the Continental Army, was working at this
time on a plan for the organization of an American army. Lee completed his plan
in February 1775, but there is no evidence that it was printed. John R. Alden,
General Charles Lee: Traitor or Patriot? (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State Universi¬
ty Press, 1951) , pp. 61, 320n50.
°That is, Edward Harvey, The Manual Exercise as Ordered by his Majesty in
1764 . . . (Boston: T. and J. Fleet, 1774) .
Thomas Johnson, Jr., to George Washington
Annapo\lis] , 24 Jany 1775. Has received “by Mr. Stewart” two
letters from Washington dated January 20, 1775, which apparently
dealt with plans for improving the navigability of the Potomac, and
discussed them with "Mr. Ballendine.” Promises to use his influence
to convince the Maryland Assembly “to get a Bill passed here similar
to yours [i.e._, Virginia’sy’ concerning the navigation of the
Potomac.i Concludes: “Genl Lees plan has been delayed some Time
for a plate. I am told it is now nearly done & I hope to have the
pleasure of sending you some Copies soon. There has been more
Alacrity shewn by our people than I expected but we are but illy pre¬
pared with Arms &c. I am apprehensive that the Vigilance of the
Govt, at Home will make it necessary for us to turn our Thoughts to¬
wards an internal Supply of Materials.”
RC (DLC).
^ Johnson was referring here to a statute passed by the Virginia House of
Burgesses in 1772 which made provision for the "opening, and extending the
Navigation of Potomack from the Tide Water, to Fort Cumberland,” but could not
be implemented until after the Maryland Assembly had approved a similar meas¬
ure. Washington, Writings (Fitzpatrick) , 3:81.
John Dickinson to Thomas Cushing
Dear Sir, Fairhill January 26th 1775
I have lately been inform’d, that a considerable part of your Prov¬
ince, are determined to resume the old Charter, and chuse a Gover¬
nor &c.
This Intelligence has given Me inexpressible Pain of Mind, as it
has in my Opinion an evident Tendency to break the present Harmo¬
ny of the Colonies, and to strike dumb our Friends in England, who
302
January 26, 1775
are strengthening themselves with Accessions of new Favorers of our
Cause, chiefly from the Temper with which our Opposition has been
carried on. Why should a prudent People take a Step so full of the
most dangerous Disunion? Will it add a single Man to our Cause?
Will it not take off many from it? Will it not cool the Affections of
many who are now well dispos’d? I am convinc’d beyond all Doubt,
that it will inevitably produce these Effects.
Some brave and worthy Men among You may with laudable Inten¬
tions in their Design, despise the Sentiments of their Friends in the
other Colonies 8c in England, because they may suppose their Coun¬
try able to resist successfully all the Efforts of Great Britain. But
have they no Compassion for those who may by such a Resolution be
involv’d in the Calamities of War? And will not such a Provocation
in all human probability lead to that Event?
I implore You, my dear Sir, in the Name of Almighty God to dis¬
courage by all the Means in your Power, this, not only useless, but
pernicious Scheme. Our Province cannot yet bear the Thoughts of
arming for Eear of Dissensions. The Execution of the Design agitated
among You, will have Effects, the Extent of which cannot be calcu¬
lated. I beseech You to prevent any fresh Fuel from being thrown
into a Fire already sufficiently raging. I am. Dear Sir, your truly af¬
fectionate Friend John Dickinson
RC (PRO: C. O. 5, 118) .
John Dickinson to Samuel Ward
Dear Sir, Fairhill January 29th. 1775
Several Causes have prevented Me from answering as early as I
wishd, your Favour of the last Month,^ for which and the Intelli¬
gence contain’d in it, I am much oblig’d to You.
The Instructions to your Delegates appointed for the next Con¬
gress, appear to me, to be exceedingly proper, and I heartily wish,
every Colony may give as full Authority to her Delegates. On this
Subject, We have some Apprehensions in our Province. A Party who
have considerable Weight in our Assembly, have been greatly
alarm’d at the vote, approving generally the proceedings of the late
Congress, and are determined, if it be possible, to stop all vigorous
proceedings, by prevailing on the Assembly to give very restrictive
Instructions to the Delegates appointed for the next Congress. Our
Assembly meets on the 20th of next Month; and according to the
best Opinion I can form, a good Deal of Delicacy will be requir’d in
managing this Affair.^
Our Provincial Convention has lately been called; and considering
February 4, 1775
303
the peculiar Circumstances of this Province, I heartily wish, their
Meeting had been delayed. You will see their proceedings in the
Paper. Nothing more could be done at this Time, with Prudence. The
great Point, at present, is to keep up the appearance of an unbroken
Harmony in public measures, for fear of encouraging Great Britain
to Hostilities, which, otherwise, she would avoid. When she has made
her Choice, and it proves inimical, I hope every Man of Sense &: Vir¬
tue in America will draw his Sword, without any Regard for the yet
respectable Doctrine of Disunion. May infinite Goodness avert the
occasion; but if that period arrives, I firmly believe, this Province will
by its spirited Exertions merit the Esteem of every honest Colonist.
I am Dear Sir, with great truth, your very affectionate humble
Servant John Dickinson
[P.S.] Please to present my Compliments to your Brother. I shall
be oblig’d to You, Sir, if You will not let any person have a Copy of
this or any other Letter I may trouble You with— or of any Sen¬
tences in it.
RC (PHi) .
^ Although the recipient of this letter is not designated on the document, it
seems clear from its contents that Dickinson is responding to Samuel Ward to John
Dickinson, December 14, 1774. A penciled endorsement, probably dating from the
period when it was purchased by Simon Gratz, reads: “To Hon: Sami Ward.”
“See Edward Biddle to Jonathan Potts, February 25, 1775.
Richard Henry Lee to Samuel Adams
Virginia 4th February 1775. Discusses conditions in Virginia.
Continues: “You have no doubt seen the speech to Parliament, and
from thence may judge what our Ministerial enemies propose for us.
“A letter from London 6th of December says ‘the present inten¬
tion of the Ministry is to declare all meetings and associations in
America illegal and treasonable — To guard the Coast against all
Traffic and Communication with Holland, France, and Spain. To
corrupt N. York, and to employ a military force, chiefly from Cana¬
da if necessary. Having their designs before you, your attention will
be bent to defeat them with all earnestness which the greatest ques¬
tion in the world demands.’
“Added to this, I understand they propose to forfiet and confiscate
all the estates of all those who meet, associate, or combine against
the Commerce of Gt. Britain! Should such Acts pass, will it not be
proper for all America to declare them essentially vile and void, and
that whoever takes or claims any Estate so said to be forfieted, shall
be deemed a public Enemy and that it shall be meretorious in any
304
February 4, 1775
person to put such Claimant to death? This would probably deter,
and defeat the wicked design. I find the Ministerial Manoeuvre of
dissolving the Parliament, has, notwithstanding the timely warning of
Junius, answered their purpose so far as to rest the matter now on
the firmness of our own virtue, or on the general exertion of the peo¬
ple of England. Tho’ the latter should fail us, I hope the former will
be immovable.”
Concludes with plea for news from Massachusetts.
RC (NN) . Richard Henry Lee, The Letters of Richard Henry Lee, ed. James C.
Ballagh, 2 vols. (New York: Macmillan Co., 1911-14) , 1:127-30.
Samuel Chase to James Duane
Dear Sir Annapolis. Febry. 5th. 1775
It is with Pleasure I acknowledge the Receipt of your Letter of
29th December. I am much obliged for your free 8c unreserved Com¬
munication of Sentiment, and would have answered it sooner, if my
absence from this City and several Reasons had not prevented Me.
From an entire & perfect Approbation of the Resolve of the Con¬
gress, that if the late Acts of Parliamt. relative to the Massachusetts
Bay should be attempted to be carried into Execution by force, that
in such Case all America ought to support that Colony in her Oppo¬
sition; From the Declaration by the Congress to the Throne, that our
accumulated Injuries were too severe to be any longer tolerable, 8c
that our Militia would protect Us in Time of Peace; From a Concur¬
rence with the Sentiments expressed to the Inhabitants of Quebec,
that We ^vere resolved never to resign our Rights but with our Lives,
and to the People of G. Britain, that We never would submit to be
Hewers of Wood or Drawers of Water for any Ministry or Nation in
the World; In Compliance with the advice of the Congress, to extend
our Views to the most unhappy Event, 8c to be in all Respects pre¬
pared for every Contingency; From the Consideration of our defence¬
less State, unable to protect Ourselves, or assist our Friends; From a
firm persuasion that a Militia was the proper military force, 8c Arms
and Ammunition the only Means, to defend 8c secure our Liberties;
From a Conviction that to be prepared for a Civil War, is the finest 8c
most effectual Means to prevent one, and for many other Reasons,
our provincial Convention passed the Resolutions, which I enclosed
You in my last Letter.
We must either resist or infamously submit. If We are resolved to
resist, 8c to defend our Liberties at the Risque of our Lives, a military
force 8c Arms and Ammunition are the only Means. To resolve to re¬
sist, without making the necessary Preparations for Resistance, ap-
February 5, 1775
305
pears to Me to be weak, & a Deception to ourselves & our Friends.
I have been for some Time strongly impressed with a Belief, that
the present unhappy Dispute with Great Britain would not wait the
Event of a commercial Opposition, and that she must either give up
the Right of Taxing America, or enforce obedience by the Sword.
Delay must ruin the Minister. Some decisive Mode must be adopted,
& instantly executed, or he must fail. Lord North is too well ac¬
quainted with his Weakness; he must be convinced that the Colonies,
if they adhere to their association, must succeed. If the Question was
to be decided by Justice or Policy, I should not doubt, that our in¬
dubitable Rights would be restored, our Capital Grievances re¬
dressed, and peace and Harmony once more established with the
Mother Country; but when I reflect on the enormous Influence of
The Crown, the System of Corruption introduced as the Art of Gov¬
ernment, The Venality of the Electors (the radical Source of every
other Evil) the open & repeated Violations, by Parliament, of the
Constitution, at Home, The regular, arbitrary System of Colony ad¬
ministration, The several Acts relative to the Massachusetts, The
Quebec Bill, and The Re-election of the Members of the last Parlia¬
ment, I have not the least Dawn of Hope in the Justice, Humanity,
Wisdom or Virtue of the British Nation. I consider them as one of
the most abandon’d & wicked People under the Sun. They openly sell
themselves & their Posterity to their Representatives, who as openly
traffic their Integrety & Honor to The Minister. The Roman Senate
in the Reigns of Claudius Caesar, Domitian or Nero, were not more
servilely wicked, than the present House of Commons. They no long¬
er regard even the Appearance of Virtue. Our Dependance must be
on God & ourselves.
I still retain my Opinion, that the Right of Parliamt. to regulate
our Trade ought to be acknowledged in the most precise and explicit
Terms, and shall deliver the same Sentiment, if called on, in my leg¬
islative Capacity. You are pleased to ask Me, what plan of Union is
to be adopted, or what Conduct an Assembly can pursue, which wod.
be acceptable in every Colony. Your Candor entitles You to an An¬
swer. If our Assembly was called, & those Questions proposed, I
should be very averse to take them into Consideration; I would, if
possible, decline Giving any pointed Answers, & endeavor to refer a
Subject of such Importance & in which all America is so deeply inter¬
ested, to the next Congress. If I could not prevail, I would claim a
free & exclusive power of Legislation, in all Cases of Taxation & in¬
ternal Polity; I would expressly deny a Right in Parliament to make
any Laws to bind the Colonies, except only for the Regulation of
their Trade: The Right bona fide to regulate our Commerce I would
recognize in the most clear and express Terms. Without such Claim
by the Colonists they can neither be free nor happy; without such
306
February 5, 1775
Admission to Parliament they must be independent, 8c, in my Opin¬
ion, Justice and Policy require the Concession. As the power to regu¬
late our Trade would, in many Instances, be ineffectual, without a
Right also to lay Duties for that purpose, I wod. also allow an Impo¬
sition of Duties, on this express Condition, that the Duties so laid
should be collected by the old Officers of the Customs, 8c to be at the
sole Disposal of the provincial assembly, where such Duties^ were
payable. I would demand a Repeal of all Acts of Parliament incon¬
sistent with those Principles, I mean, which any Way interfere with
our internal Polity or impose Taxes. I would engage in Case of War
to raise forces, and grant Supplies, according to our ability.
You seem to have well considered the Arguments for and against
a certain Plan for an American Legislature. Such plan can orily be
necessary to remedy a Defect in the Constitution of the Colonies, to
provide for Cases which respect G. B. 8c the Colonies jointly, and in
which it wod. be dangerous to admit the Parliament to interfere, 8c
for which the provincial Legislatures are not competent. The Cases
which at present occur, are, the Regulation of Trade, and the Grant¬
ing Supplies 8c raising Troops in Case of War. As to the first. The
plan ivod. be unnecessary by an admission of a Right in Parliament,
where I would chuse to lodge it, if I had my Election. The Interests
of the No [r] them 8c Southern Colonies, as to their Trade, from local
8c other Circumstances, would frequently interfere. The Argument,
that Parliament would abuse their Power, has no Weight with Me, 8c
would equally extend to the Vesting of it in any Body. As to the sec¬
ond. It is founded on a Supposition, which I can never adrnit, that
the Colonies would not do their Duty, would not consider their Inter¬
ests as connected with the Welfare 8c prosperity of G. B. 8c would not
provide for their own safety. I am convinced it is only a Pretence by
the Minister, 8c that if a Right to tax America was once given up, We
should hear no more on that Head.
I am greatly alarmed at the Vote of your House of Commons, 8c
am anxious to hear the Result of their proceedings.^
The martial Ardor prevails very generally here. Above 100 Com¬
panies, of 81 Men each, are already formed on the western Shore of
this Province.
Colo. Washington in a Letter of 6th Jany, writes “In this County,
Prince William, Loudoun, Faquier, Berkely, 8c many others round
about them, a noble Ardour prevails. Men are forming themselves
into independent Companies, chusing their officers, arming. Equip¬
ping, 8c training for the worst Event. The last Appeal!
Lord Dunmore prorogued the Assembly of Virginia from 2nd. of
this Month, to May, but I hear, by Letter, that their Representatives
are now sitting in Convention.
I shall be very glad to hear from You frequently 8c shall only add.
February 6, 1775
307
after requesting my most respectful Compliments to Mesrs. Jay, Low
& Alsop, that I am [with] great Sincerity Your Affectionate and
Obedient Servant, Sami. Chase.
RC (NHi) .
^ On January 26, 1775, the New York Assembly rejected a motion to consider the
proceedings of the First Congress, and on the 31st it decided to send its own
petitions and remonstrances to the king and both houses of Parliament. Chase was
probably aware of the assembly’s first action when he wrote to Duane, but whether
he also knew of the second is less certain. Am. Archives, 4th ser. 1:1286-87.
Samuel Chase to John Dickinson
Dear Sir. Annapolis. February 6th. 1775.
It [is] with Pleasure I acknowledge the Receipt of your Letter of
the 29th of January.
From an entire and perfect Approbation of the Resolve of the
Congress, that if the late Acts of Parliament, relative to the Massa¬
chusetts Bay, should be attempted to be carried into Execution by
force, that in such Case all America ought to support that Colony in
her Opposition; From the Declaration, by the Congress, to the
Throne, that our accumulated Injuries were too severe to be any
longer tolerable, and that our Militia would protect Us in Time of
Peace; From a Concurrence with the Sentiments expressed to the In¬
habitants of Quebec, that We were resolved never to resign our
Rights, but with our Lives, and to the People of G. Britain, that We
never would submit to be Hewers of Wood or Drawers of Water for
any Ministry or Nation in the World; In Compliance with the Advice
of the Congress, to extend our Views to the most unhappy Event,
and to be in all Respects prepared for every Contingency; From a
Consideration of our defenceless State, unable to protect Ourselves
or assist our Friends, and for many other Reasons, our Provincial
Convention passed the Resolutions, which I enclosed You in my last
Letter.
We must either resist or infamously submit. If We are resolved to
resist, and to defend our Liberties at the Risque of our Lives, a mili¬
tary force appears to Me to be necessary, and Arms and Ammuni¬
tion the only Means; to resolve to resist, without preparing a military
force & Arms will be, in my Opinion, of little Consequence. I there¬
fore wish your Province had resolved instantly to arm. If the attempt
had been made, & failed, it would have encouraged our Enemies, &
alarmed our Friends. Our Province was very desirous to receive
some Assurance, from her Sister Colonies, of Assistance, if attacked,
& will remain in perfect Confidence of their Support if necessary.
I have been for some Time strongly impressed with a Belief, that
679-852 0 - 77 - 22 Vol. 1
308
February 6, 1775
the present unhappy Dispute with G. Britain would not wait the
Event of a Commercial Opposition, and that she must either give up
the Right of Taxing America, or enforce obedience by the Sword;
Delay must ruin the Ministry. If the Question was to be decided by
Justice or Policy, I should not doubt, that our indibutable Rights
would be restored, our capital Grievances redressed, and Peace &:
Harmony once more established with the Mother Country; but when
I reflect on the enormous Influence of the Crown, the System of Cor¬
ruption introduced as the Art of Government, the Venality of the El¬
ectors (the radical Source of every other Evil) The open and repeat¬
ed Violations of the Constitution, at Home, the regular, arbitrary
System of Colony Administration, the several cruel and barbarous
Acts relative to the Massachusetts, The Quebec Bill, And the Re-
election of the Members of the last Parliament, I have not the least
Dawn of Hope in the Justice, Humanity, Wisdom or Virtue of the
British Nation. I consider them as one of the most abandoned 8c
wicked People under the Sun. They openly sell themselves to their
Representatives, who as openly traffic their Integrety 8c Honor to the
Ministry. Our Dependance must be on God and Ourselves. Nihil ab
extra quaesumus.
The Conduct of the Commons of New York is very alarming, if
they attempt to act separately Confidence will be destroyed.
You have in our last Weeks Gazette his Majestys Speech and the
Address of the Lords and Commons. From an Apprehension that the
Protest of the Lords may not have reached You before this, I have
enclosed You a Copy.
The Proceedings of the Congress had not arrived in London, the
9th of December. By a private Letter We are informed, that Lord
North is greatly enraged against the Colonies, and has declared that
he will shut up all our Ports, and decide the Dispute with the Sword.
The Martial Ardor prevails very generally here, above 100 Com¬
panies, of 81 Men each, are already formed on the Western Shore.
Honoured with a Communication of your Sentiments, I will pay
due Regard to your Request, and endeavor to merit your Confidence.
I am with great Esteem Dear Sir Your affectionate 8c obedient
Servt. Sami Chase
RC (PPL) .
John Adams to a Friend in London
Feb. 10, 1775
The account you give of an overbearing influence in the house,^
and the want of feeling and spirit out of it, is of a very serious and
February 10, 1775
309
melancholy kind: Americans are very sensible that such accounts are
true, and expect to fall a sacrifice to the knavery in the cabinet and
the folly out of it, unless preserved by their own virtue, their frugali¬
ty, or valour, or both.
Shorter parliaments, a more equitable representation, the abolition
of taxes and the payment of the debt, the reduction of placemen and
pensioners, the annihilation of bribery and corruption, the reforma¬
tion of luxury, dissipation and effeminacy, the disbanding the army,
are all necessary to restore your country to a free government, and to
a safe, honourable, and happy life. But is this practicable, is there a
resource in human nature for hope of such a miraculous change? is
there one example of it in history or experience? a nation is easily
corrupted, but not so easily reformed. The present reign may be that
of Augustus, but upon my honour I expect twelve Caesars will suc¬
ceed it. What is to become of America if they should? ought she not
to think in time, and prepare for the worst.
I have a great curiosity to know how the proceedings of the Con¬
gress at Philadelphia are relished in London, at St. James’s, and St.
Stephens. I think it may be seen from them, that America is not in¬
sensible of her danger, nor inattentive to the means of her safety.
I am also very anxious to know what the friends of liberty think of
the hasty dissolution of parliament; for my own part, I have ever
thought this the most insidious and artful step of the present reign, it
seems to betray more contempt of the people, at the same time that it
betrays a dread of some remaining sense and integrity among them,
than any thing else which has been done. You will allow. Sir, that the
broil with America is a very great national concern. At a time when
America was assembled to concert measures relative this great con¬
cern, a new parliament is called of a sudden, before the people could
hear from America, as if the minister disdained or dreaded that the
nation should have opportunity to judge of the state of America, and
choose or instruct their representatives accordingly; as if the minister
scorned or feared that the people, the electors, should have oppor¬
tunity to hear and converse together upon facts, before they chose
their members.
The design of the ministry seems to have been likewise to give the
friends of liberty the go-by, in England as well as in America; deter¬
mined to pursue their system, they would not suffer the friends of the
constitution to converse or correspond together before the day of
election, lest the constituents should bind the candidates to act an
honest part. It is not easy to convey to you, Sir, an adequate idea of
the state of this province. It is now at last true, that we have no gov¬
ernment, legislative, executive, or judicial. The people determined
never to submit to the act for destroying their charter, so dearly pur¬
chased, preserved and defended by the toil, treasure and blood of
310
February 10, 1775
their ancestors, are every where devoting themselves to arms. Our
Duke of Alva is shut up with his troops, and his forlorn Mandamus
Counsellors in Boston. What the ministry will do is uncertain, all
the British fleet and army cannot change mens opinions; they cannot
make a juror serve, nor a representative. An attempt to cram a form
of government clown the throats of a people, to impose a constitution
upon an united and determined people by force, is not within the
omnipotence of an English parliament.
If they attempt a campaign like that of Kirk, if they send the
sword and fire to ravage in this country, they will find in New Eng¬
land an hundred thousand decendants of the puritans in the Charles’s
and James’s days, who have not yet lost entirely the spirit of English¬
men under the English commonwealth.
Our enemies give out that persons who have distinguished them¬
selves here, in opposition to the power of parliament, will be arrested
and sent to some county in England, to be tried for treason; if this
should be attempted, it will produce resistance and reprisals, and a
flame through all America, such as eye hath not seen nor ear heard,
neither hath it entered into the heart of the minister or his minions to
conceive.
I beg the continuance of your favours, and am, with the warmest
wishes for the safety of both countries.
MS not found; reprinted from The Remembrancer, or Impartial Repository of
Public Events, \1 vols. (London: J. Almon, 1775-84) , 1:11-12. Published by Almon
under the caption “A Letter from a Gentleman in the Province of Massachusetts,
to his Friend in London,” but identified as the work of John Adams when
translated into Dutch and reprinted in John Adams, Geschiedenis van bet Geschil
tusschen Groot-Dritannie en Amerika, zedert deszelfs Oorsprong, in den Jaare 1754,
tot op den Tegen-W oordigen Tijd (Amsterdam: W. Holtrop, 1782), pp. viii,
151-56.
’^The recipient of this letter, which was published in Almon’s Remembrancer
with a second letter dated January 21, 1775, has not been identified.
Thomas Cushing to John Dickinson
Dear Sir Boston Eeby. 13th 1775.
I am extreamly oblidged to you for your much esteemed favor of
the 26th Ultimo, and for your sentiments upon so Important a Ques¬
tion as that of the assumption of Government; I agree with you that
such a Measure would evidently tend to break the present harmony
of the Colonies & would embarrass our Ereinds in England. It has
never been moved in our Provincial Congress. While a Committee
had under Consideration, what were the most proper means to place
ourselves in a posture of Defence, so that in case Administration is
February 13, 1775
311
so determined to execute the late Acts by force, we might be able to
make an Effectual Resistance, Agreable to the advice of the Conti¬
nental Congress, It was moved for the Consideration of the Commit¬
tee, Whether in order to do this Effectually it would not be necessary
to take up some form of Government, but after mature and deliber¬
ate Consideration it was Rejected, &: the Committee agreed that it
was by no means expedient at present to go into any such measure,
and you may depend upon it, no such thing will be moved at the pre¬
sent Congress.2 Whenever it has been mentioned I have strenuously
opposed it as a measure pregnant with mischeif Sc the most fatal Con¬
sequences. Our People are very generally against the measure Sc 1
shall Continue to discountenance it — at the same time I cannot re¬
frain from observing that it is an arduous peice of work to keep a nu¬
merous brave Sc free People, who are dayly Injured Sc Insulted quietly
waiting the event of peaceable applications for a restoration of their
Rights and at the same time with unremitting Diligence preparing to
support those Rights. We are Suffering greatly in the Common
Cause, we are without Law, without Courts, without the administra¬
tion of Justice, which is Essentially necessary in Society— under
these pressing difficulties, I assure You, Sir, I am astonished at the
peace Sc good order observed amoung our People, at the calm tem¬
perate Sc fixed Spirit with which they undergo these hardships. You
may rest assured that they never will assume Government unless the
Ministry should determine and Execute the late Acts by a Military
force 8c it should thereby become absolutely necessary for our Defence
8c preservation, in which Case they presume from the Resolu¬
tion of the Congress that they shall be justified by the Whole Conti¬
nent in so doing. We are Waiting with great sollicitude for the resolu¬
tions of Parliament. What Course they will pursue is as yet utterly
uncertain. May the Great Governor of the World direct their Coun¬
sels 8c lead them into such measures as may restore peace harmony
and happiness to both Countries. I am. Dear Sir, Your affectionate
Freind Thomas Cushing
RC (PHi).
* For an explanation similar in tone and content, see Thomas Cushing to Samuel
Purviance, February 13, 1775.
“Although Massachusetts did not formally resume the charter government, the
Provincial Congress did order payment of all taxes into their extra-legal treasury
and created a Committee of Safety to act as an executive branch of government.
The Journals of each Provincial Congress of Massachusetts in 1774 and 1775, and
of the Committees of Safety . . ., ed. William Lincoln (Boston: Dutton and
Wentworth, 1838) , pp. 19, 35, 38-40.
312
February 13, 1775
Thomas Cushing to Samuel Purviance, Jr.
Sir Boston Feby. 13 1775
I am extreamly oblidged to you for your much esteemed favor of
the 20th Ultimo. & for your opinion of a Project that, you were In¬
formed, was agitated at the last Provincial Congress Relative to the
assumption of Government, A Measure, which, I entirely Agree with
you, would at present be wild & of fatal Tendency to this Province as
well as the rest of the American Colonies.
I kindly thank you also for Informing me, what, you apprehend,
would be the Sentiments of the other Colonies upon such Ma-
neauvre. It was never Moved in Congress; indeed while a Committee
had under their Consideration what were the most proper means to
place ourselves in a posture of Defence, so that in case administra¬
tion was determined to execute the late Acts by Military Force we
might be able to make an Effectual Resistance, Agreable to the ad¬
vise of the Continental Congress, some few were of opinion that in
order to do this Effectually it would be necessary to take Up some
form of Government 8c moved this Question to the Committee for
their Consideration but after mature Consideration it was rejected 8c
the Committee Agreed that it was by no means expedient at present
to go into any such measure, and you may depend upon it, that no
such thing will be moved at the present Congress. Whenever it has
been mentioned by any one to me I have Strenuously opposed it as a
Measure big with Mischief 8c that would be attended with the most
fatal Consequences at this juncture. Nothing but the last Extremity
would drive our people into it, nothing unless the Ministry Should
determine to execute the late Acts by Military force and it Should
thereby become Absolutely Necessary for our Defence 8c Preserva¬
tion as a People, in which Case our People presume from the Resolu¬
tions of the Continental Congress that they should be justified in so
doing by the Whole Continent.
May Heaven Grant Wisdom [. . .] 8c Eirmness to all the Colo¬
nies at a Time so Important. May they all be deliberate in determin¬
ing 8c Resolute in Executing all their Plans. May the Great Governor
of the Universe direct the Counsels of the Nation and lead them into
such Resolutions and determinations as shall be for the peace and
lasting Benefit of both Countries. I am. Dear Sir, with great Respect
Yr most obedient humble Servt. Thomas Cushing
RC (Bentley Courtenay, Madison, Wis., 1972) .
February 24, 1775
313
Joseph Galloway to Samuel Verplanck
Trevose, Bucks, Feb. 14 1775. “You will see my sentiments more
at Large in a Pamphlet now in the Press in New York.”^ Thanks
Verplanck for the pamphlets he has sent from New York.^ Wishes
more of them were available in Pennsylvania, although they contain
“capital Defects.” “They assert the necessity of a Supreme Legisla¬
tive Authority, but do not prove it to the comprehension of common
Readers. They do not show the rights of the American Subject or
even acknowledge that we have any. They do not own that we have
any Grievance and consequently nothing is pointed out as a Constitu¬
tional Remedy. ... It is with great pleasure I assure you that Mod¬
eration is taking place of the violence in this Province, in a more rap¬
id Progress than my most sanguine expectations ever suggested.”
MS not found; abstracted from PMHB 21 (1897) : 480-81.
’■ A Candid Examination of the Mutual Claims of Great- Britain, and the
Colonies: with a Plan of Accommodation, on Constitutional Principles (New York:
James Rivington, 1775) . See also Joseph Galloway to Samuel Verplanck, December
30, 1774.
“Probably [Thomas Bradbury Chandler], A Friendly Address To All Reasona¬
ble Americans, On The Subject of Our Political Confusions . . . (New York:
James Rivington, 1774) ; and [Samuel Seabury], Free Thoughts, On The Proceed¬
ings of The Continental Congress, Held at Philadelphia Sept. 5, 1774 (New York:
James Rivington, 1774) . See Robert M. Calhoon, “ ‘I have Deduced Your Rights’:
Joseph Galloway’s Concept of his Role, 1774-1775,” Pennsylvania History 35 (Octo¬
ber 1968) : 362. For a comment on the attempted suppression of Chandler’s
pamphlet in Philadelphia, see William Hooper to James Duane, November 22,
1774.
Richard Henry Lee to Arthur Lee
D, B. Feby. 24th 1775
All America has received with astonishment and concern the
Speech to Parliament.^ The wicked violence of Ministry is so clearly
expressed, as to leave no doubt of their fatal determination to ruin
both Countries, unless a powerful and timely check is interposed by
the Body of the people. A very small corrupted Junto in New York
excepted, all N. America is now most firmly united and as firmly re¬
solved to defend their Liberties ad infinitum against every power on
Earth that may attempt to take them away. The most effectual meas¬
ures are every where taking to secure a sacred observance of the As¬
sociation. Manufactures go rapidly on, and the means of repelling
force by force are universally adopting. The inclosed Address to the
Virginia Delegates published a few days since in the Gazette will
shew you the spirit of the Frontier Men. This one County of Fincas-
314
February 24, 1775
tie can furnish 1000 Rifle Men that for their number make the most
formidable light Infantry in the world. The six frontier Counties can
produce 6000 of these Men who from their amazing hardihood, their
method of living so long in the woods without carrying provisions
with them, the exceeding quickness with which they can march to
distant parts, and above all, the dexterity to which they have arrived
in the use of the Rifle Gun. Their is not one of these Men who wish a
distance less than 200 yards on a larger object than an Orange. Ev¬
ery shot is fatal. The Virginia Colony Congress meets the 20th of
next month for the appointment of Delegates to the Continental Con¬
gress in May next, and for other purposes of public security. The
Ministry who are both foolish and wicked, think by depriving us of
Assemblies to take away the advantage that results from united and
collected counsels. But they are grievously mistaken. In despight of
all their machinations, public Councils will be held and public meas¬
ures adopted for general security. Still we hope that the proceedings
of the last Continental Congress when communicated to the people
of England will rouse a spirit that proving fatal to an abandoned
Ministry may save the whole Empire from Its impending destruction.
The honerable Coll. Lee of Stratford was buried this day, he died the
21st ultimo after a months painful illness. He is a public loss, and if
the Ministry go on filling up these vacancies in the Council with raw
boys and hotheaded senseless people, the affairs of Virginia must be
in perpetual confusion, altho the present dispute should be accommo¬
dated. It is absolutely necessary that some grave sensible Men should
now be placed there in order to temper the present body.
The pamphlet entitled an Appeal &:c. is, I think the best I have
read on the subject amidst such a variety of finely reasoned ones.^
Farewell.
P.S. By authentic accounts just come to hand, all the Ministerial ef¬
forts w'ith New York and the Jersey Governments have failed, both
Assemblies have highly approved the proceedings of the Continental
Congress, thanked their Delegates, and appointed them to represent
their respective Colonies in the next May Congress.^
From N. York we have lately sent back a Ship from Glasgow with
goods that arrived after 1st of Feby. scarcely allowing the Vessel
time to get fresh provisions. It is now therefore certain that without a
redress of Grievances, G. Britain must prepare to do entirely without
the N. American trade, nor will the British Isles in the W. Indies get
their usual necessary supplies from the Continent. Georgia has ac-
ceeded to the Continental Association, and we understand Canada
will have Delegates in the next Congress. You will oblige me greatly
by giving my boys advice and pressing to diligent application as often
as you have leisure to do so. You never say whether or when you
take the Gown, and where you propose to practice. Farewell.
February 25, 1775
315
RC (ViU) . In Lee’s hand, though not signed.
'The king’s speech of November 30, 1774, opening the new Parliament, ap¬
peared in a supplement to John Pinkney’s Virginia Gazette, February 3, 1775, and
in Dixon and Hunter’s Virginia Gazette, February 4, 1775. The king’s address,
which alarmed Lee, began: “It gives me much concern that I am obliged, at the
opening of this Parliament, to inform you that a most daring spirit of resistance
and disobedience to law still unhappily prevails in the province of Massachusetts
Bay, and has, in divers parts of it, broke forth in fresh violences of a very criminal
nature. These proceedings have been countenanced and encouraged in other of my
colonies, and unwarrantable attempts have been made to obstruct the commerce of
this kingdom, by unlawful combinations.’’
^ Arthur Lee, An Appeal to the Justice and Interests of the People of Great
Britain, in the Present Disputes with America (London: J. Almon, 1774) .
Lee’s information on the disposition of the New York Assembly was inaccurate.
On January 26, 1775, the assembly had refused to consider the proceedings of the
First Continental Congress, and subsequently a majority in the assembly defeated a
series of motions designed to secure New York’s approval of Congress’ recommen¬
dations, including motions to thank the New York delegates for their work in
Philadelphia and to elect delegates to a Second Congress to meet in May. Am.
Archives, 4th ser. 1:1286-87, 1289-90.
Edward Biddle to Jonathan Potts
Saturday 1 /2 past 7. in the Morng
Dear Doctor [February 25, 1775]
I write this in Bed — being extremely anxious to send to You.^
We are all in Confusion. The Quakers are moving Heaven & Earth
to defeat the Measures of the Congress & introduce a Submission to
Parliamt.2 The Governor, merely to save Appear [an] ces with Min¬
istry, sent Us a short Message recommending our petitioning the
King. Mr Gall[owa]y was sent for 8c, supported by the Quakers, is
open mouthd a’gst the Congress 8c wants the Assembly to petition the
King, on Principles different from those of the Congress. He wants
us to propose a Plan — to send over Delagates — to petition the Par-
liamt. 8cc. In short, he app[ea]rs the most damnable ministerial
Wretch that ever existed. He has been severely 8c excellently handled
by Dickinson 8c G Ross both of whom behave admirably.
Dickinson is decisive 8c determined. Galloway Finding the House
likely to determine against him in all Points, artfully moved to post¬
pone the Consid[era] tion of the Govs. Message ’til the Week after
next — -in hopes the Back Members (every one of Whom but my
Brother Crist is here) may seperate & to give Room for caballing.
This Point he carried 19 agst 18. But many Who voted with him on
this Point will vote agst petitioning at all. But I earnestly beg for fear
of Accidents you will send Mr Crist down.^ Tell him I earnestly beg
it. And take Care that yourself 8c some others let him know the dan¬
gerous Tendency of any petition at this Time. ‘Tis to counteract the
316
February 25, 1775
Congress. Ld North is staggering And a little Firmness will tumble
him down.
I live here in a constant State of hot Debate. All will go well. I am
in good Heart &: hope we shall send Galloway home sick of his Poli¬
ticks.
We intend to go into a Committee of the Whole House & open the
Doors. I have a Rod well soaked for him.^
Do tell my dear Billy that it is impossible for me to write now. My
Anxiety to have Crist down is the great Inducem [en] t to write at this
early Hour.
I am D Doctor Yrs E Bid [die]
RC (DLC) . Addressed: "To Doctor Jonathan Potts, Reading.”
* Jonathan Potts (1745-81), Reading, Pa., physician, Berks County deputy to the
Pennsylvania Provincial Congress, January 1775, later served prominently in the
medical department of the Continental Army as deputy director general of hospi¬
tals in the northern and middle departments, 1777-80. DAB.
“When the Pennsylvania Assembly reconvened February 21, 1775, Governor
John Penn attempted to divert Pennsylvania from making common cause with the
other colonies and proposed that the assembly petition the crown in its own behalf
"as the only proper and constitutional Mode of obtaining Redress.” Pa. Archives,
8th ser. 8:7186. In this attempt, he was supported chiefly by Joseph Galloway and
the Quaker Party. Recognizing that a motion to petition the king according to the
governor’s recommendation would fail, Galloway on February 24 moved to post¬
pone the debate to Wednesday, March 8. See Galloway to William Franklin,
February 28, 1775.
“ Henry Christ, Sr., of Reading, who with Biddle represented Berks County in
the assembly. Pa. Archives, 8th ser. 8:7148. Biddle, speaker of the assembly and
political ally of John Dickinson and George Ross, was determined to have his
supporters in attendance when the debate resumed March 8.
For Galloway’s report on the tactics employed to outmaneuver him in the
assembly when debate was subsequently resumed, see Galloway to William Frank¬
lin, March 26, 1775. N. J. Archives, 1st ser. 10 (1886) : 581-85. See also Pa.
Archives, 8th ser. 8:7192, 7210-13.
Robert Treat Paine to Stephen Collins
Kind Sr,i Taunton Feby. 25th. 1775
Your freindly Epistle of the 14th ulto. I have lately reed. 8c it is
now before me.2 I am much obliged to you for the Care of my purse;
I wish our endeavours to recover it had succeeded, for the scituation
of our public affairs, makes Cash very scarce, as well as much want¬
ed; respecting any suspicion that the Goldfinders have got it, perhaps
an enquiry of their circumstances since the affair might be servicea¬
ble, at least so far as to know if it were worth while to try again.
I cannot concieve on what principle it is that the Torys should
tryumph in the late Conduct of Portsmouth 8c other places securing
February 25, 1775
317
their Guns 8c Ammunition; no freind of Government can rejoyce in
anything that disturbs Government, much less in what they call Acts
of Rebellion, and their tryumph must spring from a malicious, dia¬
bolical desire, that the Vengeance of G. Britain may be reaked on
the American Colonys; we are very much obliged to you for every
hint you give of any danger of dividing the Colonys; our Freinds
from one End of the Continent, to the other may depend upon it,
that in this Colony no step is taken of any Importance with[ou]t
considering how it will be approved of by the other Colonys, 8c our
earnest desire to do nothing that might give Uneasiness, has prevent¬
ed some steps being taken which perhaps might have been Salutary.
With regard to the particular matter of moving the Guns 8cc, any
person who attends to the Current of affairs must know the reason of
it was the forbidding Arms 8c Ammunition being imported, 8c the
Conduct of Administration wearing so hostile an Appearance as to
loudly call upon the natural inherent principle of Self preservation.
Those who hold the Doctrines of passive Obedience 8c non resistance
will fault their Conduct, whilst others who view these transactions as
Connected with the rights of mankind 8c Englishmen, will have more
liberal apprehensions from them. But our Enemys omitt no oppor-
tunitys to asperse the Whiggs; 8c even the Whiggs who are at a dis¬
tance from the scene of action, dont Sufficiently Consider the difficult
Scituation of their Freinds, who in the Centre of action are Contin¬
ually impressed, 8c in danger of being shackled 8c rendered unable to
Struggle by patience 8c remissness, or of giving Offence 8c causing Di¬
visions by any Enterprize which might save them. They who wish
well to our Common Cause will Consider all Circumstances before
they form a judgment, 8c they who are unfreindly will stick at nothing
to reproach us.
The report you mention of Mr. Adams 8c Mr. Cushing,^ is much
Such a kind of story, as one industriously reported here vizt. that the
(learned, the Sincere, the deliberate, the judicious) Farmer of Pen-
sylvania, had tack’d about, 8c gone over to the Tory Cause.
My Freind, you must have observed that ever since the Congress
rose, the great father of lies has been fully employ’d in misrepresent¬
ing every thing, 8c making some pompous lies clearly out of nothing.
The Story you mention is one of this Sort, no such motion was made
or thought of as I know of much less did Mr. Cushing ever in his life
use such language, 8c as for the dissolution of the Congress, it was
done upon the same principle the Grand Congress was dissolved
Vizt. to give the Inhabitants Opportunity of Sending Other men if
they pleased, after they had done every thing which they then
thought proper to do 8c a new one has just sat. I hope the freinds of
our Common Cause will not grow cool, much less forsake it, upon
any Supposition that we are rash in our measures. If in our Extremi-
318
February 25, 1775
tys we Should not conduct as cool Reason would dictate, we are to
be pityed, but I dont know that the Cause is the worse, i.e. has G.
Britain a right to make us Slaves, because when we endeavour to
hinder it we do not do it with the most discretion. Pray remember me
to yr. good Wife & to all my freinds at Philada. of whom I recollect
too many to be enumerated; hoping yr. best Welfare & the redress of
all Greivances I am yr. obliged 8c hble Servt R T Paine
RC (PHi).
^ Stephen Collins (1733-94) , native of Lynn, Mass., was a prominent Quaker
leader and merchant in Philadelphia. Katherine A. Kellock, "Stephen Collins,
Philadelphia Merchant,” Business Archives 36 (1972) : &-13.
^ This letter to Paine was one of several that Collins wrote to Massachusetts patriot
leaders during the interval between the First and Second Continental Congresses,
expressing fears of divisions in revolutionary ranks. In addition to his letter to
Paine, Collins’ letterbook contains letters to Samuel Adams of November 10, 1774,
and to William Tudor of January 14 and February 17, 1775, DLC. On a similar
theme see John Dickinson to Thomas Cushing, January 26, and Thomas Cushing
to John Dickinson, February 13, 1775.
^ Collins had repeated the rumor of a move in the Massachusetts Provincial
Congress “to Raise Twenty thousand men Immediately & Attack the Kings troops.
The Report is that S. Adams made the motion & urged it very Strongly. That T.
Cushing opposed it as Strongly alleging that the Southern Colonies would not
approve of it nor Stand by You. That S. Adams reply’d he well knew You would
have the suport & Assistan[ce] of all the Colonies, on which T. Cushing gave him
the Lie, with Saying that is a Lie Mr. Adams & you know it, & you know that I
know it is a Lie, which ocasioned much altercation & Debate, and was the means of
the Congress being Desolved.” Collins to Paine, January 14, 1775, DLC.
Joseph Galloway to William Franklin
Febry. 28, 1775
When I consider the Spirit & Firmness with which you have endea¬
voured to discharge your Duty to your Sovereign, & to serve the
People over whom you preside, and their weak, evasive, ill-wrote, no¬
meaning Answer, I find it difficult to determine, whether I feel great¬
er Satisfaction & Pleasure at the one or Contempt for the other. Poor
weak sighted Men, who are floating with the Tide of Licentiousness
& Sedition, which they expect will run forever, when a little common
Sense Avou’d tell them that it must soon change, and that with it they
must change their Language & embrace your friendly Advice.
I am happy in telling you, that the People of this Province (Penn¬
sylvania) are altering their Sentiments & Conduct with amazing rap¬
idity. We have been successful in baffling all the Attempts of the vio¬
lent Party to prevail on the People to prepare for War against the
Mother Country. The Quakers, the high & low Dutch, the Baptists,
Menonists, Dumplers &c. are promoting Moderate Measures; in so
February 28, 1775
319
much that I hope, with some Trouble, all Violence will soon cease, 8c
Peace 8c Order take Place of Licentiousness 8c Sedition. The Tories
(as they are called) make it a Point to visit the Coffee House dayly
8c maintain their Ground — while the violent Independents are less
bold 8c insolent, as their Adherents are greatly diminished. On Thurs¬
day 8c Friday last, determined to abide the Consequences what ever
they might be either in respect to my Person or Estate, I spoke my
Sentiments in Assembly without the least reserve. I censured 8c con¬
demned the Measures of the Congress in every Thing — aver’d that
they all tended to incite America to Sedition 8c terminated in Inde¬
pendence — contended for, 8c proved the Necessity of Parliamentary
Jurisdiction over the Colonies in all Cases whatsoever- — exposed the
Folly of those who hoped, that the British State would suffer its Au¬
thority to be in the least impaired, much less totally given up — ex¬
plained the rights of America, 8c pointed out the Necessity of our tak¬
ing different Measures from those already taken for a recovery of
them. I stood single 8c unsupported, among a Set of Men every one
of whom had approved of the Measures I was censuring, reprobating
their own Conduct to them — 8c endeavouring by cool 8c dispassionate
reason 8c Argument to convince them of their Errors. The Opposition
as I expected was violent 8c indecent. I kept my Temper unruffled 8c
firm which gave me no small Advantage. My Opponents were. The
Governor’s father-in-Law (our late chief Justice) the Pennsylvania
Farmer,! Chs. Thompson, Thos. Mifflin 8c Geo. Ross. The Motion was
to petition the King agreeably to the Governor’s Advice in his Mes¬
sage, for which we are more indebted to you 8c Gov. Golden than to
him. The Success my Arguments met with; greatly exceeded my most
sanguine Expectations. Fourteen Members came over to me; but
there being 38 in the House, 8c finding I should lose the Vote without
four more Converts— I was obliged to alter my Plan, 8c to move to
postpone the Debate untill next Wednesday week hoping that Pro¬
crastination 8c News by the next Pacquet might assist me. My Design
being suspected a warm Opposition succeeded — however we carried
the Question, 19 for it, 18 against it.2 But after all the Issue yet re¬
mains uncertain I rather think as the independent Party will exert ev¬
ery Nerve, 8c at last die hard, it will take more Time to defeat them.
And that I shall not be able at this Time to carry such a Petition as I
wish to send, as none should go, but one which may render it consist¬
ent with the Dignity of Government to receive. Should that prove the
Case I hope to prevail on the House to adjourn to the Middle of
April when I shall have no Doubt of Success.
I think I have mentioned to you a Design of publishing my Senti¬
ments on the Dispute between G. Britain 8c the Colonies; I now send
the Pamphlet,^ of which I beg your Acceptance, and, at your Lei¬
sure, your Candid Sentiments on it. I wish’d for them before it went
320
February 28, 1775
to the Press, but that was impossible. There are many Errata in it,
occasioned by the Hurry of its Publication.
Tr (PRO: C. O. 5, 992) . Enclosed in William Franklin to Lord Dartmouth, April 3,
1775. Endorsed: “Extract of a Letter from Jos. Galloway, Esqr. of Philadelphia to
Governor Franklin— dated Febry. 28, 1775.”
^William Allen and John Dickinson.
^See Edward Biddle to Jonathan Potts, February 25, 1775; and Pa. Archives, 8th
ser. 8:7192. Galloway continued his account of this issue in his letter to William
Franklin, March 26, 1775.
® Joseph Galloway, A Candid Examination of the Mutual Claims of Great-Brit-
ain, and the Colonies: with a Plan of Accommodation, on Constitutional Principles
(New York: James Rivington, 1775) .
Samuel Adams to Arthur Lee
Boston March 4 1775. Describes conditions in Massachusetts.^
“The Town of Marshfield, have lately applied to G. Gage for Leave
to have a Meeting, according to the Act of Parliament, & have re-
solvd as you may observe by the inclosd. They will be dealt with ac¬
cording to the Law of the Continental Congress. The Laws of which
are more observd throughout this Continent than any human Laws
whatever.
“Another Congress will meet at Philadelphia in May next. Every
Colony has appointed its Delegates (I mean those which did before)
except N York, whose Assembly I have just heard have resolvd not
to send any. The People of that City & Colony, are infested with
Court Scriblers who have labord, perhaps with some Success, to di¬
vide them; they are however in general firm, and have with regard to
the Arrival of a Ship from London since the first of Eebruary, be¬
haved well. You know their Parliament is septennial — and therefore
must be corrupted. It is best that ^he Tories in their house have acted
without Disguise. This is their last Session and the house will, I hope,
be purgd at the next Election.^
“There is a Combination in that Colony of high Church Clergy¬
men & great Landholders — of the former, a certain Dr C^ is the
head; who knows an American Episcopate cannot be establishd and
consequently he will not have the pleasure of strutting thro the Colo¬
nies in Lawn Sleeves, until the Authority of parliament to make
Laws for us binding in all Cases whatever is settled. The Latter are
Lords over many Slaves; and are afraid of the Consequences that
would follow, if a Spirit of Liberty should prevail among them. This
however is so far the Case that I doubt not the People will chuse Del¬
egates for the Congress, as they did before. When that Congress
meets, it is expected, that they will agree upon a Mode of opposition
(unless our Grievances are redressd) which will render the Union of
March 21, 1775
321
the Colonies more formidable than ever. Concordia res parva cres-
cunt.
“We have lately opend a Correspondence with Canada which, I
dare say will be attended with great and good Effects.”^
FC (NN) . Adams, Writings (Cushing) , 3:194-98.
' Adams’ earlier accounts of Massachusetts affairs in his letters to Lee of January
29 and February 14, 1775, are in Adams, Writings (Cushing) , 3:169-72, 179-80.
^ New York’s delegates to Congress were not elected until April 22, 1775, when a
provincial convention of representatives from nine of 14 counties chose a 12-man
delegation. Am. Archives, 4th ser. 2:358.
® Myles Cooper, loyalist president of King’s College.
* Adams had arranged for the Boston Committee of Correspondence to send
John Brown (1744-80) , Pittsfield, Mass., lawyer and militia colonel, as agent to
Canada to sample sentiment toward the American colonies. DAB; and Allen
French, The First Year of the American Revolution (New York: Houghton Mifflin
Co., 1934) , pp. 145-46. For Brown’s report to the committee, March 29, 1775, see
Am. Archives, 4th ser. 2:243-45. For Brown’s later appearance at the second
Congress, see Silas Deane’s Diary, May 18, 1775.
Samuel Adams to Richard Henry Lee
Boston Mar [27] 1775. Describes conditions in Massachusetts. “I
have just received Letters from our Friends in London dated the 24,
26 and 28 Deer and 4th & 7th Jany; some Extracts from which I
have thought it necessary to have inserted in our publick News pa¬
pers as youl see by the inclosd. One Paragraph which alarms me I
have not disclosd to any one; it is this — I have been in the Country
with Lord Chatham to shew him the Petition of the Congress of
which he highly approves. He is of Opinion that a solemn Renuncia¬
tion of the Right to tax on the one side, and an Acknowledgment of
the Supremacy on the other, should accompany the repeal of all the
obnoxious Acts. Without this, he says, the Hearts of the two Coun¬
tries will not openly embrace each other with unfeigned Affection
and Reconcilement.’ In this short Sentence I think it is easy to see,
that his Lordships plan of Reconciliation is the same with that which
he held forth in his Speech at the time of the Repeal of the Stamp
Act. However highly I think of his Lordships Integrity, I confess I
am chagrind to find, that he expects an Acknowledgment of Suprem¬
acy in terms on our part. I imagine that after such Acknowledgment,
there may be a variety of Ways by which Great Britain may enslave
us besides that of taxing us without our Consent. The possibility of it
should greatly awaken our Apprehensions. Let us take Care lest
America in Lieu of a Thorn in the Foot should have a Dagger in her
heart. Our united Efforts have hitherto succeeded. This is not a
Time for us to relax our Measures. Let us like prudent Generals im-
322
March 21, 1775
prove upon our Success and push for perfect political Freedom.”
RC (ViU) . RC damaged; missing words supplied from FC (NN) . Adams, Writings
(Cushing) , 3:205-9.
Joseph Galloway to William Franklin
[^Trevose. March 26, 7775.] Is pleased that Governor Franklin
has expressed confidence in him and that the king is determined to
assert British authority in America.
“I did intend to have communicated to you the Event of the De¬
bates in our Assembly before this Time; But I have been a good deal
indisposed, & besides engaged in writing a reply to the scurrilous An¬
swer to “A Candid Examination” &c.^ I have just finished it, and I
wish it could undergo your revisal before it goes to the Press, but that
is impossible — And for that reason I have taken the more Pains with
it. I am pleased with the Attack because it has given me an Oppor¬
tunity of supporting the Principles of the Pamphlet by some new Ar¬
guments, & of exposing the Ignorance & independant Notions of the
Pennsylvania Farmer &: his Colleague Mr. Thompson. Mr. Rivington
will send you one as soon as it is published.
“As I seldom keep Copies of my Letters, I know not particularly
how far I communicated the Proceedings in our Assembly. ... I
think I wrote you the substance Sc the Event of the two first Days De¬
bate upon the [Governor’s] Message, & that the further Considera¬
tion of it was postponed for near 10 Days. I need not therefore re¬
peat it here. On the Saturday before the Day of the further Debate
the independent party despairing of Success in preventing a Petition
to his Majesty, moved that the Doors should be thrown open, & the
Mob let in upon me. I was secretly advertised of this Design, & had
spoke to a Number of Eriends to be there in Case the Motion should
succeed, being determined it should have no other Effect, but to pre¬
pare myself better Sc to speak with more Eirmness Sc more fully upon
the Measures of the Congress. However upon debating the Motion,
we carried it in the Negative 24 to 14. This was an humiliating Blow
to my Opponents. I had hitherto carried every Question, Sc constantly
by an increased Majority. And yet altho’ I had brought a Number of
the Members (not less than 16 out of 39) to p>etition upon proper
Grounds, I found it impossible, as there were very little hopes of
gaining four more. I therefore resolved to change my Ground 8c to
prevail on the House to adjourn to some Day between this 8c the 10th
of May, the Time of Meeting of the next Congress; In Expectation
that by the Change of the Peoples Sentiments out of Doors, which
had already undergone an amazing Alteration, and the Intelligence
March 26, 1775
323
of Firm Measures being determined on by Parliament, that I might at
that Time succeed in more rational & salutary Measures. Under this
resolution, I went to the House on the Day appointed for the Debate;
& proposed 4 Heads as the Substance of an Answer to the Gover¬
nor’s Message. The 3 first, after violent Opposition, were at length
unanimously agreed to. The fourth, in which I had mentioned the
Adjournment, produced a warm & long debate, the Independents op¬
posing any Adjournment till after the sitting of the Congress. Upon
this a Question was put, & we carried it in the Affirmative, 24 to 14.
Thus my great Point was gained which did not a little distress the
other Party. And upon this a Committee was appointed to bring in
an Answer to the Governor’s Message founded on my Propositions,
with only an Amendment proposed by Mr. Dickinson to the Fourth.
When the House adjourned Dickinson came to me and agreed that I
should reduce the Answer to Form & bring it in the next Morning.
This I engaged to do. But I should here inform you, that the Speaker
acted the most shamefull & particular Part in the Appointment of the
Committee — taking 12 of the 14 Negatives & only 2 of the 24 Af¬
firmatives for the Adjournment — i.e. 12 of one side Sc only 2 of the
other. I saw the Partiality, but as things seem’d to be settled, 8c not
suspecting the dirty Manoeuvre which followed, I disregarded it.
“At this unlucky Moment a Ship from Bristol arrived, 8c bro’t
those partial 8<: fictitious Accounts published in the Papers. The Inde¬
pendents sounded it thro’ all the Streets in the City that all the Acts
must be repealed. That the Measures of the Congress were the Meas¬
ures of Consummate Wisdom 8cc. Sec. This gave rise to one of the
most dirty 8c scandalous Measures which ever was transacted in pub¬
lic Life. In my Absence, 8c while I was engaged in drawing up the
Answer — The Committee met — Thompson 8c Ross, 8c I suspect with
the privity of Dickenson, had previously drawn up the Message you
see published. This was laid before the Com’ittee of Independents,
where it was resolved that that Message should be considered with¬
out sending for me. It was agreed to, carried into the House— read
the first Time — 8c moved to have a second 8c final reading. This was
opposed by my Friends, but they had not Brass enough to insist upon
it. In the Evening I was informed that a Member of the Committee
had bragged how the Committee had deceived, or, to use his own
Expression, flung Galloway. On the next morning I moved that the
Answer should be recommitted; And, after giving a short Accot. of
the Facts, I assigned as reasons — 1st. That the Committee had acted
a dishonourable, disingenuous, dirty 8c fraudulent Part, one unbe¬
coming Men in public Character — That they had by Art 8c Fraud de¬
prived me of the priviledge of voting in Committee: That they knew
I was absent on my Duty to the House on the very Business before
them. And that if they did not choose I should do it, they should at
579-852 0 - 77 - 23 Vol. 1
324
March 26, 1775
least have sent for me See. 2dly. That they had treated the House with
insolent Disregard Sc Disobedience; for that they had not inserted in
the Answer either Sentiment or Word of what was Yesterday unani¬
mously agreed upon. 3dly. That it contained palpable Untruths. To
these I added many other Arguments, But all was in vain. This was
not a Time when reason was to prevail. The great News of Yesterday
had altered the Minds of some of the weak & irresolute of the Ches¬
ter 8c Philada. Members 8c upon the Question they carried it against
the Commitment 20 to 16. The answer went thro the House. I op¬
posed it in every stage — And upon the Question whether it should be
transcribed it was carried 22 to 14. And in Order to shew that the
House was divided— which they much dreaded— I insisted upon the
Yeas 8c Nays to be taken down 8c published as you have seen. The
House stands adjourned to the first of May.
“I intimated before, that I had met with Insults during my Stay in
the City. Shortly after the two first Days Debates— late in the Eve¬
ning a Box was left at my Lodgings nail’d 8c directed to me. Upon
ojjening it next Morning I found in it a Halter, with a threatening
Letter. I read the Letter 8c nail’d up the Box — lock’d it carefully in
my Charriott Box, determined not to mention it to any Body — as I
knew it would be impossible that the Person sending it should keep it
long a Secret 8c hoping by that Means to discover them. I waited a
Fortnight 8c nothing transpired. At length it came out from two of the
Persons whom I verily believe sent it — And from the Clue, so far as
I have traced it, it comes from two Members of Assembly, a discard¬
ed Assembly Officer 8c a Head of the White Oaks. However it had no
other Effect on me than to fix me in my former resolutions to oppose
those lawless Measures at all Events.
“I am happy in your Approbation of my Pamphlet. I find from all
Quarters it is universally applauded by Men of Candor 8c Abilities.
Your Sentiments 8c mine are not different respecting the proper Un¬
ion with G. Britain, nor respecting the Addition to my proposed
Plan. I thought of it at the Time, but omitted it because I knew the
Plan would be less exceptionable to those Democratic Spirits to
whom it was to be proposed, 8c by whom adopted in the first In¬
stance, 8c because I thought it might be added in the Negotiation. The
great End I had in View in offering the Plan, I have often before
told you was to prevail on the Congress to take the Ground of Nego¬
tiation 8c Proposition. ... I am Confident no Endeavours will be
used by Government here, only “to save Appearances/’ to prevent
the Appointment of Deputies for the intended Congress. When I re¬
fused to accept of the Appointment in December I could not prevail
on Judge Morton to join me in the refusal. However, I am deter¬
mined to oppose the appointment in our sitting in May, 8c exert every
Nerve to prevent it.”^
April 1, 1775
325
Tr (PRO; C. O. 5, 992) . N. J. Archives, 1st ser. 10:579-86. Enclosed in William
Franklin to Lord Dartmouth, April 3, 1775. Endorsed: "Extracts from Mr. G’s
Reply— dated Mar. 26, 1775, at Trevose (Mr. G’s Country Seat in Bucks County in
Pennsylvania)
Reply to an Address to the Author of a Pamphlet, entitled, 'A Candid
Examination of the Mutual Claims of Great Britain and her Colonies,’ ire. (New
York: James Rivington, 1775) .
“ “Joseph Galloway, Esquire, having repeatedlv moved in Assembly to be ex¬
cused from serving as a Deputy for this Province in the Continental Congress, the
House this Day [May 12, 1775] took his Motion into Consideration, and do hereby
agree to excuse him from that Service.” Pa. Archives, 8th ser. 8:7234.
Joseph Galloway to Samuel Verplanck
Trevose, April 1 177^. Is pleased that Verplanck approves his
Candid Examination.^ “I find it decried by none but Independents,
or such as are determined to bring about a total separation of the two
countries at all events, and they are, you may be assured but one
fourth Part of our People. The late news from London partly fabri¬
cated in Philada and published by the high Flyers in London, who
know nothing of the secrets of the cabinet, have elated the spirits of
the Whigs to the highest Degree — notwithstanding the accounts are
contradicted by every authentic & solid Intelligence, and thus I imag¬
ine they will remain until the Resolutions of Parliament are known,
when I have not the least Doubt, but they will fall as much below
Par, as they are now above.
“You have no doubt seen the answer to the ‘Candid Examination.
It is the Production of a fortnight Labour of the Pennsylvania Farmer
and his old Assistant Charles Thompson. From the little approbation
it met with here, I should not have thought it worthy of a Reply,
But it gave me an opportunity of explaining some Principles of the
Pamphlet more fully — And besides I thought that the vanity and
Ignorance of the Authors ought to be exposed. I have therefore sent
to Mr. Rivington a reply, which I hope he will publish with all con¬
venient Speed.”®
MS not found; abstracted from PMHB 21 (1897) : 481-82.
^ See Joseph Galloway to Samuel Verplanck, December 30, 1774 and February 14,
1775.
“ Galloway’s Candid Examination was attacked in a letter by John Dickinson
and Charles Thomson, “To the Author of a Pamphlet, entitled 'A Candid Exami¬
nation of the mutual Claims of Great Britain and her Colonies, &c.’,” which
appeared in the Pennsylvania Journal; aiid the Weekly Advertiser, March 8, 1775.
^A Reply to an Address to the Author of a Pamphlet, entitled, “A Candid
Examination of the Mutual Claims of Great Britain and her Colonies,” &c. (New
York: James Rivington, 1775) .
326
April 6, 1775
Georgia Delegates to Peyton Randolph
gjj. Savannah in Georgia 6th April 1775
The unworthy Part which the Province of Georgia has acted in the
great and general Contest, leaves Room to expect little less than the
Censure or even Indignation of every virtuous Man in America^ Al-
tho on the one hand we feel the Justice of such a Consequence with
respect to the Province in General, yet on the other we claim an Ex¬
emption from it in favor of some Individuals who wished a better
Conduct. Permit us therefore in Behalf of ourselves, and many others
our Fellow Citizens warmly attached to the Cause, to lay before the
respectable Body over which you preside, a few Facts which we trust
will not only acquit us of Supineness, but also render our Conduct to
be approved by all candid and dispationate Men.
At the Time the late Congress did this Province the Honor to
transmit to it an Extract from their proceedings, inclosed in a friend¬
ly Letter from the Honble Mr. Middleton,^ the Sense and Disposi¬
tion of the People in general seemed to fluctuate, and as it were wav¬
er between Liberty and Conveniency. In order to bring on a Deter¬
mination respecting the Measures recommended a few well affected
Persons in Savannah by publick Advertisement in the Gazette, re¬
quested a Meeting of all the Parishes and Districts, by Delegates or
Representatives in provincial Congress. On the Day appointed for
this meeting with Concern they found, that only five out of twelve
Parishes to which they had particularly wrote, had nominated and
sent down Delegates and even some of these five had laid their Rep¬
resentatives under Injunctions as to the Form of an Association. Un¬
der those Circumstances those who met saw themselves a good deal
embarrassed, however one Expedient seemed still to present itself.
The House of Assembly was then sitting, and it was hoped there
wou’d be no doubt of a Majority in favour of American Freedom.
The Plan therefore was to go thro’ what Business they cou’d in Prov¬
incial Congress, and then with a short Address present the same to
the House of Assembly, who it was hoped wou’d by Vote, in a few
Minutes, and before Prerogative shou’d interfere, make it the Act of
the whole Province. Accordingly the Congress framed and agreed to
such an Association and did such other Business as appeared practic¬
able with the People, and had the whole just ready to be presented,
when The Governor, either treacherously informed of, or shrewdly
suspecting the Step, put an End to the session. What then cou d the
Congress do. On the one hand Truth forbid them to call their Pro¬
ceedings the Voice of the Province, there being but five out of twelve
Parishes concerned, and on the other they wanted Strength sufficient
to enforce them upon a Principle of Necessity to which all ought for
a Time to submit. They found the Inhabitants of Savannah not likely
April 6, 1775
327
soon to give Matters a favorable Turn. The Importers were mostly
against any Interruption and the Consumers very much divided.
There were some of the latter virtuously for the Measures, others
strenuously against them, but more who called themselves Neutrals
than either.
Thus situated there appeared Nothing before us, but the Alterna¬
tive of either immediately commencing a Civil War among ourselves,
or else of patiently waiting the Measures to be recommended by the
next General Congress. Among a powerful People, provided with
Men Money and Conveniences, and by whose Conduct others were
to be regulated the former wou’d certainly be the Resolution that
wou’d suggest itself to every Man removed from the Condition of a
Coward; but in a small Community like that of Savannah (where
Members are mostly in their first Advance towards Wealth or Inde¬
pendence, destitute of even the Necessaries of Life within themselves,
and from whose Junction or Silence so little wou’d be added or lost
to the General Cause,) the latter presented itself as the most eligible
Plan, and was adopted by the People. From that Time to the present
nothing worthy of Notice in a publick Way has been done. Party dis¬
putes and Animosities have occasionally prevailed which shew that
the Spirit of Freedom is not extinguished, but only restrained for a
Time till an Opportunity shall offer for calling it forth.
The Congress convened in Savannah did us the honor of choosing
us Delegates to meet your respectable Body at Philadelphia on the
tenth of next Month. We were sensible of the Honor and Weight of
the Appointment and wou’d gladly have rendered our Country any
Services our poor Abilities wou’d have admitted of, but alas! with
what Face cou’d we have appeared for a Province whose Inhabitants
had refused to sacrifice the most triffling advantage to the publick
Cause, and in whose behalf we did not think we cou’d safely pledge
ourselves for the Execution of any one Measure whatsoever. We do
not mean to insinuate that those who appointed us wou’d prove
Apostates, or desert their Opinion, but that the Tide of Opposition
and Interest were so great that all the Strength and Virtue of these
our Friends might be insufficient for the Purpose. We very early saw
the Difficulties that wou’d here occur, and therefore repeatedly and
constantly requested the People to proceed to the Choice of other
Delegates in our Stead, but this they refused to do.
We beg Sir you will view our Reasons for not attending in a liberal
Point of Light.^ Be pleased to make the most favorable Representa¬
tion of them to the Honble The Members of the Congress. We be-
leive we may take upon us to say notwithstanding all that has past,
there are still Men in Georgia who, when Occasion shall require, will
be ready to evince a steady religious and manly Attachment to the
Liberties of America. To the Consolation of these they find them-
328
April 6, 1775
selves in the Neighbourhood of a Province whose Virtue and Magna¬
nimity must and will do lasting Honor to the Cause, and in whose
Fate they seemed disposed freely to involve their own. We have the
Honor to be Sir Your most obedt. & very hum. Servants
Noble Wimberly Jones
Archd. Bulloch
John Houstoun
RC (DLC) . Written by Bulloch and signed by Jones, Bulloch, and Houstoun.
1 Georgia had sent no delegates to the First Congress. Although the document
does not bear the name of the intended recipient, the letter’s content makes it
clear that it was directed to President Randolph.
®On October 21, 1774, Congress had approved sending letters to Georgia, St.
John’s, Nova Scotia, and East and West Florida, all of which had been unrepre¬
sented at Philadelphia, calling upon these colonies to support the measures which
the delegates had taken to defend American rights. JCC, 1:101-3, 122.
^Notwithstanding the refusal of Jones, Bulloch, and Houstoun to attend the
opening session of the Second Congress, Georgia was partially represented in this
body from May to July 1775, by Lyman Hall (1724-90) . Hall, who was elected to
Congress by St. John’s Parish on March 21, 1775, served for a time as a nonvotmg
delegate owing to the fact that he represented only one parish. In July, however,
the Georgia Provincial Congress chose Hall, together with Jones, Bulloch, Hous¬
toun, and John Joachim Zubly, as the colony’s regular representatives in Congress,
and Hall’s credentials reached Philadelphia on July 20. JCC, 2:44—50, 192-93.
Richard Henry Lee to John Dickinson
Sir, Chantilly in Virginia April 7th 1775
Various unexpected prorogations of our Assembly having prevent¬
ed this Colony from taking up the consideration of the proceedings of
the Continental Congress until the 20th of last month, I have now the
pleasure of inclosing you the proceedings of our Convention on that
and other subjects relative to our unhappy dispute with the British
Ministry.^
You may gather from hence Sir, how determined a spirit prevails
here, to resist the unjust aggression offered us. For my own part, I
could not approve of thanking the Governor for conducting war
against an unhappy people, forced into hostilities, as I verily believe,
by our own people. I was not in convention when this was agreed to.
The inclosed printed tickets shew what use is made of the name of
Majesty in these days!^ On the 10th of March we are told that Lord
Dartmouth has informed the Agents of his Majesties gracious recep¬
tion of the Congress p>etition, and on the 30th of the same month,
that the meeting of this very Congress is “highly displeasing to his
Majesty.”
Must the Publick credit Lord Dartmouth, or Lord Dunmore, for it
April 7, 1775
329
Lyman Hall
330
April 7, 1775
would seem that both cannot be right? I hope to have the pleasure of
seeing you in Philadelphia soon, in the mean time, I beg leave to as¬
sure you that I am with great respect and esteem Sir Your most obe¬
dient and very humble servant. Richard Henry Lee
RC (PHi) . Although unidentified, the recipient has been conjectured from the
fact that Lee’s letter is among Dickinson’s papers in the R. R. Logan Collection.
^The proceedings of this Virginia convention are printed in Am. Archives, 4th
ser. 2:165-72.
^ Not found.
Eliphalet Dyer to Silas Deane
Windham, April 14th, 1775. “Can only say it is too late to talk
about a Special Assembly,^ Sc it will not do when the General Con¬
gress, which moves the whole Machine, is so near Setting, for any one
wheel, of its own head, to set a moving itself; it may be so Contrary
that the whole may thereby be thrown into Confusion. ... By your
letter I suppose I am to Understand that without farther Notice or
provision I may depend upon stowing in with you in thy Leathern
Conveniency, when Sc where we can Chatt, we can sing, we can dis¬
pute everything. Scold Sc make friends again every half hour, which
will make the time pass away easily 8c the road smoothly.”
MS not found; abstracted from NYHS Collections 19 (1887) ; 42-43.
^The Connecticut Assembly did meet in special session, April 26, 1775. For a
discussion of the measures Connecticut adopted in the excitement generated by the
news from Lexington and Concord, see Oscar Zeichner, Connecticut s Years of
Controversy, 1750-1776 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1949) ,
pp. 191-94.
Edmund Pendleton to George Washington
[Caroline County? Virginia'] Apl. 21. 1775. Discusses a legal
matter of interest to Washington. Mentions a report that Governor
Dunmore has seized the powder in the Williamsburg magazine. Con¬
tinues; “I have as yet heard nothing From the Speaker [Peyton Ran¬
dolph] fixing the time of our setting out, indeed from some disturb¬
ances in the City [Williamsburg], by the Slaves, I doubt whether he
will go. I purpose however to set off at all events Wednesday morn¬
ing the 3d 8c shall be glad to meet you at upper Malbrough thursday
night.”
RC (DLC) . Edmund Pendleton, The Letters and Papers of Edmund Pendleton
April 29, 1775
331
1734-1803 , ed. David J. Mays, 2 vols. (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia,
1967), 1:102.
Robert R. Livingston, Jr., to John Stevens
New York 23d Apl 1775. Badly mutilated letter in which Livings¬
ton informs Stevens,^ his father-in-law, that “many private Letters
attribute the violent [measures?] of the ministry” to a belief among
British leaders in the probable “defection of New York” from the
American cause. Concludes with an affirmation of his decision to
serve in Congress. “I was just now unanimously elected a delegate
from this province.^ Some cautious persons w [ill] advise me to de¬
cline but I am resolved to stand or fall with my country. My property
is here I cannot remove it & I will not hold [it] at the will of others.
I hope to have the pleasure of seeing you at the vally on my way to
Philadelphia.”
RC (NjHi) .
^John Stevens (1715-92), New Jersey merchant, was vice president of the New
Jersey Council, 1770-82, and delegate to Congress, 1784. Bio. Dir. Cong.
’’The New York Provincial Convention elected Livingston, John Alsop, Simon
Boerum, George Clinton, James Duane, William Floyd, John Jay, Francis Lewis,
Philip Livingston, Lewis Morris, Philip Schuyler, and Henry Wisner delegates to
the Second Congress on April 21, 1775. Am. Archives, 4th ser. 2:357.
Silas Deane to Samuel B. Webb
{^Wethersfield'] Tuesday Morning, Apl. 25th 1775. Reports Con¬
necticut military preparations in the aftermath of the fighting at Lex¬
ington and Concord. Assures Samuel, who is already marching to¬
ward Boston, that “proper commissions” will soon be forwarded.
Continues: “I know not, whither I shall Attend the Congress or Not.
If Not, I design to be with you, immediately after, the rising of the
Assembly.”
RC (CtY) . Webb, Correspondence (Ford) , 1:57-58.
John Dickinson to Arthur Lee
{Fairhillf] April 29th. 1775. “The ‘immedicabile Vulnus’ is at
length struck. The Rescript to our Petition is written in Blood. The
impious War of Tyranny against Innocence has commenc’d in the
Neighbourhood of Boston.” Describes battle of Lexington and Con-
332
April 29, 1775
cord at length. Continues: “I cannot say, I am convinc’d of the Truth
of all the Particulars above mentioned; tho all of them are supported
by many probabilities. But these Facts, I believe. You may depend
on. That this most unnatural and inexpressibly cruel War began with
the Butchery of the unarm’d Americans at Lexington — that the
Provincials, incredible as it may be at St. James s or St. Stephens
fought bravely — that the Regulars have been defeated with consider¬
able Slaughter, tho they behav’d resolutely— that a Tory dares not
open his Mouth against the Cause of America even at New York—
that the Continent is preparing most assiduously for a vigorous Re¬
sistance — and that Freedom or an honorable Death are the only Ob¬
jects on which their [Sons?] are at present employed.
“What human Policy can divine the Prudence of precipitating Us
into these shocking Scenes? Why have We been so rashly declared
Rebels? Why have Divisions been sent to disarm Us? Why Orders to
commence Hostilities? Why was not General Gage at least restrain d
from Extremities till the sense of another Congress could be collect¬
ed? It was the determined Resolution of some already appointed del¬
egates for it, to have strain’d every nerve at that Meeting, to attempt
bringing the unhappy Dispute to Terms of Accommodation, safe for
the Colonies and honorable & advantageous for our Mother Country,
in whose Prosperity 8c Glory our Hearts take as large a Share, as any
Minister’s of State, and from as just and as generous Motives, to say
no more of them.
“But what Topicks of Reconciliation are now left for Men, Who
think as I do, to address our Countrymen? to recommend Reverence
for the Monarch or Affection for the Mother Country? Will the Dis¬
tinctions between the Prince and his Ministers, between the People 8c
their Representatives wipe out the Stains of Blood? Or have We the
slighest Reason to hope, that those Ministers 8c Representatives will
not be supported throughout the Tragedy as They have been thro the
first Act? No. While We revere 8c love, the Sword is opening our
Veins. In all human probability, the same Delusions will still prevail,
till France 8c Spain, if not other Powers, long jealous of Britain’s
Force 8c Fame, will fall upon her embarrass’d with an exhausting
Civil War, and crushing or at least depressing her, then turn their
arms on these provinces, which must submit to wear their Chains or
wade thro Seas of Blood too dear bought and at best a frequently
convuls’d and precarious Independence.
“All the ministerial Intelligence concerning Us is false. We are a
united, resolved People — are or quickly shall be well arm’d 8c disci¬
plined. Our Smiths 8c Powder Mills are at work Day 8c Night. Our sup¬
plies from foreign Parts continually arriving. Good officers, that is,
well experienc’d ones. We shall soon have — and the Navy of Britain
cannot stop our whole Trade. Our Towns are but Brick and Stone 8c
May 2, 1775
333
Mortar & Wood. They perhaps may be destroyed. They are only the
Hairs of our Heads. If shav’d ever so close, they will grow again.
We compare them not with our Rights Sc Liberties. We worship as
our Fathers worship’d — not Idols which our Hands have made.”
RC (MH) . In Dickinson’s hand, though not signed.
John Adams to Joseph Palmer
Dr Sir. Hartford May 2. 1775
We are very anxious to know the State of Things at Boston, Cam¬
bridge, Watertown and Roxbury. The Accounts We have here are
very confused and uncertain. ^ I hope the News Papers, will come
now.
Our Accounts from N. York are very well. That Province is getting
into a Train, which will Secure the Union of the Colonies, and Suc¬
cess to their Efforts.
The little, dirty, ministerial Party there, is humbled in the Dust.
Certain military Movements of great Importance, and with the Ut¬
most secrecy have been set on foot in this Colony of Connecticutt,
which I dare not explain in Writing, but refer you to Coll Foster,
Danielson & Bliss.
I know very well the Multiplicity of your Business, but as it is of
great Consequence that We should be minutely informed of every
Thing, I must beg you to write as often as possible and perswade oth¬
ers to write me.^ Mr. Cooper, Mr Ward, any Body that can write
Facts. The Letters will follow us and reach us, at last. I am sensible
you must have a Multitude of Applications. But I am advised by Coll
Hancock’s just to Hint to you a Request in Behalf of my Brothers, if
Either of them should have an Inclination to engage in the Army. I
have never Said any Thing to them, because I choose to leave them,
in a Case of such interesting Importance, to their own Inclination
and Discretion. I am your Friend & sert. John Adams
RC (ICHi) .
Four Adams letters to his wife, written from Hartford April 30-May 2, 1775,
and explaining the reports that had reached him during his stay in Connecticut en
route to Philadelphia, are in Adams, Family Correspondence (Butterfield) ,
1:188-92.
^Joseph Palmer (1716-88) , manufacturer of Germantown, Mass., and member of
the provincial committee of safety, had served as moderator of the Suffolk County
Convention in September 1774, and subsequently became a brigadier general in the
militia. DAB.
334
May 3, 1775
Thomas Johnson, Jr., to Horatio Gates
My dear Major, Annapolis 3d May 1775
I am exceedingly obliged by the Freedom of your Communication,
since the King and Ministry have resolved to enforce the Execution
of the Acts I am not at all sorry that the pent up flame has broke out.
We begin to have the Tory Accounts of the Action. All of them less¬
en the Success, and increase the Loss of the New England Men, and
some of them have drubbed the Yankees most woundily, but I be¬
lieve all agree that the Regulars marched from Charles Town to Con¬
cord 8c back again the same day, and that in their Return they came
15 Miles of the Distance, in about three Hours, though the Yankees
gave them very warm Invitations to stay longer, which were accepted
by a part of the Regulars, who still remain there.
I am much more alarmed at the Situation of N. York than the
Massachusetts. Every Man who will reflect must think it of the ut¬
most Consequence in every View to keep possession of that Prov¬
ince. By the last of this Month we may expect the Arrival of the
Troops who are to occupy that post. I indeed wished to have imme¬
diately sent about 2000 picked Men to N York and have pressed my
Neighbours on either Side to a proportional Exertion but the Mo¬
tions of Numbers are too slow and their Counsels too cautious to act
effectual. Nothing can be done till the Meeting of the Congress.
I expect we shall be plagued at the Congress with plans of Recon¬
ciliation thrown out, not indeed to obtain that Desirable End but to
revive Hopes of Liberty and Peace, retard our Operations, and di¬
vide us, when at the same Time they are pushing us vigorously on ev¬
ery Side, and the firm N. England Govts in particular are to be sur¬
rounded in such a Manner as to be starved into Submission.
I am in Hopes the Neighbourhood of N. York will have Virtue
enough to take more upon themselves than their own Share for a lit¬
tle while and that my Countrymen will act in Time enough to relieve
some of the Jersey or Connecticut people who may be forward in the
Business.
I imagine Questions of immense Consequence must come before
the Conti. Congress. The Ministry have so conducted themselves that
it seems to me all Men must be satisfied they do not intend to heal
the Distractions Divisions 8c wounds in the British Empire. I intirely
agree with you that when the Hop>e of peace is lost the preparation, if
so long delayed, for Defence ought to be with the utmost Vigour. I
am obliged to add but and yet I hate the word, but I cannot say I am
sorry that Lord Dunmore has begun in Virginia since we have no
prospect of any Thing but Extremities. The more general the Wrongs
and Insults on the Subjects the better they will rouze 8c unite better
than all the Arguments 8c Oratory in the World. We cannot but be
May 8, 1775
335
successful if we are beat into a Submission under the Execution of
the Acts of Parliament, that Submission and Slavery will last no long¬
er than their comparative strength and our comparative Weakness.
Our Children will resume the Contest on the first favourable Occa¬
sion and though Individuals and many of the best amongst us may be
lost, the Liberties of America will be saved but if we become Tribu¬
taries by Consequence, Individuals of the present Day will be saved
but the Liberties of America will be lost.
Unless there shd be a prospect of seeing you at Phila. I shall be
obliged to you for a Line now and then. Pray make my Compliments
to Mrs. Gates. I am Dr. Sir Yours Th. Johnson, Junr.
RC (NHi) .
Silas Deane to Elizabeth Deane
[A/'ere York, May 7th, 7775.] Recounts the journey of the Con¬
necticut and Massachusetts delegates across Connecticut and New
York. Describes their grand procession into New York City, led by a
battalion of 800 men and cheered on by the welcoming throngs.^
Continues: “Tories are silent, but not quite dead; but a most critical
watch is kept over them, and every letter intercepted. The people are
in suspense as to seizing the Fort as yet, and wait the advice of the
Congress; but a most surprising spirit prevails, and New England
men are extolled to the skies.”
MS not found; abstracted from NYHS Collections 19 (1887) : 43-46.
^ Samuel Adams’ letter of this date to his wife, reporting the “great Honor”
accorded the Massachusetts and Connecticut delegates by the city of New York, is
in Adams, Writings (Cushing) , 3:214. John Hancock’s letter of the same date to
Dorothy Quincy, containing an even more elaborate description of their New York
reception, is in the Magazine of American History 19 (June 1888) : 509-10. And for
John Adams’ letter to his wife written from New York May 8, see Adams, Family
Correspondence (Butterfield) , 1:195-96.
Benjamin Franklin to David Hartley
Dear Sir, Philada. May 8. 1775. Monday
I arrived here on Friday Evening, 8c the next morning was unani¬
mously chosen by the General Assembly a Delegate for the ensuing
Congress, which is to meet on Wednesday.
You will have heard before this reaches you of the Commence¬
ment of a Civil War; the End of it perhaps neither myself, nor you,
who are much younger, may live to see.^ I find here all Ranks of
336
May 8, 1775
People in Arms, disciplining themselves Morning & Evening, and am
informed that the firmest Union prevails throughout North America;
New York as hearty as any of the rest. I purpose to communicate to
you from time to time the most authentic Intelligence I can collect
here, and hope to hear frequently from you in the same Way. I am
with great Esteem, Dear Sir, Your most obedt huml Servt2
B Franklin
X\.V..4
^ David Hartley (1732-1813), English statesman, inventor, pro-American MF
from Hull, 1774-80. DNB.
^This day Franklin also wrote a brief letter to Joseph Galloway. “I am much
oblig’d by your kind Congratulations. I am concern’d at your Resolution of
quitting public Life at a time when your Abilities are so much wanted. I hope
you will change that Resolution. I hear my Son is to be at Burlington this day
Week to meet his Assembly. I had purposed (if he could not conveniently come
hither) to meet him there, and in my Return to visit you at Trevose. I shall know
in a day or two, how that will be. But being impatient to see you, I believe I
shall accept the kind Offer of your Carriage, and come to you directly. If I
conclude upon that, I shall let you know. At present I am so taken up with
People coming in continueally, that I cannot stir, & can scarce think what is
proper or practicable.” Arthur Loeb Collection, Philadelphia, Pa., 1975.
Caesar Rodney to Thomas Rodney
New-Castle May the 8th 1775. “I arrived here yesterday after¬
noon 8c soon after waited on Col. Bland one of the delegates from
Virginia, who is since gone up to town in the stage 8c says the other
delegates from his colony, (he believes) might have got as far as
Chester last night. Mr. Hall, Mr. Johnson 8c Mr. Tilghman of Mary¬
land set out from here this day soon after dinner 8c about the same
time, a brig from South Carolina passed by with the delegates from
that colony. Mr. Chaise of Maryland went through this town
yesterday.! Mr. Read 8c I are to set out to-morrow morning attended
by the Militia of this town at the instance 8c request of the Company.
The Province Assembly2 ^ho are now setting have added Dr. Benja¬
min Franklin 8c Mr. James Willson of York Co. to the Congress.”
Tr (DLC) . Rodney, Letters (Ryden) , p. 57.
' For additional information on the journey of the Virginia and other southern
delegates to Philadelphia, see Washington, Diaries (Fitzpatrick), 2:194-95; and
Richard Caswell to William Caswell, May 11, 1775.
^ The provincial assembly of Pennsylvania.
May 10, 1775
337
Silas Deane’s Diary
[May 10, 1775]
Arrived at Philadelphia 10th May 1775.
Congress formed & Chose their Pres, and secretary,^ read their
Certificats.
MS (CtHi) . CHS Bulletin 29 (July 1964) ; 90. From a fragment of Silas Deane’s
diary, which he maintained in two overlapping parts, covering April 20-
July 24, 1775, and May lO-October 26, 1775. Deane apparently intended to keep
separate entries for his private affairs and “transactions in Congress,” but since he
failed to maintain that distinction, entries pertaining to his activities as a delegate
have been used in this work regardless of the section in which Deane wrote them.
A discussion of Deane and the diary, plus the entire text of both fragments, are in
Christopher Collier, “Inside the American Revolution: A Silas Deane Diary Frag¬
ment, April 20 to October 25, 1775,” ibid., pp. 86-96A.
^ Peyton Randolph and Charles Thomson were returned to their respective
offices. JCC, 2:12.
Richard Henry Lee to William Lee
Dear Brother Philadelphia 10 May 1775
I am exceedingly pressed with business and therefore must be
short, and for this time mix politics luith business of a private nature.
The Virga. Delegates arived here yesterday where they find all those
from the Southward of this, with the Deputies from N. Hamshire. In
an hour all from the Colonies north of this will be here and then the
Congress will be opened. There never appeared more perfect una¬
nimity among any sett of Men than among the Delegates, and indeed
all the old Provinces, not one excepted, are directed by the same firm¬
ness of union, and determination to resist by all ways and to every
extremity. The Province of N. York is at last alarmed.^ The Tory
Ministerial faction are driven from their influence and virtuous patri¬
otism taken place. The shameful defeat of General Gages Troops
near Boston (after a wanton and cruel Attack on unarmed people,
after they had brutally killed Old Men, Women, & Children) has riv-
itted such union, roused such a universal Military spirit thro out all
the Colonies, and excited such universal resentment against this Sav¬
age Ministry and their detestable Agents, that now no doubt remains
of their destruction with the establishment of American Rights. 800
of the Regulars commanded by a Colo. Smith was defeated by 600
provincials hastily gathered together — Altho tis agreed the Colo, per¬
sonally behaved with the true spirit of a good Soldier. These 800
were afterwards supported by 1200 under command of Ld. Piercy,
but the whole were compelled (upon a reenforcement coming up to
the Provincials) to retreat to Boston having had several Men killed.
338
May 10, 1775
wounded, and taken prisoners. The Provincials are since increased to
20,000 and lay now encamped before Boston. All communication is
cut off between Town Sc Country. The Troops, by way of insult,
marched first out of Town to the tune of Yankey doodle, and some
time after fired unprovoked upon some people who were exercising,
as they told the Regulars for amusement without having any ammu¬
nition with them. This is the most authentic account we have here of
this business. The Connecticut people with the N. Yorkers are pre¬
paring to prevent any bad designs of the Troops coming to the latter
place.
I expect Capt. Brown will soon be loaded, as he has Toba[ccoj
enough ready. You will please insure for Colo. George Mason one
hundred hogsheads in the Adventure to recover £ 10. sterling in case
of loss. 22 hhds of Colo. P. L. Lee’s estate &: 5 of mine at what you
judge proper. The proceeds of these 22 hhds are to be applied to the
use of our brother Doctor Lee. 15 of them are Top stem’d heavy
hhds. So that you may advance the Doctor at least 200 Guineas on
the whole. Mr. Willings Tobacco’s were all engaged another way be¬
fore your application. Loudon [Francis L. Lee] & Mr. Brown will
take care of yr. Virga business. The Doctors family here send their
love. Farewell Richard Henry Lee
’'New York’s vacillation had been a matter of concern since the assembly had
refused in January to endorse the work of the First Congress. The change in New
York sentiment, which was commented upon by several of the delegates as they
reassembled in Philadelphia, had already been communicated to Virginia, where
the following "extract of a letter from one of the Virginia Delegates, on his way to
the Congress, dated Tuesday evening last,” was printed in the Virginia Gazette
(Purdie) , May 5, 1775. “The storm thickens fast. The New Yorkers have received
intelligence that their town is to be fortified, and 14 regiments sent there, to cut
off the communication between the southern and eastern colonies. This has united
them, to a man, in the American cause. They are forming themselves, and beg
assistance from the southward. This comes from the Philadelphia committee. The
Bostonians have given a good drubbing to 2000 regulars.”
Robert Treat Paine’s Diary
[May 10, 1775]
A.M. Proceeded to Philadelphia, met 5 miles out of Town by a
Great No. of Gentlemen Sc military Companys, one of Riflemen Es¬
corted by Music to City Tavern.i Dined at Mrs. Yards where we put
up. P.M. met in Congress at the State House, Chief of the Members
arrived. Chose a President Mr Randolph & Secry.
MS (MHi) .
May 11, 1775
339
' A more detailed account of the delegates’ entry into Philadelphia was penned
by Massachusetts loyalist, Samuel Curwen. “First appeared 2 or 300 Gentlemen on
horseback preceded by the new chosen city Military Officers 2 and 2 with drawn
swords followed by J[ohn] H[ancock] and S[amuel] A[dams] in a Phaeton and
pair the former looking as if his journey and high living, or his solicitude to
support the dignity of his character as the first man in Massachusetts, had
impaired his health. Next came J[ohn] A[dams] and Mr. C[ushing] in a single
horse chaise, behind followed R[obert] T[reat] P[aine], and after him the N.
York, at least some of the many Delegates from the Provinces.” Samuel Curwen,
The Journal of Samuel Curwen Loyalist^ ed. Andrew Oliver, 2 vols. (Cambridge:
Harvard University Press, 1972) , 1:8.
Richard Caswell to William Caswell
My Dear Son Philadelphia 11th May 1775.
By a Gentleman Bound to Tar River I now Write to inform you,^
that after I parted with you at Halifax Mr. Hewes & myself proceed¬
ed on our Journey, as follows. Sunday evening we Arrived at Peters¬
burg in Virginia where we met the express with an Accot. of a Battle
between the Kings Troops & the Bostonians. The next day we
crossed James River Sc Lodged at Hanover Court House, where we
had an Accot of 1500 Men being under Arms to proceed to Williams¬
burg in Order to Oblige Lord Dunmore to return some powder he
had taken out of the Magazine & lodged on Board of a Man of War
in James River; what was done in that matter we have not since
Heard. The next day we were constantly meeting Armed men who
had been to Escort the delegates for Virginia on their Way towards
this place. We Lodged that night at Port Royal and were only 2 or 3
Hours after the Virginia Gentn. The next day we got down to Potow-
mack Side before the Boats returned that had carried the Virginians
over. Here were part of the Militia of three Counties under Arms Sc
in the Uniform of hunting shirts, they received us & Conducted us,
on the return of the Boats, to the waters edge with all the Military
honors due to General Officers, we then crossed the River and
learned at the Ferry on Maryland side that a Company of Indepen¬
dants in Charles County had Attended the Virginia delegates from
there under Arms, we proceeded & overtook them at Port Tobacco,
where indeed the Independants made a Most Glorious Appearance.
Their Company consisted of 68 Men beside officers all Genteelly
drest in Scarlet & well equiped with Arms & Warlike Implements
with drum & Fife, Sentinels were placed at the doors Sc occasionally
releived during the Time we stayed there.
The next Morning We all set out together & were Attended by the
Independants to the Verge of their County, where they delivered us
to another Company of Independants in Prince George’s & they in
579-852 0 - 77 - 24 Vol. 1
340
May 11, 1775
like Manner to a second and that to a Third which brot us through
their County. We Lodged that night at Malborough 8c the next day
tho we met with a Most Terible Gust of Lightining, thunder, wind.
Hail 8c rain. Arrived at Baltimore at the enterance of Which Town
we were received by four Independant Companies who Conducted us
with their Colours Flying, drums Beating 8c Fifes playing to our
Lodgings at the Fountain Tavern (Grants) . The next day we were
prevailed on to stay at Baltimore, where Colo. Washington Accom¬
panied by the rest of the delegates reviewed the Troops. They have
four Companies of 68 Men each Compleat, who go thro their Exer¬
cises extremely Clever, they are raising in that Town three other
Companies which they say will soon be full. We were very Genteelly
entertained here in the Court House. The next day we Breakfasted at
My old Master Cheynes 8c dined at Susquehanah, crossed the River
8c Lodged at the Ferry House. As I had in some Measure been the
cause of the Virginia Gentn. going round the Bay by recommending
that road 8c being the only person in the Company Acquainted with
the road I was Obliged to keep with them so that I did not call on
any of my relations. I sent George in to Jos. Dallams where he left
the Letters I brot. for our Friends and was informed my Grand
Mother 8c all Friends were Well except Mrs. Dallam who had been
poorly some Time. The next day we got to Wilmington where we fell
in with Several of The Maryland delegates 8c came all into this City
to Dinner on the 7th Instant. Yesterday the Congress met Agreable
to Appointment 8c this day it was Resolved that they enter upon the
Consideration of American grievances Monday next.
Here a Greater Martial Spirit prevails if possible, than I have been
describing in Virginia 8c Maryland. They have 28 Companies Com¬
pleat which make near 2000 Men who March out to the Common 8c
go thro their Exercises twice a Day regularly. Scarce any thing But
Warlike Musick is to be heard in the Streets, there are Several Com¬
panies of Quakers only, and many of them beside enrolled in Other
Companies promiscuously. Tis sayed they will in a few days have
3000 Men under Arms ready to defend their Liberties. They are
raising Men in New York 8c all the Northern Governments, the
Yorkers I am told by their Delegates are determined to Defend their
Liberties 8c since the Action between the Kings Troops 8c the Provin¬
cials scarcely a Tory is to be found amongst them. I herewith inclose
you a paper in which is a List of the Killed 8c Wounded of the Kings
Troops, But ’tis said this is not Genuine, a Much greater Number
being Actually Killed. On the side of the Bostonians 37 were Killed
outright 4 are Missing 8c I forget The Number of Wounded I think
thirty odd.
Thus you have the fullest Account I am Able to give of these mat¬
ters and as the Accot. is so long twill not be in my power to Commun-
May 11, 1775
341
nicate the same to any other of my Countrymen & friends but thro’
you. You may therefore remember me in the Strongest manner to
Your Uncles, Capt Bright & others of my particular Friends. Shew
them this Letter, and tell them it will be a Reflection on their Coun¬
try to be Behind their neighbours, that it is Indispensibly necessary for
them to Arm 8c form into a Company or Companies of Independants.
When their Companies are full, 68 private Men each to Elect
Officers Viz a Capt. 2 Lent, an Ensign 8c Subalterns, And to meet so
often as possible 8c go thro the exercise, receive no Man but such as
can be depended on, at the same Time reject none who will not dis¬
credit the Company. If I live to return I shall most Chearfully Join
any of my Countrymen even as a rank and file man, And as in the
Common cause I am here exposed to danger that or any other diffi¬
culties I shall not shun whilst I have any Blood in my Veins, But
freely offer it in Support of the Liberties of my Country. Tell Your
Uncles (the Clk 8c Sher.) it may not be prudent for them so far to
engage, yet awhile, in any Company as to risk the losses of their of¬
fices. But you, my Dear Boy, must become a Soldier 8c risk your life
in Support of those invaluable Blessings, which once lost Posterity
will never be able to regain. Some men I fear will start objections to
the enrolling of Companies 8c exercising the Men 8c will say it will be
acting against Government, that may be Answered “That it is not so”
That we are only Qualifying ourselves and preparing to defend our
Country 8c Support our Liberties. I can say no more at present But
that May God Almighty protect you all 8c his Blessing Attend your
good endeavors, is the Ardent prayer of. My Dear Ghild, Your Affec¬
tionate Eather Rd Caswell
P.S. Only shew this Letter to such as I have described above 8c don’t
let it be Copied, Consult Capt Bright 8cc.
RC (Nc-Ar) . N. C. Colonial Records, 9:1247-50. RC damaged; missing words
supplied from Tr.
^William Caswell (d. 1787?) , son of Richard Caswell, and subsequently a
captain in the Fifth North Carolina Continental Regiment and a brigadier general
of North Carolina militia. The younger Caswell had accompanied the North
Carolina delegation to the First Congress in 1774 and had kept an itinerary of their
travel to and from Philadelphia as well as a record of their attendance at various
social functions in that city while Congress was in session. Although internal
evidence clearly reveals that this itinerary was compiled by William, the editor of
The Colonial Records of North Carolina mistakenly ascribed its authorship to
Richard Caswell. N. C. Colonial Records, 9:1064-70; N. C. State Records, 13:754-56;
and J. Bryan Grimes, comp., North Carolina Wills and Inventories . . . (Raleigh:
Edwards and Broughton, 1912) , pp. 118-22.
342
May 11, 1775
Silas Deane’s Diary
[May 11, 1775]
Thursday 11th. Mr. Dushay opened with an excellent prayer. Day
spent in examining Certifi [cate] s and ordered that on Monday Next
the Congress should resolve itself into a Commee. of the whole house
on the State of America. Affidavits 8cc respectg. Lexington Battle read
& ordered to the presses.
MS (CtHi) . CHS Bulletin 29 (July 1964) : 90.
Joseph Hewes to Samuel Johnston
Dear Sir Philadelphia 11th May 1775
I arived here the 9th, in company with the Virginia delegates.
Yesterday the Congress met when all the Provinces that sent dela-
gates before were Represented except Rhode Island, the two Gover¬
nors from that Colony are expected in a day or two. Mr Randolph is
Chosen President &: C. Thompson Secretary. Doctr. Franklin arived
here on Fryday last and on Saturday was appointed a Delagate, by
the assembly of this Province. They also added Mr. Thomas Willing
& Mr. Wilson to the number. Galloway has turned apostate; he strug¬
gled hard in the House of assembly to get a majority to Condemn the
proceedings of the late Congress, & to Petition the King See. as the as¬
sembly of New York had done. By this Step he has lost the Confid¬
ence of all ranks of People. A few days ago a Box was left at his
Lodgings in this City directed for Jos. Galloway Esqr. He opened it
before several Gentleman then present and was much surprised to
find it contained a Halter with a note in these words “all the Satisfac¬
tion you can now give your injured Country is to make a proper use
of this and rid the World of a Damned Scoundrell.” He is gone off
no body can tell where tho it is thought to New York.^ All kinds of
business is at hand here. Nothing is heard but the sound of Drums 8c
Fifes, all Ranks 8c Degrees of men are in Arms learning the Manual
Exercise Evolution 8c the management of Artillery. They have now in
this City Twenty eight Companies of Foot of 68 men each including
Officers all of whom are out twice every day in Training. Several
more Companies are forming, they have also two Companies of
Light Horse in short it is impossible to describe the Spirit of these
people and the alteration they have undergone since I left them in
December last. All the Quakers except a few of the old Rigid ones
have taken up arms, there is not one Company without several of
these people in it, and I am told one or two of the Companies are
composed entirely of Quakers. The people of this Province in general
May 11, 1775
343
are associating in Companies and employing Sarjants to teach them
the exercise. I find all the Provinces are in Arms Except No. Caroli¬
na. New York has been Converted almost as instantaneously as St
Paul was of old, a Tory dare not open his mouth either in that Prov¬
ince or this. The Battle near Boston & the Act of Parliament for re¬
straining the Trade of all the Colonies except New York 8c N. Caroli¬
na has wrought the Conversion of New York. I wish to God it may
have the same affect on our Province, I tremble for No. Carolina,
every County ought to have at least one Company formed 8c exer¬
cised, pray encourage it. Speak to the people, write to them, urge
strongly the necessity of it, I had rather perish Ten thousand times
than they should give up the matter now in the time of tryal.
The Bearer Mr Reed is in quest of some Effects of his Eather’s
who died lately in Pitt County, he is related to some of the first Char¬
acters here. If you can render him any Services you will oblige me.
Please to offer my best Complts. to the Ladies, and to all my friends.
I am Dr. Sir your mo. obed. Servt Joseph Hewes
[P.S.] Mr. Hooper desires his Compliments. This Opportunity hap¬
pened unexpectedly. He has not time to write, nor have I time to
write to any other of my friends. J-H.
RC (Nc-Ar) . N. C. Colonial Records, 9:1246-47. RC damaged; missing words
supplied from Tr.
^Galloway was apparently at his home at “Trevose” on May 12, when he sent to
several newspapers a statement directed “To The Publick” charging that false
reports have been industriously propagated, with the malicious design of injuring
my character.” He particularly denied that he had written letters to the North
Ministry “inimical to America.” “That the good people of this Province may not
be deceived by such groundless falsehood,” he continued, “I do declare that these
reports are malicious and without the least foundation.” Am, Archives, 4th ser.
2:579. The same day, the Pennsylvania Assembly officially excused Galloway from
serving as a delegate to the Second Continental Congress, having disregarded his
persistent requests to be excused for several months. Ibid., p. 457.
Caesar Rodney to Thomas Rodney
Sir, Philada. May the 11th 1775
I have verry little News (as Yet) to Write you. More Than What
the printers (Who are verry apt to get the Whip-hand of their neigh¬
bours in that way) have set forth in their papers. Which you will get
per Posts. Billy Rodney will give you a discription of the public entry
of the Bostonian deligates into this City Yesterday, it was verry
grand and Intended to Shew their approbation of the Conduct of the
good people of that Government, in the distressing situation of Af¬
fairs there. I believe, from the best accounts. That General Gage Was
forced upon the plan of Sending Troops to Concord, by the other of-
344
May 11, 1775
ficers of Note, together with the Tory party in Boston, Mandamus
Councellors &c. — Alledging that the people would Address, Resolve
and threaten, but Would not fight. The general tho over-ruled it
Seems was not Convinced, therefore Sent a Second Brigade. The
purpose of the Expedition was to destroy the Amunition, Arms, pro¬
visions and Bridges, and some say to take Hancock and the other
delegates Who they know to be in that part of the Country. Mr. Han¬
cock told me he had been to See that Small Company at Lexington
Exercise, and had not left them more [than] ten Minutes, When the
Troops came up, and that they had no Suspition of any. Last Eve¬
ning I see a verry intelligent man from Massachusetts Government
Who was in the engagement, and got him to relate the Story. He says
they fired on the people at Lexington as related, and Killed Seven on
the Spot, they dispersed without returning The fire. That the Troops
went on to Concord, distroyed [meat?] flower 8c pork, throw a
Quantaty of Ball in the River, Broke two Cannon, and did other
damage. That by this time one hundred and fifty Provincials had
Collected near the Bridge, that the Troops fired on them and Killed
three. That the provincials for the first time Returned the fire. Which
they Continued and Encreasing in their number drove the Troops
back as far as Lexington — Where when Joined by the second Bri¬
gade they made some Stand but Soon Retired again. Which they
Continued without making any Stop till they got to Charles-Town.
He says they retreated at the rate of Near Six Miles an Hour — That
there never was more than four hundred Provincials Who See them
till they got to Buncar’s Hill at the Edge of Charles-Town, That there
were better than two Thousand provincial who had way-laid them
but were on the Wrong Road, and about two Thousand more Who
followed verry fast but Could not Come up till at Buncar’s Hill —
That the Provincialls had thirty Six Killed, That he Cannot tell how
many Regulars were Killed, But that the provincials buried one
hundred and three of them Which they found dead on the Road from
Concord to Charles-Town.
I Should be glad you Would Call upon Joseph Pryor And know
Whetlier I Can have that Room of his Next Doctor Ridgely’s on
Rent in Case I Should Stand in Need of it, 8: know of him What the
rent must be.
There is Such a Martial Spirit prevails in the province, that I Can’t
get you a Drum 8c Colours in less that two Weeks by Which time
Eleeson says they Shall be ready. The packet I desired Mr. Maurice
to Call at my house for, I have since found in my Trunk. The Con¬
gress met Yesterday Chose Peyton Raldolp President, 8c Charles
Thomson Secretary. Franklin, Willson 8c Thos. Willing are added.
The Congress Will be opened this day With prayers by Mr. Duchee,
and then proceed to business. I am 8cc yrs. Caesar Rodney.
May 12, 1775
345
P.S. I intended this Letter by Billy, but did not See him the day he
left Town.
RC (PHi).
Samuel Ward’s Diary
1775 May llthi
The Congress opened with Prayers by Mr Duchee. Credentials of
the Gentn. present opened 8cc. Thanks to Mr. Duchee by Mr. Bland
Mr. Willing & Mr. Sullivan.
Doors to be shut &: the Members under the Ties of Secrecy untill
Sec. Circular Letter 5th Feby. last from the Agents Franklin Lee &
Bollan to the Assemblies read.
A Letter from the provincial Congress of Watertown inclosing an
Acet. of the late Action at Concord &c.
Congress to be resolved into a Comee. of the whole on Monday to
take into Consideration the State of America: Letter from the prov¬
incial Congress referred to that Comee. Adjourned to next Day.
MS (RHi) .
^ Since Ward did not take his seat in Congress until May 15, his entries for this
day and the 13th must be based on information he received in conversations with
other delegates or through perusing Secretary Thomson’s rough journals rather
than from first-hand observation. See Ward’s Diary, May 15, 1775; and JCC,
2:50-51.
Silas Deane to Elizabeth Deane
My Dear Friday May 12th [1775]
I wrote you a long Letter from New York which conclude You
recd.^ On Monday morning, the Company of Grenadiers under
Capt. Lasher formed before Our head Quarters and the principal
Gentlemen of the City with their Delegates being Assembled, a pro¬
cession was made to the Ferry, where the Rhode Island packet lay to
receive us. The Crowd had become almost as great, as on the Satur¬
day before, & we pass’d the Ferry, (after Three Huzza’s from the
Shore,) just above the Man of Warr, music playing, on board. Sc
armed Boats on each Side. When arrived the Grenadiers landed first,
& formed, then We landed, 8c parted. On Our arrival within Three
Miles of Newark a Troop of Horse, 8c a Company of Grenadiers met
Us, but to Mr. Hancock’s, 8c the Peoples extreme disappointment, he
in his haste took another road and pass’d the Ferry direct to Elisa¬
beth Town. At Newark, we were received, in the most polite manner.
346
May 12, 1775
8c by as genteel a Company of Gentlemen as any I have seen, with
whom we dined, and rode to Elisabeth Town; joined Col. Hancock,
reed, a Salute from Four Companies of Militia, and went off for
Woodbrige, where all were in arms; but these were very rough
Troops 8c afforded us some Diversion, but they meant well, 8c we
spent half an hour with Them, after which we rode to Brunswic,
cross’d the Ferry 8c lodged, but with a Strong Guard. Early in the
Next morning, the militia Mustered, 8c guarded Us to Princetown,
where We were received by a Company under Arms, the president,
and Students, 8cc. Hence we rode to Trenton, and dined, thence to
Bristol, 8c lodged with a Guard. The Next Morning set out for Phila¬
delphia, 8c were met at about Six Miles on this side the City by about
Two Hundred of the principal Gentlemen on Horseback with their
Swords Drawn. Here We alighted, 8c baited. Thence, began a most
lengthy procession, half the Gentlemen on horseback, in the Van;
next to them. Ten Men on horseback with Bayonets fixed; Then,
Hancock 8c Adams, then Payne, next Mr. Dehart, Next Col. Floyd 8c
Mr. Boerum in a Phaeton with two most elegant white English
horses. Then Your humble Servant, 8c Col. Dyer, then Father Cushing 8c
Jno. Adams, Mr. Sherman next, then Mr. P. Livingston, who took
Jno. Webb into his Carriage, as one of his Servants had tired his
horse, 8c took John’s. Mr. Alsop tired all Four of his fine bay Horses,
and was with Mf. Duane put into other Carriages. Our rear closed,
with the remainder of the Gentlemen on horseback, with Swords
drawn, and then the Carriages, from the City. At about Two Miles
distance We were met, by a Company on Foot, 8c then by a Company
of rifle Men in their Uniform which is very Curious. Thus rolling 8c
gathering like a Snowball, we approached the City which was full of
people, & the Crowd, as great as at New York, the Bells all ringing,
and the air rent with Shouts 8c huzza’s. My little bay Horses were put
in such a Fright that I was in fear of killing several of the spectators,
however No harm was done, and after much fatigue. We were landed
at the New City Tavern. Happily a Rain had laid the Dust, 8c we
were not so troubled as at New York. We found all Our Freinds
from the Southward (Mr. Henry excepted) arrived, he is hourly ex¬
pected. Caesar is well, and as handsome as ever.
Thus I have given You a circumstantial relation, of Our March in
state for Two Hundred Miles, not thro any vanity, but to give Your
Curiosity Satisfaction, and to Shew you how high the Spirit of the
People is, in these parts. In this City they say they have Three Thou¬
sand of the principal Young Men exercising Twice every Day,
among whom is a large Number of the Freinds or Quakers. Dr.
Franklin is of the Congress the proceedings of which as before will
be kept a Secret — Galloway is fled as they say. You think Your Spir¬
it is high, believe Me it is as much warmer here as the Climate and
May 12, 1775
347
every kind of preparation goes on rapidly; and I seriously believe
Pennsylvania will in one Month, have more then Twenty Thousand
well disciplined Troops ready to take the Feild, they exercise here
Twice every Day, at Five in the Morning, &: Five in the Afternoon,
and are extremely well armed. Mr. Mifflin is a Captn. of one Compa¬
ny, Mr. Wykoff his Lt. 8c Mr. Mifflin’s brother an Ensign. The Com¬
mons west of the City, is every Morning & Afternoon, full of Troops,
8c Spectators, of all Ranks.
The delay of the Rhode Island Delegates as to coming up prevents
Our entering at once, deeply on Business,^ but You may depend all
will be well, that is if I may Judge from Appearance, but believe
Nothing You hear reported of Us, for Our doings will not be pub¬
lished but by Authority of the Whole. The scenes before us are so
vast. That I can give no kind of Judgement as to The Term We Shall
be detained here, and I tremble when I think of their vast importance
— may the God of Wisdom presidel Mr. Dushay made a most pa¬
thetic, & pertinent prayer at Our Opening — Presidt. and Secry. the
same as before.
I pray you send Me a paper, Mr. Hosmer has a Copy — Articles of
Confederation of the United New England Colonies. It will help Me
in an important Matter, it is dated 1642. I think but Mr. Hosmer will
know, I have one in my Desk but it may be misfiled in the Confu¬
sion. I have no Time in This Letter to write on Business, the Drum,
& Fife are hourly sounding in every Street, 8c my brainpan, is this
moment echoing, to the beat, parading under my Window. The
Southern Colonies are also all in Arms, & if I may venture a Conjec¬
ture on the Whole America has Now more than One Hundred Thou¬
sand, ready to take the Feild. Pray let good Care be taken of my Let¬
ters, & of those sent Me all must go under Cover to Mr. Hazard.
You may shew my Lettrs. but let no Copies, of any paragraph, be
Taken. I had determined to write, of sundry matters, on the Road,
but the bustle of Attendance prevented, and I am not yet, so Settled
as to recollect them, but a part of each Day shall be spent in writing
to You & I may add to this before it goes. I am, 8cc S.D.
P.S. D. Mumford is well, & I believe agreeable to his Master, but of
this hereafter. All the Brothers are hearty in the great & Glorious
Cause.
Saturday the 12th. [i.e. 13th]
The Post waits. Tell Mr. Hosmer, I reed, his Letter, 8c will write
him next post if anything material occurr. I reed. S. Webb’s Letter.
RC (CtHi) .
^ See Deane to Elizabeth Deane, May 7, 1775.
^Deane’s brief diary entry for this day— “Adjd. without doing any Business”—
further reflects this situation. CHS Bulletin 29 Quly 1964) : 90.
348
May 13, 1775
Silas Deane’s Diary
[May 13, 1775]
Saturday 13th. Reed. Letters from NYk. A long debate, ending
with postponing it untill Monday. Mr. Hall of Georgia took his Seat
but the mode of his Voting, undecided as yet.
Dined in full Congress. ^
MS (CtHi) . CHS Bulletin 29 (July 1964) ; 90.
^“Congress din’d together at City Tavern,” Robert Treat Paine noted in his
diary this date, MHi; George Washington wrote in his: “Dined at the City Tavern
with the Congress. Spent the Eveng. at my Lodgings.” Washington, Diaries (Fitz¬
patrick) , 2:195.
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[May 13, 1775] i
13th. Met, Dr. Lyman Hall for the parish of St. Johns in Georgia
admitted for that Parish under such Regulations as the Congress
should direct.2 Adjourned to Monday.
MS (RHi) .
^ For the provenance of this entry, see Ward’s Diary, May 11, 1775.
^ For a discussion of Hall’s peculiar status in Congress at this time, see Georgia
Delegates to Peyton Randolph, April 6, 1775, note 3.
Silas Deane to Samuel Webb
Dear Sami. Philadelphia 14th May 1775.
As You will See my Letters to Mrs. Deane I shall not enlarge on
incidents referr’d to, and sketchd out in them. The Military Spirit is
higher in this City, even among the Freinds, than in Connecticut.
Have Your Letter of the 7th and wish Your Sister, was well out of
Boston. Let Effects go where they will, it is not a Time to dispute,
about property, when Liberty and Life are attacked. There is a talk
of Adjg. to Hartford but this is out Doors chat, so no dependance
can be laid on what the Resolution may finally be.^ No place offers
for Your Brother, indeed Business, is but a Secondary Object, in this
City. Young Mr. Gadsden is here in bad State of health, will visit
Connecticut, before he returns. Our Family is small, & agreeable,
give my Compts. 8c Love to Your Brother and the Family. I am Dear
Sami. Yours Silas Deane
RC (CtY) .
May 15, 1775
349
^ For other references to the subject of an adjournment of Congress to Connecti¬
cut, see Deane to Elizabeth Deane, May 21, 1775, note.
Silas Deane’s Diary
[May 15, 1775]
Monday 15th. Congress full Rhode Island excepted. Motion for
the Order of the Day. Govr. Ward arrived 8c took his Seat. Debates
held untill 6 oClock PM — when Votes pass’d with Unanimity.
MS (CtHi) . CHS Bulletin 29 (July 1964) : 90.
Benjamin Franklin to Edmund Burke
Dear Sir, Philada. May 15. [17]75
You will see by the Papers that Gen. Gage call’d his Assembly to
propose Lord North’s pacific Plan, but before they could meet drew
the Sword, and began the War. His Troops made a most vigorous
Retreat, 20 Miles in 3 Hours, scarce to be parallell’d in History. The
feeble Americans, who pelted them all the Way, could scarce keep
up with them.
All People here feel themselves much oblig’d by your Endeavours
to serve them. I hear your propos’d Resolves were negativ’d by a
great Majority;^ which was denying the most notorious Truths; and a
kind of rational Lying, of which they may be convicted by their own
Records.
The Congress is met here, pretty full. I had not been here a Day
before I was return’d a Member. We din’d together on Saturday,
when your Health was among the foremost. With the sincerest Es¬
teem, I am ever Dear Sir, Your most obedt huml Servt.
B Franklin
RC (Sheffield City Libraries, England, U.K. Courtesy Earl Fitzwilliam) .
^ Burke’s resolutions were offered on March 22, 1775, to the House of Commons
at the conclusion of an impressive and lengthy speech which was widely circulated
in American newspapers and in several pamphlet editions. Edmund Burke, The
Speech of Edmund Burke, Esq; on Moving his Resolutions for Conciliation with
the Colonies, March 22, 1775 (London: J. Dodsley, 1775) .
Benjamin Franklin to Jonathan Shipley
My dear Lord, Philada. May 15. 1775
I arrived here well the 5th. after a pleasant Passage of 6 Weeks. I
350
May 15, 1775
met with a most cordial Reception, I should say from all Parties, but
that all Parties are now extinguish’d here. Britain has found means to
unite us. I had not been here a Day before I was unanimously elected
by our Assembly a Delegate to the Congress, which met the 10th arid
is now sitting. All the Governors have been instructed by the Minis¬
try to call their Assemblies and propose to them Lord N [orth] s pa¬
cific Plan. Gen. Gage call’d his; but before they could meet, drew the
Sword; and a War is commenc’d, which the youngest of us may not
see the End of. My Endeavours will be if possible to quench it; as I
know yours will be: but the Satisfaction of Endeavouring to do good,
is perhaps all we can obtain or effect. Being much hurried, I can
only add my best Wishes of Happiness to you and all the dear Fami¬
ly, with Thanks for your many Kindnesses. I am, ever, with the high¬
est Esteem & Respect, My Lord, Your L[ordshi]p’s most obliged &
obedt humble Servant B Franklin
RC (CtY) . Addressed: “Lord Bp. St. Asaph.”
Maryland Delegates to the
Harford County Committee of Safety
Qent. Philadelphia 15 May 1775.^
As there will be no Occation for Holding a Convention of our
Province the 22d Instant we Shall be Oblidged to you to Notify the
same to the Debutys for your County. ^ We Cannot at preasent ascer¬
tain [the] Time when it may be necessary to have a meeting but as
soon as [we] Can Shall be Cearefull to give the Best Notice of. We
are Gentlemen Yr. Most obedient Sevts. Mat. Tilghman
T Stone
Th Johnson Junr.
Tr (DLC photostat) .
^This letter was copied into the Proceedings of the Harford County Committee
of Safety under the date May 25, 1775, and introduced with the statement. Before
the Committee Proceeds to other Business the Following Letter which was Recvd.
the 17th Instant by Post was Read, as Recvd. from the Delegates at the Congress to
Postpon[e] the meeting of the Provential Convention to witt.”
^The Maryland Provincial Convention had met in Annapolis, April 24-May 3,
1775. It adjourned to permit Maryland’s delegates to attend the Second Continental
Congress but was concerned lest it lose touch with efforts outside the colony to
provide for the security of New England and New York. Thus before adjourning,
plans were made to reconvene “on Monday, the 22d of May, unless an earlier or
later day should be appointed by the Delegates of this Province, or any three of
them, appointed to attend the Continental Congress.” Apparently Johnson, Stone,
and Tilghman, who was chairman of the Maryland Convention as well as chair-
May 16, 1775
351
man of the Talbot County Committee of Observation, believed that the meeting of
the next convention, which later met July 26, 1775, should be postponed. Am.
Archives, 4th ser. 2:381; and Herbert Klingelhofer, “The Cautious Revolution:
Maryland and the Movement toward Independence: 1774-1776,” Md. Hut. Ma¬
gazine 60 (September 1965) : 262.
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[May 15, 1775]
15th. A Number of Members arrived. The Secry allowed to em¬
ploy Tim[oth]y Mallock [Matlack] as Clerk under an Oath of Se-
cresy; a Petition from the Murray’s; ^ ordered that the Congress be
resolved into a Comee. to morrow as above; New York asked Advice
relative to the Troops; the Delegate from St. Johns did not insist on a
Voice save where the Colos. were not called. Arrived myself at this
Time. Advice given to N. York. Memorial from Shoemaker &: Drink¬
er relative to Vessels 8cc. A Comee. appointed to consider what Posts
in Prov. N. York ought to be guarded, Colo. Washington 8cc. The
Comee. then adjd.
MS (RHi) .
^John and Robert Murray, Quaker merchants from New York, had come under
fire from the committees of observation of New York City and Elizabethtown, N.
J., for landing goods from England in the latter province in contravention of the
nonimportation agreement. Congress responded to the Murray’s petition “desiring
to be restored to their former situation with respect to their commercial privi-
ledges” by resolving on the 27th that henceforth all violators of the association
should seek redress for their offenses from the provincial conventions of the
colonies in which the violations had taken place. JCC, 2:53, 67; and Am. Archives,
4th ser. 2:144—48.
Silas Deane’s Diary
[May 16, 1775]
Tuesday 15th [i.e. 16th] Letter or Petition from Jno. Murray, 8c
Robt. Murray read, 8c ordered to lie on the Table.
Resolved into a Committee of the whole house, M. Tilghman in
the Chair.
Col. Lee opens the Debate and reads proposals for raising an
Army.
Mr. Lynch seconds him— also Mr. Jno Rutledge who insists that
previously some other points must be settled, such as do We aim at
independancy? or do We only ask for a Restoration of Rights 8c put¬
ting of Us on Our old footing— speaks long 8c well.
Mr. Robt. R. Livingston succeeds him in the same way — short.
352
May 16, 1775
Mr. Jno. Adams, lengthy, and Argumentative— independance on
Parliament is absolutely to be averrd in the Americans, but a de-
pendance on the Crown is what We own.
Mr. Dickinson —
1st. a Vigorous preparation for Warr
2d. a Vigorous prosecution of it —
3d. To strike out still a further plan for a reconciliation if it is pos¬
sible — on the last head, he speaks near an hour, — very timid is for
giving up intirely the Regulating of Trade, argues smoothly but Soph-
istically on the Subject and gives rather disgust.
Mr. Wilson answers him generally, is not lengthy.
Mr. E. Rutledge long See.
Adjd. at 6 oClock.
MS (CtHi) . CHS Bulletin 29 (July 1964) : 91.
Benjamin Franklin to Joseph Priestley
Dear Friend, Philadelphia, May 16, 1775.
You will have heard before this reaches you, of a march stolen by
the regulars into the country by night, and of their expedition back
again. They retreated 20 miles in [6] hours.
The Governor had called the Assembly to propose Lord North s
pacific plan; but before the time of their meeting, began cutting of
throats; — You know it was said he carried the sword in one hand,
and the olive branch in the other; and it seems he chose to give them
a taste of the sword first.
He is doubling his fortifications at Boston, and hopes to secure his
troops till succour arrives. The place indeed is naturally so defensi¬
ble, that I think them in no danger.
All America is exasperated by his conduct, and more firmly united
than ever. The breach between the two countries is grown wider, and
in danger of becoming irreparable.
I had a passage of six weeks; the weather constantly so moderate
that a London wherry might have accompanied us all the way. I got
home in the evening, and the next morning was unanimously chosen
by the Assembly a delegate to the Congress, now sitting.
In coming over I made a valuable philosophical discovery,^ which
I shall communicate to you, when I can get a little time. At present
am extremely hurried. . .
Yours most affectionately, B. F.
Tr (DLC) . Endorsed by William Temple Franklin: “The following is a Letter of
his [Dr. Franklin’s], (shortly after his Arrival) to Dr. Priestly.”
May 16, 1775
353
Footnote by William Temple Franklin: “Suppos’d to be relative to the different
temperature of the Sea— in different Latitudes, & Currents.”
® Ellipsis in MS.
New York Delegates to the
New York Committee of One Hundred
Dear Sir New York [t.e. Philadelphia] 16 May 1775
Inclosed we send you the advice of the Congress on the Subject on
which you requested it,^ 8c lest the Advice to remove the military
Stores might be construed to extend to those belonging to the Crown
we think it prudent to suggest to you that the contrary Construction
is the true one.
You would have reed, this Advice before had not sundry Circum¬
stances not material or perhaps proper to explain concurred in defer¬
ring till now. We are Gent your very hble Servts.
Jas. Duane Lewis Morris
Frans. Lewis Phil. Livingston
John Jay John Alsop
RC (NN) . Written by John Jay and signed by Jay, Alsop, Duane, Lewis, Philip
Livingston, and Morris.
’^The New York City Committee of One Hundred sent a letter to Congress on
May 10, asking what measures to take in view of the imminent arrival in the
province of British reinforcements. Congress reacted to this letter by passing a
resolution requesting New Yorkers to remain on the defensive after the coming of
new British troops “so long as may be consistent with their safety and security.
This resolution of May 15 was the enclosure to which the delegates refer here. Am.
Archives, 4th ser. 2:531, 618; and JCC, 2:49-52. The New York delegates’ letter and
Congress’ resolution were made public and were printed in many American
newspapers.
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[May 16, 1775]
16th. Met, the Letter from Murrays read 8c ordered to lye on the
Table, resolved into a Com[mitte]e of the whole to take into Con¬
sideration the State of America, Mr. Tilghman in the chair re-
p[orte]d that no Re[solution]s were come into 8c desired Leave 8cc.
MS (RHi) .
354
May 16, 1775
George Washington to the
Fairfax County Committee
Gentn. Phila. May 16th 1775.
If I could have communicated any thing by the last Post certain
and satisfactory, I should most assuredly have done it agreeable to
my promise, but the only articles of Intelligence which came to my
hands were containd in the Gazetees 8c went regularly to you.
This is pretty much the case at present, and leaves me little to add
as the Congress are again under the Tye of Secrecy in respect to their
proceedings till the business is Rnish’d, or particular parts of it pub¬
lish’d by Order. The principal design therefore of my writing to you
at this time, & under these circumstances is, to recommend strongly,
in case a Convention of the Virga. Delegates should be called (as the
Treasurer has been advis’d to do) in my absence, that some other
person may be chosen Pro: tern to serve in my Room; in order that
the County may, at this important Crisis, be fully represented. The
necessity of a full, and able Representation at such a juncture as this,
must be too obvious to need a comment, or words to enforce the
Recommendation.
We have a very full Congress, and I flatter myself that great una¬
nimity will prevail among the Members of it. The Colony of New
York is said, not only to be hearty, but zealous in the cause. I wish,
8c I hope it may be so but, as I never entertaind a very high opinion
of your sudden Repentances, I will suspend my opinion till the ar¬
rival of the Troops there.
The Provencial Congress of the Massachusetts bay have voted
13,600 Men. The other Governments of New Engd. have followed
their example in proportionate numbers, 8c the Troops at Boston are
confind within the neck by about 9000 of them, Intrenchd, by which
means all Communication between the Town 8c Country is cut off,
and the Army and Inhabitants of Boston, it is said, somewhat dis-
tressd for Provisions. We have no late Acct. from thence; but it is
supposed Genl. Gage will keep close till he receives his reinforcemt.,
to consist, our Accts. say of abt. 2000 Men to be expected the last of
this Month. What he will then do, time only can tell. The Depositions
taken after the Action at Lexington I inclose you, when op-
p[ortunit]y offers please to forwd a Copy or two into the back Coun¬
ties.
As Mr. Milner has just given notice that he shall set out at One
clock this day instead of Tomorrow (as I expected) I am obligd to
write in more haste than I otherwise should have done, I am with
sincere esteem Gentn. Yr. Most Obed. Ser. Go. Washington
May 17, 1775
355
RC (MHi).
Silas Deane’s Diary
[May 17. 1775]
Wednesday. Attended Commencement at the College^ & after¬
wards the Congress. Adjd. at 4 oClock.
MS (CtHi) . CHS Bulletin 29 (July 1964) : 91.
^ See ]CC, 2:54n. The newspaper accounts of the activities at the College of
Philadelphia made special mention of the enthusiastic applause given several
speakers, especially one who spoke on the topic “The Fall of Empires.” Dunlap’s
Pennsylvania Packet or, the General Advertiser, May 22, 1775.
Robert Treat Paine’s Diary
[May 17, 1775]
Fair. Attended Commencement at Philada. Academy, 8 Scholars
graduated, the whole solemnity was well {performed, dind at Judge
Allens.
MS (MHi) .
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[May 17, 1775]
17th. Met, Shoemaker & Drinkers Petition read,^ all Exportations
to Quebec, Nova Scotia, Is [Ian] d St. Johns, Newfoundland, Georgia
except the Parish of St. Johns & the two Floridas & for the British
Fisheries on the American Coasts to cease 8c ordered to be immedy.
published.
MS (RHi) .
^ Samuel Shoemaker, Abel James, and Henry Drinker, Philadelphia merchants
who had been prevented by the Philadelphia Committee from shipping cargoes to
Newfoundland, petitioned Congress on May 15 for permission to send their goods
to this destination. But their plea was denied on May 17, as Congress, in retalia¬
tion against two recently passed parliamentary acts restraining American trade,
resolved to prohibit American exports to all the places enumerated by Ward in
this diary entry. JCC, 2:52, 54.
579-852 0 - 77 - 25 Vol. I
356
May 17, 1775
George Washington’s Diary
[May 17. 1775]
17. Went to the Commencemt. at the College, and dind at Mr.
Sami. Griffin’s. After wch. attended a Comee^ at the Conistoga Wag¬
gon.
MS (DLC) . Washington, Diaries (Fitzpatrick) , 2:195-96.
^ Probably the committee charged with proposing a plan for defense of New
York, to which Washington had been appointed May 15. JCC, 2:52-53. See also
Washington’s Diary, May 18, 1775.
Silas Deane’s Diary
[May 18, 1775]
Thursday May 18th. At Congress. Brown arrived last Night, ex¬
amined in the Morning before the Congress.^
MS (CtHi) . CHS Bulletin, 29 (July 1964) : 91.
ijohn Brown of Pittsfield, Mass., brought news of the May 10 capture of Ft.
Ticonderoga. He also reported on sentiment in Canada which he had evaluated
during a mission to Montreal undertaken earlier for the Boston Committee of
Correspondence. An account of his activities and findings, printed in Dunlaps
Pennsylvania Packet, or the General Advertiser, May 22, 1775, is in Am. Archives,
4th ser. 2:623-24. For his work for the Boston Committee, see Samuel Adams to
Arthur Lee, March 4, 1775, note 4.
Eliphalet Dyer to Joseph Trumbull
Philadelphia May 18th 1775. “Your favor of the 11th Instant
came safe to hand this day Sc am much Oblidged for the Intelligence
therein given. ^ As the Congress is Inclosed against giving Intelli¬
gence from them, I have Nothing special to Acquaint you with only
that the Members are all Convened from every Colony Including one
from the parish of St Johns in Georgia, the same Members as in the
last except some Additions from some of the Colonies &: that Nothing
appears at present but there will be a firm Union in all for our Com¬
mon defence and that any Hostile attempts in one part will be Con-
siderd as an attack upon the whole. Indeed they are not all so well
prepared with the means as we could Wish for.” Describes the jour¬
ney of the Connecticut and Massachusetts delegates from Hartford to
Philadelphia and notes the “Spirit 8c Unanimity of the people” along
the way. Continues: “In this City all in Arms not much less than two
thousand a day in their several Companies daily twice a day. Morn-
May 18, 1775
357
ing & towards evening, exercising with the greatest assiduity, Among
whom are Many Quaker officers and Soldiers. Indeed through the
whole allmost all ranks [and] Sects Seem Animated with one soul 8c
Spirit for the most Vigorous defence of American rights 8c Liberty.
As I have but a few moments to Write, Mr Brown just leaving the
Town, I have only to add that Mr Galloway was dismissed from
being a Member of the Congress by the Assembly of this Province
justly despised and Contemned by all 8c Doctr Franklin who is lately
arrived from London put in his place who freely took his seat in
Congress. Your repeated Intelligence will be Very agreable.”
RC (CtHi) .
^Joseph Trumbull (1737-78), son of Governor Jonathan Trumbull and future
son-in-law of Dyer, was commissary general of Connecticut troops near Boston.
DAB.
Thomas Johnson, Jr., to Samuel Purviance, Jr.
Dear Sir. Phila. 18 May 1775
Mr Henry did me the favor Yesterday to deliver me your Letter.
We have as yet had nothing agitated in Congress about Trade. I hope
and expect that the Time for Exportation will continue as it did
though I have some Expectation that it will be moved to shorten it.
As the Event of any Motion of that Sort ought 8c I suppose will be al¬
lowed to be made public you shall have early Notice. Ticonderoga
has been surprized by a small party of New England men 8c is now in
their possession without drawing one Drop of Blood. Erom what I
can collect in the Concord Affair upwards of 400 Regulars killed
wounded 8c taken prisoners. It is strange but I believe only 43 Militia
killed 8c a very small number wounded. N York 8c Pensylvania I have
a Confidence are firm — though some Gentlemens prejudices prompt
them to suspect N York Our friends in that Government have had a
hard Winters Campaign and remarkable Success. I think every Thing
promises very fair if we do not ever [divide?] As there can be no
Occasion for a Convention of our Province before, you will not see me
till the Congress breaks up. I shall attend to your Hints. Let me en¬
treat you to spirit our {>eople to Diligence in Exercise and as you
have an Opp[ortuni] ty in your Town of planning 8c executing a
Scheme for a speedy Supply of powder pray think of it. Erom what I
learn it may be had out of the Erench Stores at the Cape. I am sorry
to tell you this place, N York, Jersey 8c Lower Counties are very illy
supplied and none of our Friends very amply — do get together and
try if you cannot do something. I am dr. sr. With Esteem 8c Affection
Sincerely Yours Ths. Johnson Junr
358
May 18, 1775
RC (Bentley Courtenay, Madison, Wis., 1972) .
New York Delegates to the
Albany Committee of Correspondence
Gentlemen. Philadelphia 18th May 1775.
Your Letter inclosing the Intelligence of the taking Possession of
the Post of Ticonderoga has been laid before the Congress, and in¬
closed you have their Resolutions upon this Important event. ^
We take the Liberty of suggesting to you that besides a number of
Men Competent for the purpose recommended by the Congress it
will be necessary that a Suitable Quantity of Provisions be immedi¬
ately sent thither from Albany and also a number of Carpenters to
construct a few Scows to be imployd. on Lake George in transporting
the Cannon & Stores. Pitch Oakum, Nails, Ropes Gins 8c Carriages
(to convey the Cannon across the carrying Place) will be absolutely
requisite. Care also ought to be taken to supply the Men who may be
imployed in this Service with Ammunition, as the Quantity found at
Ticonderoga is inconsiderable and not fit for use.
We are with great Respect Gentn. Your Most Obt. Servts.
Wm. Floyd Jas. Duane
Francis Lewis Lewis Morris
Geo. Clinton Ph. Schuyler
John Alsop
Tr (N) . Addressed: “To the Committee for the City Sc County of Albany.”
iSee JCC, 2:55-56.
George Read to Gertrude Read
My dear Gitty. 18th May 1775.
You too justly hint at my inattention to this kind of Correspond¬
ence, but the life I lead here in some measure will Account for it. I
prepare in the Morning for the Meeting at 9 O’Clock and often do
not return to my lodgings ’till that time at Night. We sit in Congress
generally to half past 3 o’Clock, and once ’till after 5 O’Clock 8c then
dine at the City Tavern where a few of us have established A table
for each day in the Week save Saturday when there is A general din¬
ner. Our daily table is formed by the following persons at present, to
wit Messrs. Randolph, Lee, Washington, and Harrison of Virginia,
Alsop of New York, Chase of Maryland, and Rodney 8c Read. A
May 18, 1775
359
dinner is ordered for the number 8 and whatever is deficient of that
number is to be paid for at 2/6 A head and each that attends pays
only the Expense of the day. I have dined there thrice in this Way as
I find it very disagreeable to keep A table covered for me to these
late Hours at my brother’s. However I am so apt to put off the be¬
ginning to write to [tfie] last Moment that I miss my opportunity
that I must break thro’ the Practise or I shall not mend. At this Mo¬
ment the Sun is rising tho I got into my bed the last Evening just as
the Clock Struck 12 being told that the Stage sets off at 6 this morning.
I send my Linnen See and am to depend on Miss Bedford’s engage¬
ment about what Katy Bradford is making up. I just saw them on
Sunday Evening. I drank Coffee with Mrs. Vining yesterday having
seen her at the Commencement of the College in this place where the
Members of the Congress attended by special Invitation.
As to News you will see the depositions relating to the Attack of
the Troops in their Expedition to Lexington &: Concord. These were
sent to the Congress & by them ordered for publication — this in
Bradford’s Paper which you get by the Post. I inclose the Evening
Post. Last Night an Express came to Town from one Colo. Arnold
informing that with A detachment of Men from the Colony of Con¬
necticut 8cc \he'] had taken Possession of the Fort at Ticonderoga, an
important pass on Lake Champlain which if kept, will prevent any
Army from Canada. I have not heard the particulars.^ It is reported
that Dr. Cooper the President of the College at N. York &: J. Riving-
ton have retired on board A Man of War there that James Delan-
cey, Peggy Allen’s husband, is shouting thro the bye roads towards
Colo. Johnston’s in the Mohawk’s Country — and that a Son of Oliver
Delancey’s, Captain of a Troop of Horse that is Coming over, had
been on A Visit to his father but secretly retired and is travelling in
disguise thro’ the back parts of the Country towards Boston — that in¬
telligence thereof is spread before him &[...] if he is not inter¬
cepted before he gets to his Journey’s End. 2 Your friends that are
here are all well. I dined at Gurney s on Sunday. Ned Biddle mends
very slowly &: will not be down shortly if at all. My love to you all
and I am yrs. most Affectionately Geo. Read
[P.S.] Geo. must trust for an answer to his Letter.
RC (DeHi) .
1 The subject was taken up by Congress later in the day. JCC, 2:55-56.
® Myles Cooper had fled from a patriot mob on May 10 and sailed for England
on May 25. James Rivington did not leave New York until January 1776. DAB.
James DeLancey (1732-1800) , who married a daughter of William Allen, chief
justice of Pennsylvania, fled New York in the spring of 1775. Read may have
confused him with Peter DeLancey’s son James (1747-1804) , who was sheriff of
Westchester County and later commanded a unit of partisan loyalist cavalry in
southern New York. Capt. Oliver DeLancey, Jr. (1749-1822) , of the Seventeenth
360
May 18, 1775
Regiment of Light Dragoons, later served as adjutant general of the British Army
at New York. DAB; and D. A. Story, The de Lanceys, A Romance of a Great
Family with Notes on Those Allied Families who Remained Loyal to the British
Crown during the Revolutionary War ([London]: Thomas Nelson & Sons,
[1931]) , pp. 18-19, 74, 88-90.
George Read to Nicholas Van Dyke
Sir 18th May 1775.
I reced yours attended with Fifty Pounds paid of the Boston sub¬
scriptions by Mr. Tattlow but have heard nothing from Mr. Tybout
though I sent your Letter the day after I came up.^ It is said an ex¬
press came to Town last Evening with an Account of Some Connect¬
icut Volunteers under the Command of A Coll. Arnold had taken
Possession of the Fort at Ticonderoga or Crown Point in which there
is near 200 Cannon Sec — this to prevent the Canadians marching
down into the New England Colonies. Upon the Paymt. of the 1000
dollars to Mr. Samuel Adams as Chairman of the Committee of Do¬
nations at Boston he desired that I should in the Name of that Com-
ittee &c. give thanks to the Contributors. I am in haste yor. most
Hble Servt. Geo. Read
[P.S.] We know not how long we may stay here — all secret as be¬
fore.
RC (DeHi) .
^ Identification of the recipient of this letter rests upon the statement by
William T. Read that the letter was originally found in the papers of Nicholas
Van Dyke (1738-89) , who was a member of the Newcastle committee soliciting
funds for the relief of Boston. William T. Read, Life and Correspondence of
George Read, a Signer of the Declaration of Independence . . . (Philadelphia: J.
B. Lippincott & Co., 1870) , pp. 102-3; and DAB.
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[May 18, 1775]
18th. Met, Mr. Hopkins joined us. Rules of the last Congress
adopted. News of taking Ticonderoga.^ Mr. Brown gave much Intel¬
ligence relative to Canada &c. Resolution that the Stores be removed
from Ticonderoga 8cc to the So. End of Lake George &c, a post to be
taken there, an acet. of the Cannon to be taken &c.
MS (RHi) .
“^This day Congress received a letter of May 15 from Isaac Low, chairman of the
May 19, 1775
361
New York Committee of One Hundred, in which he enclosed copies of letters
about the capture of Fort Ticonderoga from Ethan Allen to the Albany Committee
of May 11 and from the Albany Committee to Low of May 12. Peter Force Papers,
DLC; and Am. Archives, 4th ser. 2:605-6. See also JCC, 2:55.
George Washington’s Diary
[May 18, 1775]
18. Dined at the City Tavern and attended a Comee.^ afterwards
at the State House.
MS (DLC) . Washington, Diaries (Fitzpatrick) , 2: 196.
Probably the committee on the defense of New York, which reported the
following day. JCC, 2:57.
Samuel Adams to Samuel Purviance, Jr.
Sir Philadelphia May 19 1775
Since my Arrival in this City I have receivd your favor of the 12th
Instant, inclosing the second Copies of two Bills for three hundred
and Six pounds 5/ Currency of this Province payable to my self on or¬
der, being the Amount of a generous Donation for the Use of the
Poor of Boston from our worthy Friends of Cecil County in Mary¬
land. I fear your former Letter under Cover to Mr Black, inclosing
the first Copies of these Bills, has not reachd his hand; I shall there¬
fore embrace the first safe opportunity of sending forward those
which I have now receivd, as soon as I can be informd that they can
be made Use of for the benevolent Purpose of the Donors. At pre¬
sent the Sufferers by the Port Bill are confind within the Town of
Boston with the other Inhabitants and there can be no Communica¬
tion between them and their friends without. Should General Gage
ever condescend “to let the People go,” those Sufferers will be dis¬
tributed, agreable to a Resolve of our Provincial Congress, among
the Country Towns, and then the publick Charity can be again easily
applied for their Reliefe. I will communicate to you such Information
of these Matters as I shall receive. It is the Opinion of some of my
Brethren here that as Provisions may be wanted in our Colony, it
would be best to send what are now in your Store to Newbury Port;
there is indeed Danger of their being seizd. You will please to be
guided by your own Discretion, either in taking that Method or in
waiting for further Intelligence.
I have daily the Pleasure of seeing your worthy Friend Mr John¬
son, for whom I have a particular Regard. The Concern you express
362
May 19, 1775
for the Colony of the Massachusetts, and your opinion of Their
Prudence and Integrity, are very obliging. I was with my Friend Mr
Hancock near the Scene of Action at Lexington on the 19th of April.
The authentick Accounts lately publishd prevent the Necessity of
troubling you with my Detail of that memorable Battle. I rejoyce that
my Countrymen had adhered punctually to the Direction of the Gen¬
eral Congress, and were at length driven to Resistance through Ne¬
cessity. I think they may now justly claim the Support of the confed¬
erated Colonies. I was much pleasd to be informd by you, that your
Colony had observd a Day of Fasting and Humiliation. It is upon the
Blessing of God alone that we must depend for a happy Issue to our
virtuous Struggle. I will write to Mr Veazy by another opportunity,
having at present not sufficient Leisure. Pray present my unfeigned
Regards to your Brother, and be assured that I am sincerely Your
obliged and affectionate Friend and Countryman.
Sami Adams
RC (Bentley Courtenay, Madison, Wis., 1972) .
^ Months later, following the delivery of donations from Maryland for the “Poor
of Boston,” Adams wrote another letter of thanks. “When I returned to New
England last August, I found that a Part of the Committee appointed by the
Town of Boston to receive Donations remained Prisoners there, & the rest were
dispersed over that & the neighboring Colonies, so that I was at a Loss to whom to
commit the Monies ... a Committee of both Houses was appointed. ... I then
delivered the Monies I had received into the Hands of Moses Gill Esqr. a
Gentleman of Eortune & Character. ... As the Assembly did me the Honor to
make me the Chairman, I am directed by the Committee to return you their
hearty thanks for the Trouble you have taken upon yourself for the Comfort of
our distressed Brethren.” Adams to Samuel Purviance, Jr., November 17, 1775, The
Collector 58 (November 1945) : 190.
Silas Deane to Jonathan Trumbull, Sr.
Philadelphia 19th, May 1775
Sir, Your Letter of the 15th we received last Evening by Mott and
Now inclose the resolutions of the Congress respecting the Military
Stores at Ticonderoga.^ Have not Time to mention at large the Rea¬
sons which induced them to prefer a Removal of the Stores, to the
keeping the post but in general, that it was judged, a post on this Side
might [be'] seized on, and kept at much less expence, & to equall ad¬
vantage. Shall write Your Honor, more particularly by Mr Mott, who
does not set out, untill Monday next meantime am with the greatest
Truth & regard. Your Honors most Obedient & Humble Servant
Silas Dean
P.S. Mr Mott^goes earlier than I expected, am sorry he was not ear-
May 20, 1775
363
Her in as Mr Brown had the advantage of giving the first Intelligence,
which has been handsomly rewarded, but doubt not Mr Mott will re¬
ceive Such marks of Notice & generosity from the Colony as his Zeal,
ability and firmness richly Deserves, and it is my humble Opinion
that he, & Mr Allen, are the most suitable Men that can be found,
for the Defending & maintaining, of the Frontiers, & such Posts, as
may be taken to the Northward.
Tr (Ct) .
^See JCC, 2:55-56. Edward Mott of Preston, Conn., and captain in the Sixth
Regiment, May 1775-February 1776, was the leader of the Connecticut men dis¬
patched by Deane April 29 to implement the plan for capturing Ticonderoga.
Henry P. Johnston, ed.. The Record of Connecticut Men in the Military and Naval
Service during the War of the Revolution, 1775-83 (Hartford: Case, Lockwood &
Brainard & Co., 1889) , pp. 29, 76; and CHS Bulletin 29 (July 1964) : 87.
Robert Treat Paine’s Diary
[May 19, 1775]
Fair. Dined out. Honble John Hancock Esq. Chosen President in
the room of Payton Randolph Esqr. resigned.^
MS (MHi) .
* Paine’s entry regarding Hancock’s election was made at a later date and with a
different pen. No supporting evidence has been found to indicate that Hancock
was elected on the 19th rather than the 24th of May. ]CC, 2:58-59.
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[May 19, 1775]
19th. Met, report of the Comee. for N. York made & refd. to the
Comee. of the whole which went into the Cons [ideratio] n of the
State of America. After some Time Mr. Ward reported no Resolu¬
tions were come into & desire Leave to sett again.
MS (RHi).
Robert Treat Paine’s Diary
Fair. Dind at City Tavern with Congress.
[May 20, 1775]
MS (MHi) .
364
May 20, 1775
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[May 20, 1775]
20th. Met 8c resolved into a Comee., Mr. Ward reported as
above.^
MS (RHi).
^ That is, asked permission to reconvene the committee of the whole. See Ward s
Diary, May 19, 1775.
John Adams to James Warren
My dear Friend. Phyladelphia May 21, 1775
I am vastly obliged to you for your Letter^ — it was like cold Wa¬
ter to a thirsty Soul. We Suffer, greatly for Want of News from you
and Boston.
I am very unfortunate, in my Eyes, and my Health. I came from
home Sick and have been so ever Since. My Eyes are So weak and
dim that I can neither read, write, or see without great Pain.
Our unweildy Body moves very Slow. We shall do something in
Time, but must have our own Way. We are all secret — But I can
guess — that an Army will be posted in New York, and another in
Massachusetts, at the Continental Expence.
Such a vast Multitude of Objects, civil, political, commercial and
military, press and croud upon Us So fast, that We know not what to
do first. The state of fifteen or sixteen Colonies, to be considered.
Time must be taken.
Pray write me by every opportunity and intreat all my Friends to
do the Same. Every Line from you, any of you does good.
One half the Group is printed here, from a Copy printed in
Jamaica.^ Pray Send me a printed Copy of the whole and it will be
greedily reprinted here. My friendship to the Author of it.
The martial Spirit throughout this Province is astonishing. It arose
all of a Sudden, Since the News of the Battle of Lexington. Quakers
and all are carried away with it. Every day in the Week Sundays not
excepted they exercise — in great Numbers. The Farmer is a Coll,
and Jo[seph] Reed another. Their officers, are made of the People
of the first Fortune in the Place — Uniforms, and Regimentals are as
thick as Bees.
America will Soon be in a Condition to defend itself by Land
against all Mankind.
RC (MHi) . In Adams’ hand, though not signed.
^ James Warren (1726-1808), Plymouth merchant, whig political leader, subse-
May 21, 1775
365
quently president of the provincial congress and speaker of the Massachusetts
House of Representatives. DAB; and Shipton, Harvard Graduates, 11:584-606.
^The Group, a Farce as Lately Acted, and to be Re-acted to the Wonder of All
Superior Intelligence, Nigh Headquarters at Amboyna (Boston: Edes and Gill,
1775) , written by Mercy Otis Warren (1728-1814) . It was reprinted in New York,
Philadelphia, and Jamaica. The author, a leading Massachusetts radical intellectual,
was the wife of James Warren and the sister of James Otis, Jr. DAB.
Silas Deane to Elizabeth Deane
My Dear Philadelphia May 21st. 1775
My last brought Me to Our Arrival here and the military Situation
of this City, or rather its Military Spirit which will I fancy lay the
Foundation for surprizing future Effects on a certain System so long
predominating here. I have bought Me a Suit of Cloaths and put
them on for the first Time this Day, a Sample I send You per John
whom I might easily get a birth for, in the Militia, but can find at
present no other. I mentioned adjourning to Hartford, but No Mo¬
tion has as yet been stirred or made publicly on the Subject and all is
uncertainty.^ If We do not adjourn, am not in expectation of return¬
ing soon for however great the S[acrifice] is it cannot be greater
than all, and I can by [no] means desert the Cause in which I con¬
sider, my [life] itself, embarked. The Congress did little more the
first week than form themselve and the Rhode Island Members not
coming untill late last Week little more has been done than just to
Enter on the great Subject before Us. Capt. Chester I hear is going
into the Service. Pray secure my Gunn, and let No one have it, as
Beckly was to make it on purpose for my Use, and I choose not to be
taken. Unarmed. If gone your Journey hope You have told some¬
body to let Me know it, 8c what Time you will expect to Return.^
RC (CtHi) .
‘ Although the subject of an adjournment of Congress to Connecticut was
mentioned frequently during May, June, and July 1775, the topic apparently was
discussed primarily “out of doors” and was only considered informally in Congress.
See Deane to Samuel Webb, May 14, and to Elizabeth Deane, June 2, June 16, and
July 23; Joseph Hewes to Samuel Johnston, June 5; Eliphalet Dyer to Jonathan
Trumbull, June 20; John Hancock to Dorothy Quincy, June 21; Dyer and Roger
Sherman to Jonathan Trumbull, June 26; Sherman to Jonathan Trumbull, July 6;
and Benjamin Harrison to George Washington, July 23, 1775. Deane also men¬
tioned the subject to Titus Hosmer, for in a reply to Deane of May 28, 1775,
Hosmer stated: “The removal of the Congress northward is, as you observe, a very
delicate point. The Union of the Colonies is our safety; should it endanger that,
although remotely, it would countervail any proposed advantage. I own, I fear
were you near us you would have too many questions referred to you, and too
much business cast upon you by the New England Colonies, to leave you the
leisure you ought to have to digest and perfect matters of greater importance; but
if a station nearer the present scene of action should be thought eligible, might it
366
May 21, 1775
not answer some very good purposes were it chosen in or near New York?
Wherever the Congress is, there will be the Spirit of Liberty.” Collections of the
Connecticut Historical Society, 2(1870): 241. For a hint that a desire to escape
smallpox in Philadelphia was one of the motives for seeking an early adjournment,
see Stephen Hopkins to Ruth Hopkins, May 25, 1775. See also William Bradford to
James Madison, July 10, 1775, James Madison, The Papers of James Madison, ed.
William T. Hutchinson and William M. E. Rachal (Chicago: University of Chica¬
go Press, 1962-) , 1:154-55.
^ For the continuation of this letter, see Deane to Elizabeth Deane, May 24, 1775.
Richard Henry Lee to Francis Lightfoot Lee
Dear Brother Philadelphia 21st May 1775
An Express is just arrived here from Williamsburg informing of
the Assembly being called to the 1st of June, Which carries our
Speaker away. We suppose the design is chiefly to lay Ld. Norths
conciliatory plan before the house. Tis most [sure?] that if this is
done you should, after making [. . .] proper spirited observations
on the folly, injury and insidiousness of the proposition: refer him to
the united opinion of N. America in Congress. Many and powerful
are the reasons that render it necessary you should fully approve in
Gen. Assembly of the proceedings of last Continentl. Congress, of
this present appointment and of your Delegates. Ministry and their
Tools have constantly informed the Nation that the Provincial Con¬
ventions were factious meetings, that their proceedings were not the
sense of the people, and that the Constitutional Assemblies (as they
contrast the two) would not be of such opinion. To prevent a contra¬
diction of this they have prevented the meeting of Assemblies, unless
when they had some special wicked purpose to answer. The Assem¬
blies that have been allowed to meet, all except New York, have re¬
probated this Ministerial lye, and have resolved as above mentioned.
For heavens sake avoid compliments (except to the Soldiery) on the
Indian expedition last summer. Nothing has given more concern and
disgust to these northern Colonies than our unhappy vote of that sort
in last Convention.’^ Yesterday one of the first Men on the Continent
for wisdom sound judgment, good information, and integrity said to
me “I was much grieved and concerned for the honor and good sense
of Virginia, when I saw that ill founded ill judged Compliment.” Per¬
haps the scheme is to get another invasion Law and your approba¬
tion of another ruinously expensive excursion on the frontiers. A few
[inter-loping?] Indians will never be wanting to commit irregularties
for the encouragement of these Land exploring schemes. But the
Land hunter ought to accomplish his purpose upon terms less de¬
structive than £100,000 charge to the public annually. Never en¬
courage by complimenting the last, a second tour among the Indians
May 21, 1775
367
and Frontier men. The Continent looks with jealous eyes on the visits
of Governors to such places at this crisis. “We know the plan of min¬
istry is to bring Canadians and Indians down upon us. For this rea¬
son the Provincial Troops of Connecticut & Massachusetts have
wisely taken by a brave coup de Main, possession of the Forts at Ti-
conderoga & Crown Point. In the former they got 200 pieces of large
Cannon, some field pieces. Swivels, Powder See. The Congress have
directed N. York, Connecticut & Massachusetts to remove these
Stores &c. to the South end of Lake George and take strong post
there to intercept the communication and march of Canadian & Indi¬
an forces into those Colonies. The taking of Ticonderoga last war
cost G. Britain many thousand lives and an immense expence, but
now it has been taken from them, tho strong & well garrisoned, by
the bravery and enterprise of a few Provincials and at a very small
expence. There never was a more total revolution at any place than
at New York. The Tory’s have been obliged to fly, the Province is
arming, and the Governor dares not call his prostituted Assembly to
receive Ld. Norths foolish plan. Two Delances, Watts, Cooper, Riv-
ington, Colo. Philips & the rest of the Tory Leaders are fled some to
England and some to private places in the Country where they are
not known. 2 The Congress have advised the Yorkers to make provi¬
sion for carrying their Women & Children into the Country, and to
remove their warlike stores before the arrival of Troops there, whom
they are not to suffer to encamp, or commit with impunity any hos¬
tilities against the people.^ The latest and best accounts from Boston
make the loss of Regulars in killed, wounded, & missing 1000 Men.
The Provincial loss was trifling. 10,000 Men are now encamped be¬
fore the Town between which and the Country there is no inter¬
course. G. Gage refuses to let the people out in consequence of
which their distress presently must be grievous indeed. The Beseiging
Army keep the one Beseiged in constant alarm, so that ’tis said, they
rest neither Night nor day. Every day is expected to bring 2000 Men
more from Ireland, and seven Regiments to N. York where the Torys
had informed Ministers they would be well received, but now behold
they come to a Country universally hostile, and in Arms to receive
them. Connecticut has 12000 Men in Arms, the Jerseys a good
many, and this Province at least 8000. There are 2000 in this City
well armed and disciplined Men. In short every Colony this way is
well prepared for War and appear to be secure against any Eorce
likely to be sent against them. It would seem as if the Southern Colo¬
nies were alone vulnerable at present, and this should be remedied as
soon as possible.’’^ We are just informed that the Dutch have im¬
ported a large quantity of powder into Statia and that two English
Men of War are laying off the Island to prevent its exportation to N.
America — That a large quantity is also landed at Cape Erancois
368
May 21, 1775
where no guard is yet placed. The Treasurer should be prevailed with
to employ a Mr. Goodrich in Norfolk, a famous Contraband Man, to
send immediately some swift sailing Pilot Boats for 20 or 30000
weight to supply the Counties whose money will no doubt be collect¬
ed before the powder arrives. I hope Capt Brown is near full by this
time and I suppose Mr. Lees charterd Ship, as well as Outram, is ar¬
rived in York River. You will have time to load these Vessels as it is
not now probable that the Congress will stop the Exports sooner than
the 10th of September, except provision to the British fishery on the
Banks of Newfoundland. “It seems the Bill for restraining the Trade
of the Colonies is not to have force until a certain time after its ar¬
rival in N. America. So that in this instance the whole power of the
Legislature is given to Ministry, for it will depend on them when the
Act shall arrive here since they may send it when, or never, as they
please.” Mr. Brown should be immediately informed that there is no
prospect of exportation being stopt, that he may act on full knowl¬
edge about buying or not Tobacco. “We find by the late accounts
that Ministry will be more puzzled than they imagine to accomplish
their detestable purposes against us. Mr. (Lee) ^ writes the 26
March, that the embarquement from England has been delayed by the
impossibility of getting Seamen for the Ships, but he adds, let not this
delay your vigorous efforts for defence. Erom Ireland we learn, that the
people there have interposed to prevent the embarquement, and that a
contest has happened in which several lives were lost on both sides. The
other day G. Gage (hearing that all the provincial Troops, except 1500
were retired to sign an association prepared for them at some distance
from the Encampment,) marched with his whole force out of Boston,
but seeing the 1500 Provincials drawn up in order of Battle, and dislik¬
ing their Countenance, he returned within his Lines.
A Man of Wars Tender at Rhode Island lately Seized a Vessel
loaded with provisions for the Army at Boston and the Country Peo¬
ple in Boats attacked and took both the provision Vessel and the
Tender, having wounded the Lieutenant of the M. of War and taken
his Men prisoners whom they conveyed Captives into the Country.
Thus you see our infant Struggles on the water are not unsuccessful.”
You have all the news of this place. I am hurried, as I suppose you
will be tired, with the length of this Letter. Let me know by every
Post how you go on at Williamsburg &: the objects of your delibera¬
tions. Remember me to all Eriends and particularly to Mr. Treasur¬
er. Earewell. Richard Henry Lee
RC (MH) . Endorsed: “Liberty, Quos nolumus, Arthur Lee” in the hand of Arthur
Lee. However it is obvious from the content of the letter that the recipient was
Francis Lightfoot Lee, who was currently representing Richmond County in the
Virginia Assembly.
^On March 25, 1775, the Virginia Convention had passed a resolution praising
May 22, 1775
369
Lord Dunmore’s expedition against the Indians. Am. Archives, 4th ser. 2:170. See
also Lee to John Dickinson, April 7, 1775.
"For further comment on New York loyalists, see George Read to Gertrude
Read, May 18, 1775.
" See JCC, 2:52.
^ An extract of this letter, comprising the three portions within quotation marks,
was printed in the Virginia Gazette (Pinkney) , June 1, 1775.
= In the extract printed in the Virginia Gazette, Pinkney substituted "A gentle¬
man of the strictest veracity” for “Mr (Lee) .”
Silas Deane’s Diary
[May 22, 1775]
Monday 22d. At Congress in Committee. Spent Evening at Mrs. Yards
with Mr. Hancock, Adams &c &:c.
MS (GtHi) . CHS Bulletin 29 (July 1964) : 91.
New Hampshire Delegates to the
Provincial Committee of New Hampshire
Gent Philadelphia May 22d 1775
We Take this Early opportunity of Infoimg you by Capt Partridge
that The Congress upon hearing of The Eorts at Ticondaroga &
Crown Point being Siezed by the people of New England to prevent
General Carlton^ with his Canadians & Indians Taking possession of
them to Annoy our Erontiers & finding by about Thirty Indian Chiefs
Now in Philadelphia as well as by persons Sent to Sound the Disposi¬
tions of the Several Indian Nations that Such a Design is really on
foot & that Guy Johnson the Superintendent for Indian affairs^ has
really Endeavoured to persuade the Indians to Enter into a war with
us & that many other Steps have been Taken by a Bloody Minded 8c
Cruel Ministry to Induce those Hereditary Enemies of America to
fall upon 8c Butcher its Inhabitants. We Say upon Those Things ap¬
pearing to the Congress they have ordered the above Eorts to be De¬
molished 8c The Warlike Stores to be Removed 8c another Fort Erect¬
ed and Maintained at the Lower part of Lake George if the Commit¬
tee of New York Shall Think it Necessary 8c to Call upon all the New
England Governments to give assistance if Required by New York.^
We Earnestly Entreat you for the Honor of the Province if Such a
Requisition is Made to give them Every possible assistance to pre¬
serve our people from the Incursions of a barbarous 8c Savage Ene¬
my. We are Sorry Gentlemen that Honor will not permit us to give
370
May 22, 1775
you the Least Information Respecting our proceedings. We can only
Say That all the Colonies are firmly united k are preparing for the
worst. We hope That you will In Imitation of the other Colonies pro¬
ceed to Choose your officers k Establish your militia upon The New
Plan which has been adopted by Every Colony upon the Continent.
We Shall bring with us Governor Wentworths Letters to Lord Dart¬
mouth for 12 months past that you may Judge whether he is your
friend as he pretends or whether he is not Rather your Inveterate
Enemy. Gentlemen we are with great Respect your most obedt Servts
Jno Sullivan
John Langdon
P.S. We Earnestly Entreat you to prevent our General Court from
making any application to Great Britain for Redress of Grievances as
that would Draw the Resentment of all America upon our Province
it being agreed that no one Shall make terms without the advice &
Consent of the whole.^ Yrs as above. Jno Sullivan
Jno Langdon
RC (Nh-Ar) . Written by Sullivan and signed by Sullivan and Langdon.
1 Guy Carleton (1724-1808) , governor of Quebec, major general and commander
of British forces in Canada. DNB. .
^ Guy Johnson (c. 1740-88) . longtime deputy superintendent of Indian affairs in
the northern department, became superintendent upon the death of his father-in-
law, Sir William Johnson, in 1774. DAB.
“See JCC, 2:55-56. For New Hampshire’s response in opposition to Congress
recommendations, see N.H. Provincial Papers, 7:497-500.
‘ See Edmund Pendleton’s Proposed Resolution, May 24-26? 1775.
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[May 22, 1775]
22d. Met & resolved as above 8c Mr. Ward reported as above.^
MS (RHi) .
1 See Ward’s Diary, May 19, 1775.
James Wilson to John Montgomery
Dear Sir Philadia 22d May 1775
I write this Letter just to tell you that I am in a Hurry and have
Nothing to say.^ The public News you will learn from the
News— papers, which I have sent to Mrs Wilson. The Proceedings of
the Congress, you know, are secret. I must beg of you; and I know
May 23, 1775
371
you will do it chearfully; to promote, as far as lies in your Power, the
military Spirit that so laudably prevails in Cumberland County. Ev¬
ery Thing depends on it. I will not fail to transmit to you by every
Opportunity, any remarkable News we may have; or any Thing done
in Congress which I am at Liberty to communicate. I am Dr Sir
Your very humble Servant James Wilson
RC (PHC) .
^John Montgomery (1722-1808), colonel of militia, Carlisle, Pa., member Penn¬
sylvania Committee of Safety, 1775-76, and delegate to Congress, 1783-84, was at
this time chairman of the Cumberland County Committee of Observation. Bio. Dir.
Cong.
Silas Deane’s Diary
[May 23, 1775]
Tuesday. Met in Congress, the Question shall We Treat.
Col. Lee against it.
Mr. Wilson against it.
Col. Dyer — ditto.
Mr. Jay in favor of the Motion.
Mr. Dickinson — ditto — for regulating Trade, pay for Tea 8cc.
Mr. Henry against the Motion is lengthy and in Answer to Mr.
Jay and Mr. Dickinson, says the Bill of rights must never be receed-
ed from.
Mr. McKean against the Treaty on various Accts. which he enu¬
merates.
Mr. Hooper (against) for it, in his flowery way.
Col. Lee again in Answer.
Mr. Chase up in favor.
Mr. Johnson, in short all the speakers up, finally, at five oClock
the Motion pass’d agreeable to all. Dined with Mr. Moore, Governor
Franklin Sec.
MS (CtHi) . CHS Bulletin 29 (July 1964) : 91.
John Dickinson’s Notes for a Speech in Congress
[May 23-25? 1775] ^
We may act in any of these 3 Ways.
1st. We may prepare with the utmost Diligence for War, without pe¬
titioning, or sending Agents to England, to treat of an Accom¬
modation.
579-852 0 - 77 - 26 Vol. 1
372
May 23, 1775
2d. We may prepare as mentioned and also petition, but without
sending Agents &c.
3d. We may prepare, petition, and send Agents 8cc.
The 1st Measure will hold up the Appearance of an undaunted
Firmness ready & not afraid to meet the utmost Indignation of Great
Britain. This may encourage our Friends — terrify our Enemies — per¬
suade the Nation that they will have a bloody 8c tedious Contest at¬
tended with Injury to their Trade, if they persevere in violence —
which contest may become more dreadful by France, Spain 8c other
powers falling upon her. And these apprehensions may procure Re¬
lief of all our Grievances.
But on the other Hand, if the Ministry stand their Ground 8c per¬
severe, We have the War instantly brought upon Us with greater
Fury before We are properly prepared — and in the mean Time it
rages 8c many valuable Lives lost that perhaps may otherwise be
saved 8c much other Destruction that might perhaps be prevented.
Many Reasons to think the Ministry will stand: 1. Their having
stood so long a Time against so many shocks [. . .] Men’s Charac¬
ter [. . .] by Opposition. 2. Their artful Conduct in changing the
old Cnistom of promising Support from Parliament into the new one
of only executing Advice of Parliament. 3. Great Majority in both
Houses. 4. Year 7 Yet to come of this Parliament. 5. The Resolution
of the Ministry apparent from their treating the most respectable
Bodies — the principle Cities of England, with London at their Head
— The Merchants 8cc who have petitioned in our Favor. 6. If a
Change it must be to bring in our Friends — but the Chief of them are
personally odious to the King, Chatham, Cambden, 8cc. The Princi¬
pal of our Friends are detested at Court. They are Whigs 8c old Whig
Families. Revolution principled Men. The Tories 8c old Tory Fami¬
lies are the Court Servants. 7. The general opinion of Parliament is,
that Great Britain is contesting for her very Existence in this Dispute
with America. “As a Member of Parliament I hold myself indispensi-
bly called upon to take up the Question upon this important, now
this unparalled moment in English History, when we tamely suffered
Government to be suspended, when we sit here the mere shadow of
Authcjrity, the Phantom of a Parliament, assembling only to lament
the substance we have lost, 8c to propose 8c subtilise Questions of our
own Impotency. On the Support of these Sentiments (i.e. the Su¬
preme Authority of Parliament) both here 8c on the other side of the
Atlantic, the Existence of this Country 8c Constitution directly, em¬
phatically, 8c conclusively depends.” Genl. Burgoynes Speech. 2 “We
are contending in the Crisis 8c for the Fate of the British Empire” id.
“This is a Crisis in which this Country has not been involv’d in a
more intricate one since the Revolution. The more Americans strug¬
gle to be independent, the more it is our Duty as Englishmen to
May -23, 1775
373
watch over them, & not let the evil Day be anticipated by any Re¬
missness or Want of firmness on our Part — for that would not only
be highly criminal towards our King & Country, but also leave an ev¬
erlasting Stain on the present Age, if We meanly shake off the Task
of preventing it from Ourselves & leave it for Posterity to struggle
with as they can.” Captain Harvey’s Speech.
“I should not rise to trouble You this Day, could I reconcile to
my own breast the giving a silent Vote on a Question upon which de¬
pends not only the Existence of this Country but the Happiness of
Millions. If conciliatory Measures shall fail, this Country has no Al¬
ternative left, but to make use of that power they enjoy, under Heav¬
en, for the protection of the whole Empire; & to shew the Americans
that as our Ancestors deluged this Country with their Blood, to gain
this Constitution for Us, We like Men, in Defence of faction at Home
& Rebellion abroad, are determined, in glorious Emulation of their
Example to transmit it perfect & unimpair’d to Posterity or perish in
the Attempt.” Sir Wm. Mayne’s Speech.
“Whether the Americans will accede to this (meaning his Motion
20th of Eebruary) I know not. If they reject it, their Blood must be
on their own Heads.” Ld. North’s Speech. “The Question lies within
a very narrow Compass. It is simply whether We shall abandon our
Claims and at once give up every Advantage arising both from the
Sovereignty & the Commerce; or whether to ensure both We shall
resort to the Measures indispensably necessary on such an occasion.”
id.
“Life itself is not worth keeping in a State of Uncertainty & Eear.
Things are now brought to a Crisis. The Conflict must be borne, & I
hope will never end, but in relinquishing our Connection with Ameri¬
ca, or fixing them on a sure & lasting Basis.” Sir Wm. Meredith’s
Speech. Yet he is against the Taxation of America.
“If the Colonies reject just Conditions, they must be reduced to
unconditional Obedience.” id. [i.e. Ld North’s Speech].
Even Governor Pownall so long advocating our Cause now ap¬
proves of the Ministerial Violence. A great Number of other Speak¬
ers.
It is evident that these Persons spoke not only their own Senti¬
ments but those of the whole House. A proof of this &[...] of a
most memorable Nature.
A 9th Reason.® When Lord North made his Motion on 20 Febru¬
ary, the whole Body of Court Troops in the House were likely to de¬
sert him — only because his proposal had something like the Appear¬
ance of a conciliatory Measure, till Sir George Elliot rose 8c “desired
them not to divide among themselves” — 8c afforded Mr. Dunning an
opportunity of exercising his severest Wit upon him.^
10. The Measures of Administration are popular at Home. A
374
May 23, 1775
t '
great Number of indisputable Evidences to this proposition now in
Town from Friends to America. Almost the whole landed Interest is
against Us — the whole Hosts of persons in Office, with their immense
Connections composing the vast Mass of People breathed upon &
tainted by Ministerial Influence — almost the whole trading & manufac¬
turing parts of the Nation not intimately connected with America — &
very many of those who are thus connected. I can procure clear
Evidence of these Facts. Who then are on our side? The Dissenters
— parts of the Traders & Manufacturers immediately concerned in
our Commerce — and the small Band of independent virtuous Spirits
in the Kingdom.
Besides the very Motion which appears so contemptible to us 8cc
was not calculated merely for the Mind of America. It had 2 Objects.
To divide [. . . .]^ The other was To render the Measures of Ad¬
ministration still more popular in that Kingdom by holding up to the
People there the Appearance of Humanity, Condescension, Forbear¬
ance & I know not what gentle, generous Virtues — in descending
from the dignified Preeminence of the Supreme Imperial State — &
offering us a Plan of Reconciliation — & a Plan formed on the most
equitable Principles of bringing the rich & luxurious Colonists to bear
an equal share with the People of Great Britain of the heavy 8c op¬
pressive Burthens under which the latter labour & ease them at least
of one half of their Loads, or as the Motion artfully expresses it —
“contributing their proportion to the Common Defense.’^ A motion so
reasonable says Mr. Jenkinson “that if the Americans reject it, it
leaves them without Excuse in the Eyes of all Mankind.”® And in
Case this mild system of Negotiation, Reconciliation & Benignity is
rejected by the Colonies, to kindle the People of Great Britain into
tenfold Rage against Us. This system is level to the understanding of
every Porter & Chairman, and who knows here, but this may be the
Effect of this Maneuvre? Who knows, but this may be the Effect of
their receiving Intelligence of the unhappy Hostages in Massachus-
sets Bay — it may terrify but it may also irritate. General Gage has
procured Depositions to prove our brave Brethren fired first. This
Circumstance, contemptible as it is, &:c, may cause them to be re¬
garded as Aggressors.
They may be provoked at such a Dishonor to their Arms returned
from despised America & may be the more animated to restore their
Lustre by revenging the Disgrace. No person here knows with Cer¬
tainty how these several Events may operate on the Minds of a high
spirited People — drunk with Success. The Reliance of Administra¬
tion on N.Y. has led them into a great Error. In Policy they should
have sent a greater Force. They may correct their Error. The most
stupid Pilots will shun the Shoals upon which they have once been
aground. They will know they have nothing now but their own
May 23, 1775
575
strength to trust to. Will so great an Empire give up such a Cause in-
gloriously? The whole Band of Ministers will know that nothing but
the utmost vigor &: Dispatch can save them. They will remember that
the last glorious War began with British Defeat — &: this of Colonel
Smith will be called a Trifle in Comparison with that Misfortune.'^
We have been once already deceived in our Calculations of the Ef¬
fects to be produced by Our Firmness. The Impression made at
Home by the Magnanimity of the late Congress was not so great as
there was Reason to apprehend. The only Rescript We have received
to our humble Petition to our Sovereign was written in Blood.
Yet notwithstanding all these Reasons, I am inclined to think that
the Unanimity & Firmness of these Colonies will within a 12 month
dethrone the Ministry.
Yet I fear there is more of Hope than Reason in that Expectation.
One Thing I am sure of — that no Man here is sure — that our Firmness
& Unanimity let it be ever so extraordinary, will procure Us immediate
Relief of our Grievances by a change of Ministry or of ministerial Meas¬
ures. It is impolitic then in the utmost Degree to depend on the realizing
an Event, which is indisputably uncertain. Our Firmness 8c Unanimity
may conduct Us into the Miseries of War or the Blessings of Peace. We
have no Prophet among us who can predict which part of the alternative
will take Place. In this Situation our Affairs will stand if We only pre¬
pare vigorously for War.
There is another Mode We may pursue.
2dly. We may prepare as has been mentioned and also petition.
There is great Reason to believe that a Petition may be so framed
as to be more likely to open a Way to our Relief than the former.
That dwelt on our Rights — several of which are denied at Home.
Those Rights have therein been fully 8c recently set forth 8c claimed.
A Repetition is needless.
A Petition now may proceed on the single unexceptionable
Ground of praying Relief from our Fears 8c Jealousies occasioned by
the System of Colonial Administration adopted since the Conclusion
of the late War. To this prayer may be added Expression of Loyalty
to the King — Attachment to his person. Family 8c Government —
Love to our Parent State— our Readiness 8c Willingness at all Times
with our Lives 8c Fortunes to support, maintain 8c defend the Inter¬
ests of his Majesty 8c our Mother Country by every Effort that can
be reasonably expected from the most faithful Subjects 8c the most
affectionate Colonists that for this purpose We shall always be dis¬
posed cheerfully to contribute to the Common Defence as the public
Exigencies may require and our Circumstances will permit, 8c ear¬
nestly beseech that by doing Justice to the Sincerity of these profes-
sjQjis in believing them to be as they are most strictly true, we may
be restored by the abolishing our apprehensions to the happy 8c fer-
376
May 23, 1775
vently wished for Opportunity of expressing in the most acceptable
Manner our unfeigned Devotion to his Majesty & the State from
which We derive our Origin.
I have very particular Reasons to believe it will produce good Ef¬
fects. But still it will be uncertain how far such a Petition may be sat¬
isfactory. If it produces no favourable Effect; the same Events must
happen as if We had only prepared for War. And while Great Britain
is silent from Notions of Dignity & America from Notions of Firm¬
ness each rushes on blind with their respective Passions to the De¬
struction of the other.
Is there a Necessity for this Mode of Conduct that may lead Us
into an useless Effusion of Blood? Or can any thing less than abso¬
lute Necessity justify such a Conduct in the Sight of the Creator not
only of Us but of our Enemies?
While We are expecting Concessions from them, & they are ex¬
pecting Concessions from Us — our Trade stagnates — our Merchants
& Citizens, our helpless Women & Children & aged are reduced to
Distress — some to poverty — 8c every Species of Wretchedness — our
best Sc dearest Blood is sluicing from our Veins — & all the Variegated
Miseries & Horrors of War are advancing & surrounding Us — & offers
to us not even the Choice of Calamities — shocking as such a Choice
might be — but close compacted Complication of them — circularly
complete & utterly inevitable.
3dly. We may prepare, petition, 8c send Agents to treat of an Accom¬
modation.
In order to determine whether this is not the proper Time to treat,
I woidd beg Leave to call the Attention of Gentlemen to 3 Points re¬
lating immediately to ourselves — 8c to 3 other Points relating to
Great Britain. As to the 3 for America. 1st. We are now successful in
the first Engagement. 2. We are united from one End of the Continent
to the other. We are vigorously preparing for Resistance — If not fully
prepared already. 3. Common Sense 8c soundness declare, that We ought
therefore to treat if no other Reason offered. Certain it is that Delay is
as much our Ally as Winter was the Ally of the King of Prussia in the
late War. It is almost universally so in defensive Wars. This is a defensive
War on our Part. Three Points immediately relating to Great Britain
to be regarded. 1. Changes or Accidents in the Court or Kingdom. 2. Al¬
terations in the Affairs of Europe. 3. Our Commercial Opposition should
be allowed Time to be felt.
Blisters applied to extract Humours from gross diseased Bodies
sometimes prevent the Necessity of bleeding. But after applying Blis¬
ters, a prudent Physician will certainly strive to avoid bleeding if
there is any Danger in the Operation untill the Blisters have been al¬
lowed Time to draiu — 8c during that Interval he will endeavour to
keep the Patient in as calm a Temper as may be possible.
May 23, 1775
377
There are some other Considerations that deserve the Attention of
Gentlemen. We have not yet tasted deeply of that bitter Cup called
the Fortunes of War. A bloody Battle lost— The peculiar Distress of
the brave Defenders of American Liberties in the Massachusetts Bay
— The Multitude thrown out of Employ by the Loss of their Fisher¬
ies Sc the stoppage of their other Trade — Disease breaking out among
their Troops unaccustomed to the Confinement of an Encampment
—Divisions in any one province which might interrupt provisions or
Relief going to their Aid by Land— the Enemies superiority forbid¬
ding it by Sea— The Difficulties from Distance if no other Objections
— The Danger of Insurrection by Negroes in Southern Colonies Iri-
cursions of Canadians & Indians upon the Northern Colonies— Ina-
dental Proposals to disunite Us — false Hopes selfish Designs iv
ing up the Point of Taxation or some other partial Concession that
might be greedily catched at by a peaceable People jaded out mth
the tedium of Civil Discords— may all operate hereafter to our Dis¬
advantage.
Great Britain lately had the golden Opportunity in her own
Hands. Had any mighty spirit presided over her Colonies, he wcmld
have sent over 20,000 Men & a formidable naval Armament to Bos¬
ton. The bravest Man in this Assembly would have then felt his seat
not quite so easy as it is now. Then thus armed He should have pre¬
pared Terms fit for Freemen to offer 8c for Freemen to receive. She
missed the lucky Moments-Thanks be to the Traytors, so ^ meri¬
torious even in their Guilt, who persuaded her We were a divided
People 8c she is sending over 3 Generals & 3 thousand Men to con¬
quer this Continent.
She has lost a Battle— 8c all America is more united 8c more deter¬
mined beyond all Comparison than We were during the Course of
the last Winter. Now the Turn is in our Favor. Let us improve it.
I suppose no Gentleman will deny, that one of these Events will
take place, if the War continues. Either it will be on our Part success¬
ful, or unsuccessful. If unsuccessful We may pretty well guess the
Consequences. I leave them to every Gentlemans Guess. But sup-
pose We have every Success our warmest Wishes &
could prompt us to desire-over whom shall We triumph? Our Fath-
ers— From whom We derive our Lives— 8c every Blessing of our
Lives. We know the Value of their protection against the Powers of
Europe. Our Fathers are high spirited. An ill directed Courage may
so fai^xhaust her strength already tottering «nder an enormous Bur¬
then of Debt, as to render her an unequal Match for her old
mies. 1 must confess my greatest Fear for America in
least she should receive the deepest Wounds thro ^ rm
Britain. For whatever may be the Events of this Contest, We must
last return to the Place from which We set off. The Ship of O
378
May 23, 1775
State, whatever weather she meets with must at last return to the Port
from which she sailed, & I trust in Heaven it may be with all the Pre¬
cious Cargo, however shattered her Condition.
My Principles were formed very early in the Course of this unhap¬
py Controversy. I have not yet found Cause to change a single Iota
of my political Creed. I have never had 8c now have not any Idea of
Happiness for these Colonies for several ages to come, but in a State
of Dependence upon 8c subordination to our Parent State. Every oth¬
er aspect presents to me an Ocean perpetually tempestuous without
Bottom 8c without Shore. If there are in it any Islands, or Spots of
Terra firma, they are too distant 8c too small to be discovered by my
weak Sight. I cannot perceive a speck where a Dove might pick up
any green [....]
I believe these Words are not so pleasing to the Ears of some wor¬
thy Members as they are to mine. I’m sorry for it. For I know the
Men who differ from Me on this Point to be Gentlemen of such
clear Integrity, such perfect Affection to the Liberty of America, 8c
of such enlightened Understandings, that while the Dictates of my
Conscience command Me boldly to speak on the naked Sentiments
of my Soul in a Time of such Exigence on a Point of such Moment
to my Country, I greatly fear least the slightness of my knowledge
may have betrayed Me into an Error — 8c I feel an Awe upon my
Mind justly proportioned to my Reverence for the Qualities 8c abili¬
ties of those who dissent from Me 8c the Magnitude of the Question
in which they so dissent.
By Dependence 8c Subordination I mean, that the King as King of
England has a power in making Laws — a power in executing them
— a power of finally determining on appeals — a power of calling for
supplies in Time of War or any Emergency — the Powers of Preroga¬
tive — 8c the Power of Parliament to regulate our Intercourse with
Foreigners — exclusive of every Idea of Taxation. These are Powers
our Parent State has been always in the possession 8c Exercise of —
and I cannot forget thinking from what I have lately seen 8c heard,
that if the late Congress had acknowledged this last Power to be
rightfully vested in her, the two Nations would not at this Instant re¬
gard each other with such hostile Eyes. That Honor of Human Na¬
ture Lord Chatham declares, if he was American, he would acknowl¬
edge it. Sir, I came into the late Congress 8cc. It is both just 8c politic
to acknowledge it. It is just — because it arises from the very Nature
of the Constitution. These Colonies were settled under the protection
of their Parent State. They ever looked up for it — 8c received it —
sometimes in [Actuality?], always in Effect. The Terms imposed by
her Power on other Kingdoms 8c States has silently 8c [continually?]
protected them. Besides who can reconcile it to Reason or [Equity?]
that Colonists emigrating from a State, undeniably with her permis-
May 23, 1775
379
sion, should be at full Liberty to carry on their Settlements Sc their
Commerce in such a Manner as to wound Sc perhaps destroy the
Mother Country. If their Intercourse with foreign Nations is thus un¬
limited & unrestrained, that must be the inevitable Consequence, for
such is human Nature that Men will seek immediate profit without
attending sufficiently to remoter Consequences. We should therefore
deal unboundedly with foreign Nations — 8c such in the Circle of Eu¬
ropean Powers at this Time — that their prosperity depends on the
Extent of an advantageous Commerce. The advantages Great Britain
has reaped from our Commerce, other Nations would have reaped.
The advantages she will receive from our Commerce being restrained
to her, other Nations will receive if it is not restrained. I tremble at
the Consequences. I detest 8c abhorr them. I would dye cheerfully to
prevent them. This is the Ground America has always stood upon.
Our Mother Country has not only exercised this Power without
Objection from our very Infancy — but it has been expressly recog¬
nized by every Colony, the Constitution, 8c by the Congress of 1765.
But I not only think these Colonies dependent 8c subordinate, but I
wish they may continue so, and that Wish implies another that our
Mother Country may continue a fit Head for such Members that
her Wealth, Power, 8c Eame may be equal to the vast Charge 8c high
Dignity. And the wish comes from my Heart. And if Gentlemen will
seriously consider the Matter — Whether they use the Terms Depend¬
ent, Subordinate, or Coordinate I believe they will all agree in this
Point — that the martial Power of Great Britain has been 8c may be a
mighty Blessing to these Colonies in securing their Commerce 8c pro¬
tecting them from the proud rapacious 8c ambitious Nations of the
World 8c from civil Convulsions among ourselves — and such Power
depends on the Right of Regulation. It would be the Height of Im¬
prudence to push a Quarrel with Great Britain to Extremity untill
these Colonies are grown so strong 8c united, that in Case she should
be ruined. We should have nothing to fear from any other Power.
That Time is not yet arrived.
This is the Substance, the rest is but Name. We are engaged then
in a War of so unnatural 8c astonishing peculiarity, that the very Ob¬
ject aimed at, as all other Wars, Success, may to Us become a Mis¬
fortune. Our Victories may be worse than Defeats — 8c like the Mace¬
donian Monarch, We may conquer— but to— Weep.
Sir, I may be singular in these Sentiments at this Time, but be as¬
sured, they will be the Sentiments of many an honest American here¬
after ’ They will soon begin to think themselves in the same Case
with the two Generals of the great Gustavus Adolphus. They asked
Leave of the King to fight a Duel to vindicate their honor— tho he
had publickly forbidden such Duels on Pain of death. However he
granted their Request. A Day was appointed 8c the Combatants ap-
380
May 23, 1775
peared in View of the whole Army to decide their Quarrel. The King
said to them — ^“Gentlemen, fight bravely Sc vindicate your Honor &
do You (says he turning to the Executioner, who attended with all
his Apparatus) as soon as one falls, immediately behead the other.”
They embraced & became Friends. This will be thought the Nature
of our Feuds.
In order to strengthen Sc conforai the Minds of our Countrymen
for this Contest, Let Us try every Method of avoiding Extremities,
that when the Wheels of War shall begin to grind a little harder upon
Us, People may not upbraid Us with having omitted proper applica¬
tions for obtaining Peace — for Man is a variable Animal and if
once that Notion is produced & fed by the Disasters 8c Differences of
a continued War, it will grow with irresistable Force, 8c in a tumul¬
tuary Passion or rather Phrenzy for Peace, the whole advantage
gained by Years of Blood may be cast away in one Day of Haste 8c
Weakness — as memorably appear’d in the Instance of the Restora¬
tion. Sir, I am well informed what will be one of the greatest Difficul¬
ties in obtaining Accommodation. It will be the Act for changing the
Government of Massachusetts Bay. We must come to treat some
Time or other. Will this whole Continent be more disposed to insist
on that Article after being tired of a dreadful War — or now. For my
part my Sentiments 8c Resolutions are decisive — to endure all the Ex¬
tremities of even an unsuccessful War rather than sacrifice the Con¬
stitution of that generous, glorious Colony. But will this be the Opin¬
ion of Men in general under such Circumstances. Let this Point be
deliberately considered. When Peace after a bloody 8c afflicting War
comes to be weighed against that Constitution — there will be Reason
to dread the general Opinion of America. Let Us imitate Administra¬
tion in this single Article. Let Us propose Terms of Accommodation,
which, if they answer no other purpose, may convince the World 8c
particularly America that We have done every Thing in our Power to
avoid the War. This was the Policy of that experienced Statesman
Lewis 14th — in the Terms he offered at Gertruydenburgh. And well
he was repaid for them. For the Rejection of them excited such a
Spirit among his Subjects as enabled him to hold out to the End of
the War against Armies flushed with a Campaign of uninterrupted
Victories, with a Marlborough 8c an Eugene at their Head — 8c at last
to conclude an advantageous Peace.
But it may be said, that treating now will shew Fear, 8c may there¬
by encourage Administration to rise in their Demands upon Us. If
We cannot treat without shewing Fear, let Us avoid it as We would
Infamy. But I beg Leave to deny the Consequence. I say We may
treat in such a Manner as to shew our Courage — 8c that We are influ¬
enced not by Timidity or Despondence, but by such Sentiments as
ought to animate Men, Freemen, Christians. I go further — I say. We
May 23, 1775
381
may treat in such a Manner as to shew our Magnanimity and yet
most exactly to regulate our Demands with the Precision of a Bur¬
leigh, according to the Dictates of Reason Sc Policy, by the Exigen¬
cies of Affairs, whatever they may be, and to calculate the Conces¬
sions We will make, in every Event favorable or unfavorable, that
can possibly occurr.
My Position is This — a treaty may do Us Good. It can do Us no
Harm. Without it. We have only 2 Things to look for: A Change of
Men & Measures produced by the Unanimity & Eirmness of these
Colonies — or 2. A severe Civil War. We are not sure which will be
our Lott. A Treaty opens a new Prospect of Relief. This is a Civil
War. No Mediator to interpose good Offices. Our Silence &: Stiffness
may only enrage & encrease our Enemies.
If a Treaty does not immediately produce all the good Effects We
desire, by obtaining immediate Redress of our Grievances, [if] may
yet produce some very valuable Effects. It may prevent Effusion of
Blood. It may prevent more Reinforcements from being sent over. It
will allow Time for our Commercial Opposition to operate. It may
enable Us to be better prepared. It may enable Us to form Confeder¬
ations with the Minority & our Eriends in England. A Point of first
Importance. Bad Effects it cannot Produce.
If We send Agents to treat — they certainly will find on their Arriv¬
al, Administration & Parliament enraged & resolved to prosecute the
War — or fluctuating — or rather inclining to Accommodation.
Suppose the 1st. It becomes this Assembly to consider well what
they wish done & what they would be willing to do in that Case.
Whether there is any Concessions whatever which in such Case We
should be willing to make in Order to procure — 8c what those Con¬
cessions are. I will only say at present — I am clear to acknowledge
the Right of Regulation— if absolutely necessary for obtaining Peace.
Whatever they are — let your Instructions to your Agents in the most
minute 8c exact Detail, what You would have done. Otherwise the
Storm comes upon Us, merely because We offer them no other
Mode of Conference than in the Din of Battles.
Suppose the 2d. Our Instructions may be so framed for that Event,
as to strike Terror into the boldest Administration 8c convince
them, it is not Timidity induces Us to treat. I will not now descend to
particulars — tho the Mode is clearly conceived in my Mind — but
your Instructions may be formed with such an honest Art as to be
accommodated to every Event that can turn up.
Besides in Case of such a Disposition as is last mentioned, our
Agents may be instructed, 8c by being on the Spot may take Advan¬
tage of the Opportunity which once seen it may never return again
_ to obtain some further Terms not insisted on in our late Petition.
The Anxiety, Trouble, 8c Expense of Treasure 8c Blood to which this
382
May 23, 1775
Continent has been put since that Petition was sent Home, gives Us a
Right to ask for more than We then asked. We ought to secure to our
Countrymen by profiting of their noble spirit now roused among them
— by gaining a fixed Establishment of some other Points. I will men¬
tion only two — The Independence of our Judges by their holding
their Commissions during Good Behaviour and a permanent Sc unal¬
terable Settlement of the most important parts of our Commerce — to
be confirmed by Statutes &: Acts of our Assemblies. Acknowledging
Right of Regulation will lead to this Establishment. I mean not to de¬
part absolutely from the Ground taken by the late Congress but to
quit it gradually by Treaty.
I move, that it be resolved — ^
MS (PHi) . In the hand of John Dickinson.
’^This MS is one of several surviving documents pertaining to Dickinson’s
attempts during the third week of May to marshall support for his plan to initiate
negotiations with Great Britain. These notes undoubtedly relate to debates in the
committee of the whole that took place shortly before the committee reported out
the resolutions adopted by Congress on May 25 and 26. Silas Deane’s record of the
debates in the committee strongly suggest that Dickinson delivered these remarks
on the 23d or 24th. See Deane’s Diary, May 23 and 24, 1775.
Dickinson’s notes, written in a small hand and full of interlineations and
crowded marginalia, present great difficulties in preparing a printed text, and since
Dickinson repeatedly used abbreviations representing a form of personal short
hand, no attempt has been made here to indicate the expansion of abbreviations.
It has been possible, nevertheless, to reconstruct nearly the entire document, and
this printed text undoubtedly reflects the views Dickinson expressed at this time.
An earlier draft of these notes bears the label: “Arguments in Congress in Favour of
a Reconciliation & sending over persons to lay the Colonies at the Feet of his
Majesty & pray[ing] for Peace.” The resolves Dickinson offered at the conclusion of
the speech survive in another, greatly expanded version and have been printed as a
separate entry.
Little is known about the background of the debate in which Dickinson delivered
these remarks. A report that reached London early in July suggests that Dickinson
had previously proposed linking negotiations to an offer of an annual grant to the
crown, but that the idea met a hostile reception. In any event, if Dickinson did
propose such a subsidy he did not long advocate it, for there is no mention of the
topic in his surviving notes, the comments of other delegates, or the resolutions he
offered. The account printed in London obviously became garbled in transmission,
for certainly the mention of Otis is erroneous, but it is possible that Dickinson
could have delivered a lengthy speech on this topic before May 18. It is interesting
to note that on this date the delegates considered the capture of Ticonderoga
(news of which reached Philadelphia the night of May 17) , an event that
substantially altered the circumstances confronting Congress. Thus it is not unlike¬
ly that if Dickinson had suggested an annual grant before the 18th, the proposal
encountered considerable criticism, and subsequent events led him to drop the
idea. The full text of the London Chronicle report, whose accuracy and prove¬
nance must remain conjectural, was printed as follows: “By letters from New York
there is an account of the proceedings of the Congress at Philadelphia, as low
down as the 18th of May; by which it appears, that from what had transpired of
their proceedings, they were very far from being unanimous; that Mr. Dickenson
had, in a most elaborate speech of two hours long, proposed a plan of reconcilia-
May 23, 1775
383
tion, by ofEering to his Majesty a yearly revenue, on certain conditions: The
ground-work of this plan was founded on the ancient grants of Parliament to the
Kings of England, in lieu of royalties, court of wards, and other hereditable rights;
and some particular grant of this kind in Charles the Second’s reign was particu¬
larly referred to. The speech was acknowledged to be very ingenious, and shewed
Mr. Dickenson to be well versed in the history of England, and well acquainted
with the great constitutional part of it; but was much disliked by many of the
Delegates, and so very ill relished by Mess. Otis and Hancock, that they left the
house abruptly. Dr. Franklin had not yet spoke.” London Chronicle, July 6-8, 1775.
^This quotation is taken from the report of a speech delivered by Gen. John
Burgoyne on February 27, 1775, which was part of a series of debates on American
affairs in the House of Commons that took place after Parliament reconvened
January 19 following the Christmas recess. However, the excerpts that follow,
taken from speeches by Capt. Augustus John Hervey, Sir William Mayne, Lord
North, and Sir William Meridith, were gleaned from debates that took place on
February 6, 20, 2, 10, and 27, 1775, and do not represent views expressed upon any
single occasion. The reports of these debates can be found in The Parliamentary
Register, 1:133, 146, 150-53, 177, 197-98, 249, 252-54.
^ Dickinson failed to designate his eighth point in developing this portion of his
argument.
* The Parliamentary Register, 1:21.^14.
® In another draft of this speech, Dickinson wrote at this point: To divide the
Colonies. 2. if that fails then to unite the people of G. B."
® For the remarks of Sir Charles Jenkinson delivered in the House of Commons
on February 20 in defense of Lord North’s conciliatory motion, see The Parliamen¬
tary Register, 1:205-6.
■'Lt. Col. Francis Smith commanded the British detachment that marched
through Lexington to Concord on April 19, 1775.
® For a fuller version of the resolutions Dickinson offered at this point, see the
following entry.
John Dickinson’s Proposed Resolutions
[May 23-25? 1775]
1. That Directions be given for putting these Colonies immediately
into the best State of Defence— that on a short Day We will enter
into Consideration of the Ways & Means of raising Money and em¬
bodying Troops, particularly for affording the speediest Assistance
to the Colonies of Massachusetts Bay [and?] New York And in the
mean Time, that all the [Colonies] be requested immediately to send
out several vessels to France, Holland, the West Indies and other
proper Places, to procure Arms and Ammunition.
2. But as the only Objects We propose to ourselves by the Meas¬
ures before mentioned, are the Defence & Preservation of ourselves
from the utter Destruction of our Lives and Liberties, meditated
against Us &: in part already executed by the British Ministry, and as
We most ardently wish for a Restoration of the Harmony formerly
subsisting between our Mother Country 8c these Colonies, the Inter¬
ruption of which must at all Events be exceedingly injurious 8c may
384
May 23, 1775
in the Conclusion be destructive to both Countries, that for the pur¬
pose of contributing by all the Means in our Power to the Promotion
and Completion of this most desirable Accommodation
We will present an humble & dutiful Petition to his Majesty, pray¬
ing Relief from our Fears and Jealousies occasioned by the System of
Colonial Administration adopted since the Conclusion of the late
War — expressing our Loyalty to the King — our Attachment to his
person. Family and Government — our Love to our Parent State
our Desire to preserve our usual Connection with her — our Readi¬
ness & Willingness at all Times with our Lives & Fortunes to support
maintain & defend the Interests & Rights of his Majesty and of that
State by every Effort that can be reasonably expected from the most
faithful Subjects & the most affectionate Colonists — that for effect¬
ing these purposes we shall ever be cheerfully dispos’d to contribute
to the Common Defence by Aids of Money, and also of Men, as the
public Exegencies and our Circumstances will permit. Earnestly be¬
seeching his Majesty, that Justice may be done to [the'\ Sincerity of
these professions by believing them to be as We solemnly declare
them to be, strictly true, that so the Relief for which We supplicate
being afforded us by the Wisdom & Goodness of his Majesty & Par¬
liament We may be restored to the happy and ardently wished for
Opportunity of demonstrating, as we are resolved with one Mind to
do, in the [most] acceptable Manner, our Gratitude for the attention
given to our prayers, and our [. . .] Majesty 8c that beloved Coun¬
try from [. . .] rejoice 8c glory that we derive our Origin.
3. That we will send Home part of our Body in behalf of them¬
selves 8c the other Petitioners to present the said Petition 8c to treat of
an Accommodation. That for this purpose, we will give Instructions
to our said Agents, suited as nearly as may be to every possible State
of Affairs that may exist on their Arrival in England, or may after¬
wards happen there, containing full 8c most exact Directions how
they are to conduct themselves in every Part of their Behaviour, and
what Concessions and what Demands they are to make in every
Event favorable or unfavorable that shall occurr, reserving to our¬
selves an Exemption from all Obligation upon Ourselves or our Con¬
stituents by any Act of our said Agents untill the same shall be rati¬
fied by this Body.
4. That after We have resolv’d and agreed upon the said Demands
8c Concessions, and have thereby fully settled the Conditions of Ac¬
commodation, the obtaining of which we are determined to persevere
in our Opposition to the Measures of the British Ministry, at all Haz¬
ards, we will associate and confederate with one another in our own
Names 8c in the Name 8c on the behalf of our respective Constituents,
in the most solemn Manner, by the Ties of Honour, Virtue, 8c the
Wellfare of our Country, to continue our said opposition in the Man-
May 23, 1775
385
ner that shall be directed by this Confess and by any succeeding
Congress to be appointed by the Inhabitants of the Colonies repre¬
sented in this Congress, by our most Strenuous efforts & utmost vig¬
our, untill we obtain such Redress of the Grievances of these Colo¬
nies, which this Congress shall determine as aforesaid to insist on.
That we will furnish in due Time our respective Quotas of Men &
Money, for the Service and during the Time, to be agreed on, and
that We or our respective Colonies shall not 8c will not accommodate
or treat of an Accommodation but jointly with all the Colonies repre¬
sented in this Congress. • i,-
5. That We will write a Letter to General Gage, informing him
that we are making the most vigorous preparations for Resistance
against the British Forces 8c the Defence and Preservation of our
Lives 8c Liberties, that the Colonies represented in this Congress have
entered into a solemn association 8c Confederacy, to carry on their
Opposition to the Measures of the British Ministry, at all Hazards,
and never to treat of an Accommodation unless it be jointly. That we
have a strong Hope founded on an humble Confidence in the protect¬
ing Goodness of Divine Providence, and the Means which he has
graciously been pleased to put into our Hands, of a successful Issue
to our just Exertions, should We be reduced to the Necessity of em¬
ploying them, yet at the same Time We most earnesly desire, that a
Period may be put to this unhappy Dispute. That for this purpose.
We intend to present an humble & dutiful Petition to his Majesty, 8c
to send over some Members of this Congress with proposals of Ac¬
commodation which, we hope, will bring this Contest to an End, 8c
restore the former Harmony between the Mother Country 8c these
Colonies. That We judge it proper to give him this Information, that
if he can think it consistent with the Orders he has receiv’d from Ad_
ministration, to forbear further Hostilities against the Inhabitants of
these Colonies or any of them, and to remove the Apprehensions of
such Hostilities, untill an answer can be receiv’d to our Answer 8c
proposals, the farther Effusion of British Blood by British Hands
may be stopt— 8c mutual Resentments be no more heighten d by mu¬
tual sufferings. That he will favour Us with an Answer to this Letter
as soon as possible-and if he does not chuse to return an answer,
that we will consider this Silence [as a] Refusal to forbear Hostilities
as is above mentioned. , , , j o v
6 That we will approve of the Resistance that has been made & is
now making in the Colony of the Massachusetts Bay against the Bri¬
tish Forces, and that We with our Lives 8c Fortunes support them
7 That the Delegates of the Colony of the Massachusetts Bay be
requested to procure 8c give to this Congress Information of the
N^es and PlLes of Abode while living of the Officers 8c Men who
386
May 23, 1775
fell fighting for their Country in the late Engagement in that Colony,
in order, that their Memory may be perpetuated, as far as it is in the
power of this Congress to preserve it; that their Families may receive
our Thanks for the patriotic Spirit of their deceas’d Relatives, our
brave Country men, our Condolence for their private Afflictions, and
such Compensations for their particular Losses, as their respective
Circumstances may require, and the Situation of public Affairs may
enable us to make.
MS (PHi) . A continuation of John Dickinson’s Notes for a Speech in Congress,
May 23-25? 1775. These resolutions are an expanded version of the six resolves
with which Dickinson concluded his notes printed in the preceding entry. At the
top of this MS, written in a smaller hand, probably on May 27, Dickinson wrote:
“Recommend Observance of Association.’’ Congress resolved the 27th that violators
of the Association “shall satisfy the convention of the Colony, where the offence
was or shall be committeed.” JCC, 2:67. For additional notes appended to this
document, see John Dickinson’s Notes of Debate, May 23-25? 1775.
John Dickinson’s Notes for a Speech in Congress
[May 23-25? 1775] ^
No Gentleman has taken up the Plan of Treaty upon the Ground
proposed. Mode not mentioned. But either by appointing persons in
England Agents or sending over Agents. The latter the best.^
1. It is the mode amongst all Nations in all ages. Free Conference,
different proposals discover the Media in [. . .] both that may be
satisfactory.
2. Petitioners should present their Petitions. The Indian mentioned
by John A.
3. It is most respectful, may soften the Minds of our Enemies. I
know it to be salutary. My Name mentioned. I detest ambition in
such a Cause. Too unhappy. But if this not approved. The other may
be adopted. We have many Friends. Natives hearty in our Cause &: as
able as any We can send. As to extent & Cautions, Not interested
that they [....] If We can agree to any Concessions that we will
absolutely offer. There they may be at Liberty to propose as what we
will certainly confirm, and some such there may be. But my Idea is
that our Instructions should be suited to all possible Contingencies
favorable or unfavorable that may occurr 8c our proposals to be ac¬
commodated to them — with a Liberty of actually conceding what We
shall agree to concede at first if thought necessary by Us.
One of those Points may be the Right of Regulation — but that has
not been taken up with the Restrictions I meant — which are the Ex¬
clusion of every Idea of Taxation, internal or external, as in the 4th
Resolve of late Congress — which in fact will be granting the same
May 23, 1775
387
Power & no more but in the most acceptable & pacifying Manner.
Another Restriction I mentioned is — at the same Time settling the
great Outlines or most important Parts of our Commerce on an unal¬
terable Establishment — to mention only one Part for Example, our
free &[....] [Transportation?] of every kind &[...] other ar¬
ticles with the southern parts of Europe &[...] shores.
I have Evidence that the Offer of some such Compact has been
expected by Administration.
As to a standing Army — if that Point of Prerogative cannot be
settled — at least for the sake of Peace — &: under the Idea of satisfy¬
ing Minds at present, the Troops may be removd — & I believe We
shall not have the same Cause of Complaint soon again.
As to Quebec Bill — if We cannot obtain a total Repeal, We may a
Contraction of Boundaries. Letter to that purpose.
Courts of Admiralty — Established before 1763, perhaps some¬
thing may be done as to a better Regulation of them by vesting the
Powers or a Controul of them by appeal in the Councils of the sever¬
al Provinces — which [w] preferable to an appeal to England.
As to Independence of Judges, Means may be agreed upon for set¬
tling that Point in a satisfactory Manner.
I cant recollect all the Instructions, but these are sufficient to shew
the Importance & Necessity of treating. And these Points never can
be settled but in a Treaty — unless We state every particular we de¬
mand — & then confederate never to end the War unless they are ev¬
ery one granted to Us — a Plan full of insurmountable Difficulties.
But suppose We do not gain Relief from our Grievances. That is
not the only Point aimed. I would treat if I was sure of being treated
with Contempt — for that very purpose. The most desperate prosecu¬
tion of the War & the most pacific Negotiations at the same Time.
Heroes in the Field, Philosophers & Christians in the Cabinet. Stamp
the Character of our Country for every brave Quality & every good
one. That We may take Rank among the Nations of the Earth for
undaunted assertion of our Liberty & the most passionate Lovers of
Peace.'"*
If We dont obtain a Redress of Grievances, We may gain these
Advantages. So much at present on this Head.
2. Objection. If We grant the Right — They may distrust Us or An¬
swer a Counter for a shilling. I always have declared, that I mean
that a Concession of the Right should be attended with a settlement
of the Capital Branches of our Commerce on a permanent Founda¬
tion so that tho We leave them the Right, it never can deeply affect
Us.
3[r]dly. A Member from Boston acknowledges it just & equitable
that Great Britain should have this Right— but he says they may
plague Us with Acts like the Boston Port Bill. Answer, That is not a
579-852 0 - 77 - 27 Vol. 1
388
May 23, 1775
Regulation of foreign Trade. Briefly — Time will settle this Matter
fully in our Favor. Let us only keep quiet for 40 or 50 Years.
4[thl]y. If they can regulate, They can legislate. Answer, the
[. . .] essential to internal [. . .] to external Acts. It formerly was
in the Crown in England [. . .] no Freedom without it. [. . .]
Power vested in Crown in England. Declarations of Peace and War,
Leagues, Treaties. Our Legislative consent internally. Not externally.
Where shall the Right lodge? It must lodge somewhere. What is Con¬
sent? In Congress or Assemblies? Difference of opinion. They have
the Power, We cant take it away. A confirmation of a Right. Regula¬
tion Exclusive. Tax internal or external. Regarding Us as much a
[. . .] subjecting us to Reproaches. No Danger our Trade willing it¬
self in process of Time by our Power &: the Insults of Great Britain.
The more 8c more every Day dependent on our Commerce, our Re¬
monstrances will be regarded more Sc more. Lord Chathams. I fear
He insists on it.
[. . .] Recognition of this Power in every Colony. It has had fatal
Effects. N. York has divided on that Point 8c every Colony I believe
to the Southward of that province will acknowledge it if ever it comes
before them. The acknowledgment now the Ought of Parliament 8c
essential to shew to our Friends. Confirmation of Acts of Navigation
— by Acts of Assembly. If denied it opens a bad omen to our Union
8c Success.
I have the like Complaint to make on the Arguments I offered
concerning a Treaty. Gentlemen have confined themselves singly to
this Question, Whether it would procure Us Redress of our Griev¬
ances. That is not the Ground on which I offered it to Consideration.
I say — 1st. It may open a Channel to Accommodation. 2[nd]ly. If it
does not procure an Accommodation 8c a Redress of Grievances, Yet
it will be attended with such other Advantages that it would be an
inexcusable Want of Policy to omit it— (1) Encreasing our Friends
in England (2) confirming our People here. 3[rd]ly. It may prevent
Reinforcements coming over. 4[th]ly. It may prevent Effusion of
Blood. 5. It will enable Us to be better prepared. 6. It will allow
Time for our Commercial opposition to work its Effects. 7. It will
give us an opportunity to consult with Ld. Chatham 8c our Friends in
general in England to form Agreements with them [. . .] act in
Concert with [them?], stipulating strenuously to support them, pave
the way to some bold Steps on the other side of the Atlantic that may
be decisive. A Point of vast Magnitude.
As to Letter to General Gage, it will be attended with the happiest
Effects, let him answer it as he will. If he agrees to stop Hostilities
till an Answer comes, nothing can be done this summer 8c all the
Time We are preparing 8c exercising, 8cc. If he refuses — the Question
of defense 8c offense is at End. Every American 8c every Englishman
John Dickinson
390
May 23, 1775
after such a Request & Refusal will think Us justifiable in taking ev¬
ery advantage. It will evidence a humane 8c considerate Disposition.
Throw into this Letter all the bold Expressions of our unalterable
Resolutions— &: Trust of Success— rather than into our Petition 8cc.
It will be more respectful.
As to Confederation, We must see our Way clear in Reason &
Conscience to an Iota, before We proceed to Extremities. I shall not
stir a Step till every Thing is thus adjusted. That being done, I will
stand or fall by that solemn Compact.^
MS (PHi) . In the hand of John Dickinson.
' One of several documents pertaining to various arguments Dickinson advanced
in the committee of the whole during the early weeks of the Secoiid Congress. It is
probable that he prepared these notes about the same time he delivered the longer
speech printed in the earlier entry designated John Dickinson’s Notes for a Speech
in Congress. May 23-25? 1775. The only explicit identifying information on the MS
is Dickinson’s notation: “Arguments in Congress to shew the Dependance of these
Colonies on the Mother Country.’’
“The following cryptic notes appear in the margin: “Olive Branch in an armd
Hand/Caduceus not on a Wand/ but a Roman Fasces/ Resentment at such a
Councellor as Hutchinson/Fable of a Traveller.”
“It is difficult to follow the development of Dickinson’s thought from this point
in the MS. Because the next brief sentence begins a new paragraph at the bottom
of a sheet of paper but is followed by a notation to continue to the next sheet at a
point designated in the middle rather than at the top of the page, the following
five paragraphs may not have been written in the order printed here. The mystery
is compounded by the fact that Dickinson apparently did not complete the
paragraph he intended to develop at that point in the MS and as a consequence
interlined and crowded into the margins much of the material that appears in the
fourth paragraph below. It seems clear, neveitheless, that the substance of Dickin¬
son’s remarks on this occasion have been recovered from his notes and that a
rearrangement of the paragraphs that follow would provide no greater insight into
his intended meaning.
* At this point Dickinson penned in the margin: "Adhere with Roman Firm¬
ness.”
John Dickinson’s Notes of Debate
[May 23-25? 1775]
Motion seems calculated to inflame.
Motion is not pointed.
Involves Matters [radical?] in their Nature.
Recommendation of Association proper
Recommendation to procure arms Sc amunition proper maybe.
As to rais[in]g armies. That Recommendation must go pari passu
with Measure of Reconciliation. We must know the one Measure will
be taken before We assent to the other.
May 23, 1775
391
If We will go on with Measure of War, They must go on with
Measure of Peace.
I forebode a fatal Issue to our Union & our Cause — if We do not
feel a [Brotherhood?] In only [. . .] Conscience.
If some of Us cannot go as far as others let them not strain us too
far — to put us out of breath to discourage Us.
Lee — Consent. Hooper — Answered our Consent implied — origi¬
nal See.
MS (PHi) . In the hand of John Dickinson. These cryptic notes appear separately
on the last sheet of the four-page MS containing Dickinson’s Proposed Resolutions,
May 23-25? 1775, and may pertain to debates that took place on May 23 or 24. See
Silas Deane’s Diary, May 23, 24, 1775.
James Duane’s Notes for a Speech in Congress
' [May 23-25? 1775]!
On the State of the Colonies
I. The importance of the subject — it concerns our liberties, our
lives our property.
II. The eyes of Europ>e and America are fixed on this Assembly,
and the fate of one of the greatest empires on earth, in no small de¬
gree, depends on the issue of their deliberations.
III. We are contending with the State from whence we sprung,
with those who were once our fathers, our guardians, our brethren,
with those fleets and armies which were lately our protection, and
contributed to rescue us from Gallic tyranny and oppression.
IV. Cemented by the ties of blood, religion and interest, victory it¬
self however decided must be fatal: and whichever side prevails must
weep over its conquests. On our side we tremble for the dearest and
most inestimable of all earthly blessings, our liberty and for those
rights and that most excellent constitution and free government,
which (resources) ^ were procured by the blood and handed down to
us by the wisdom and the bravery of our renowned ancestors.
V. Doubly exposed to the cruel projects of an unrelenting and des¬
potic Ministry, and if they are defeated to the danger of foreign inva¬
sions from bigots and tyrants, no condition can be more alarming.
VI. How necessary then while we summon up all our fortitude and
rise superior to fear and every selfish regard while we are ready to
lay down our fortunes and even our lives in the defence of the best of
causes, that at the same time we restrain every emotion of intemper¬
ate zeal — every sally of anger and passion; and coolly and deliberate¬
ly examine and consider the state of the Colonies uniting with one
heart and one voice our best and wisest counsels for the preservation
of our country.
392
May 23, 1775
VII. However diffident of my own abilities, and conscious that I
can contribute but very little in this great and arduous enquiry, si¬
lence on this momentous occasion would ill requite the confidence
reposed in me by my constituents.
VIII. I am the more encouraged to offer my sentiments, because I
have the happiness to find, that they are confirmed by some of the
most respectable authorities which distinguish the bright catalogue of
American Patriots and in whose steps I may tread with some degree
of confidence.
IX. I shall not spend the time in reviewing that wicked system of
ministerial oppression which has reduced America to its present de¬
plorable situation. It has been done with precision and elegance by
the worthy member from Virginia.^
X. Nor need I enter upon the question whether all the united Col¬
onies are to be considered as in a state of War, or Peace?
XI. It is a sufficient ground for my conduct, that the sword of
ministerial vengeance has been drawn against our Brethren in the
Massachusetts Bay and their innocent blood been shed. That they
suffer in our common cause; and that we are bound by the most sol¬
emn engagements by every tie of duty interest and policy to succur
and support them and to hazard our all in the tremenduous conflict.
XII. One common danger therefore awaits us and we must share
one common fortune. May that gracious being upon whom we de¬
pend inspire our councils with wisdom and bless our efforts with suc¬
cess! and speedily restore us to that Peace and harmony with Great
Britain on principles of liberty and mutual advantage which is the
ultimate wish of every virtuous patriot.
XIII. The subject of our debate divides itself into two general
heads.
1st. A vigorous preparation for our common defence — for Sir, I
wish we may never part with the idea that every hostile measure on
our part is undertaken for and shall be conducted to our own self
presevuation: and that however injured and provoked the desire of
conquest, of independence and much less of revenge may be ban¬
ished from every American breast.
Let this be ever considered as a family quarrel, unnatural, dis¬
graceful and ruinous into which we are innocently plunged by intol¬
erable oppression, and which we are sincerely disposed to appease
and reconcile, whenever the good providence of God shall put it in
our power, consistent with the preservation of our just rights.
This loyal and benevolent sentiment which to the honor of injured
Americans under all her grievances so universally prevails will open
the next head of debate vizt.
2dly. Whether any means of reconciliation are left in our power
which we can propose with a prospect of success, and a just regard to
May 23, 1775
393
James Duane
394
May 23, 1775
our invaded Rights.
As to the
1st point — a vigorous preparation for our common defence.
I have no military skill and considering the critical state of the
Colony which gave me birth, I have reason to lament it.
Our capital may be surrounded with ships of war, which we are
wholly incapable of resisting — Hudson’s River affords an easy com¬
munication for vessels of force upwards of 100 miles into the heart
of our best settlements.
Our western frontier covered with scattered villages interspersed to
the distance of 100 miles from Albany are exposed to the ravages of
the Western nations of Indians while our northern and Eastern fron¬
tiers ate at the mercy of the Canadians and the savages long in their
alliance.
The fertility of the Colony, its advantageous situation to supply the
ministerial armament and to cut off the communication between the
Eastern and Western provinces are circumstances which render it of
the utmost moment to the contending powers.
We must therefore expect that every effort will be put in practice
to secure it for the Ministry.
The force of America must consequently be divided into two
bodies — one to defend the Massachusetts the other to secure New
York.
Two large armies must be kept on foot for these purposes; suffi¬
cient to overawe the Ministerial troops and confine them to the port
they may under cover of the fleet be able to secure.
The army which is to defend New York must again be subdivided
— a sufficient number to overawe and confine the troops which may
be landed in the City of New York, and the rest to oppose the at¬
tempts of the Indians Sc Canadians.
In our operations we must hazard all upon the success of our small
arms — there is no prospect that we shall be able to erect forts or bat¬
teries which will prove the least serviceable. We have some cannon
but no engineers; no apparatus necessary for fortifying and what is
worse very little powder of any kind, and no cannon powder or ball
though with the latter we might speedily be supplied.
Besides if we had both materials and capacity to construct fortifi¬
cations they would probably only serve as decoys to ensnare us, for it
would be opposing inexperience to discipline and meeting regular
troops in their own way and on their own guard.
In short the examples and success of the Massachusetts point out
the only way in which we can meet our tyrants with any prospect of
success.
Under this head of preparation for defence will be considered —
2dly. The number of men to be raised in each Colony and
May 23, 1775
395
3dly. The means of their support.
But these are subjects which can only be investigated by a thor¬
ough knowledge of the abilities and circumstances of each Colony of
which I am too ignorant to venture any estimate.
[As to the] ^ I come now to the
II. General Head — whether any means of reconciliation are still
left in our power which we can prepare with a prospect of success, or
a just regard to our invaded rights.
Many are the reasons which ought to induce us while we are pre¬
paring vigorously for the last appeal to open a door for reconcilia¬
tion.
I shall mention only three.
1. That we can g (cetera desunt) ®
Tr (NN) .
^ Duane’s notes are undated, but their emphasis on the twin themes of colonial
defense and reconciliation with the mother country suggests that they pertain to
debates that occurred May 23, 24, and 25. During this period the delegates
heatedly discussed both issues in Congress, finally adopting resolutions relating to
the defense of New York on the 25th and to colonial defense in general and
pursuit of peaceful redress of American grievances on the 26th. Duane composed
his notes sometime before the passage of the first series of resolutions, but in the
absence of other evidence it is impossible to date them with greater certainty.
Moreover, it is curious that Silas Deane, who kept a record of congressional debates
at this time, fails to mention Duane’s participation in them. Silas Deane’s Diary,
May 23, 24, 25, 1775; and JCC, 2:59-66.
“Thus in MS.
“ Probably Richard Henry Lee. See Silas Deane’s Diary, May 23, 24, 25, 1775.
* Thus in MS.
“Thus in MS. George Bancroft inserted this parenthetical Latin phrase to
signify that this is where the original MS notes ended.
Benjamin Franklin to Humphry Marshall
Dear Sir: Philadelphia, May 23d, 1775.
I received your favour of the 13th inst.^ I think, with you, that the
non-importation and non-exportation, well adhered to, will end the
controversy in our favour. But, as Britain has begun to use force, it
seems absolutely necessary that we should be prepared to repel force
by force, which I think, united, we are well able to do.
It is a true old saying, that make yourselves sheep and the wolves
will eat you: to which I may add another, God helps them that help
themselves.
With much esteem, I am, sir. Your most obedient humble servant.
MS not found; reprinted from William Darlington, Memorials of John Barlram
and Humphry Marshall; with Notices of their Botanical Contemporaries (Phila-
396
May 23, 1775
delphia: Lindsay & Blakiston, 1849) , p. 521.
"Humphry Marshall (1722-1801), Pennsylvania botanist, corresponded with
Franklin chiefly on matters of scientific interest. DAB; and Darlington, Memorials,
pp. 485-93, 515-23.
Joseph Hewes to James Iredell
Dear Sir: Philadelphia, 23d May, 1775.
I know your anxiety to be informed what is doing in Congress, and
wish I was at liberty to gratify it, but the secrecy enjoined the mem¬
bers puts it out of my power to give you any information worth your
attention. You will see by the papers which I send to Mr. Smith, the
advice that is given to the people of New York relative to their city,
to those papers I must beg leave to refer you for news; you will find
by them the New Yorkers have taken an active share in the opposi¬
tion; a tory dare not show his head amongst them; the cry of liberty
is irresistible in most of the colonies; a military spirit has seized all
orders of people; this city is full of armed men; they have now 28
companies of foot and two of horse; each company consists of 68
men including officers; they are called out twice every day to learn
the military discipline, and I can assure you some of the companies
perform it equal to any regular troops.
Capt. Gillis makes so short a stay here that I fear I shall not have
it in my power to send any shoes by him. I have urged the shoe¬
makers to get them done, but they had so many orders not completed
when I applied, that I fear the ladies and yourself must wait till the
next opportunity for them. I received the shell per Capt. Gillis, and
shall get it made into a box for Miss Penny as soon as possible. The
ladies" have always my best wishes, make my compliments acceptable
to them. I have wrote to Mr. Johnston, so has Mr. Hooper; if he is
not at home when Gillis arrives, I desire you will open our letters to
him, and read the contents before you send them.
I am, very respectfully, dear sir. Your obliged and very humble
servant, Joseph Hewes
[P.S.] I beg you will excuse haste. I now trespass on Congress hours.
MS not found; reprinted from Griffith J. McRee, Life and Correspondence of
James Iredell, One of the Associate Justices of the Supreme Court of the United
States, 2 vols. (New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1857-58) , 1:254-55.
Joseph Hewes to Samuel Johnston
Dear Sir Philadelphia 23d May 1775
I wrote to you^ some days ago by a Mr. Reed who said he should
May 23, 1775
397
pass thro’ Edenton, but he went off before I had finished my Letter.
I sent it by a vessel to Currituck. We have done very little in Con¬
gress, the Secrecy injoyned the Members puts it out of my power to
communicate any thing worth your attention. The Congress had en¬
tered into a Resolve that no Vessel shall be suffered to Load for
Newfoundland, St Johns, Nova Scotia, or the British Fishery on any
of the Coasts of America, to take place immediately, thereby to pre¬
vent the British Fishery from being supplied with Provisions Sc
Stores. It was moved to amend this resolve by prohibiting all impor¬
tation from these places to take place instantly, to this it was objected
and very Justly too, that many persons in these places were indebted
to the other Colonies and that such a resolve would prevent them
from sending their Effects to this & other of our ports, and would in¬
jure ourselves. So the whole matter was put of[f] for some days in
order to debate the latter part of the resolve, the first part being
agreed to Unanimously, this prevents me from sending the resolve to
the Edenton and Chowan Committee. Advice has been given to the
People of New York, this you will see in the papers which I have
sent to Mr. Smith.^ The New Yorkers have stepped forward and tak¬
en an Active share on the opposition, not a Tory to be seen amongst
them, all ranks of People are embarked in the Common cause deter¬
mined to oppose ministerial Vengeance. A military spirit has dif¬
fused itself in an extraordinary manner thro’ this Province, it is said a
Majority of the Quakers have taken up Arms certain it is that many
in this City have done it, some of which are Officers and appear in
Uniform. This strong current of opposition to ministerial measures in
some instances bordering on licentiousness calls for the most prudent
and temperate deliberations of the Congress. To bear and forebear is
a precept of Morality calculated exactly for these times and as we
must draw the Sword I hope Necessity, not resentment will influence
our measures. It is highly necessary that North Carolina should be
puting her self in a State of defence, a Company of Militia ought to
be formed in each County and Trained frequently. You prevailed on
Hooper and my self to be elected delegates to attend the Congress,
you have been instrumental in puting the halter about our Necks, if
we should be obliged to promise too much for our Province we shall
want your abilities and influence to carry us through. In the interim
you ought, I think, to Exert yourself in geting the Province put in a
state of defence, encourage the People to Associate in Companies for
that purpose and to make themselves acquainted with Military dis¬
cipline, this you may do without appearing active in it yourself.
Hooper calls to me from the next room and says he is writing a long
Letter to you, he is much better qualified to give you information
than I am therefore I beg leave to refer you to him for a further ac¬
count of politicks.
398
May 23, 1775
When you have read our Letters Sc the Newspapers I believe you
will think it unnecessary to give any Orders for Goods, no person
here thinks of it at present, if any alteration should happen I will give
you the earliest account I possibly can of it.
1 have sent you all the Articles you mention in your letter of the
2d except [Stares Porter?] none of which can now be had. My best
Compliments to your Family. Adieu, and believe that I am with great
Sincerity, Dr Sir, Your obliged huml Sert Joseph Hewes
RC (CSmH) . . . r o , T u
^ This letter is unaddressed, but that Hewes intended it for Samuel John-
ston (1733-1816) can be deduced from his comment that William Hooper was in
"the next room and says he is writing a long letter to you,” as Hooper did indeed
do this day. Johnston, a lawyer, assemblyman, governor, and delegate to Congress,
1780-82, was one of the most influential leaders in the North Carolina revolution¬
ary movement. Bio. Dir. Cong.; and DAB.
2 Congress’ resolve of May 15, urging New Yorkers to remain on the defensive
for as long as possible after the arrival of British regulars in their province, was
printed in Dunlap’s Pennsylvania Packet, or the General Advertiser on the 22d.
William Hooper to Samuel Johnston
Dear Johnston Philadelphia May 23 1775
The close attention which I am compelled to pay to the business of
the congress scarce gives me an opportunity to pay my duty to my
friends. As we meet at 9 oClock in the morning and set till 4 in the
Afternoon you will readily conceive that the little leisure we have is
not sufficient for the common functions of life Sc exercise to keep us
in health. While I am writing I encroach upon congress hours, & if I
could furnish you with any thing entertaining it might be some apolo¬
gy for the transgression, but the strict secrecy which is enjoined upon
the members leaves us at large to communicate nothing worthy atten¬
tion, that hapjjens within the Walls of the State House. Let it suffice
that the most perfect harmony subsists among the Members, the
Character of the New Yorkers is no longer suspicious, they take a
forward and an active share in the Opposition, all ranks of people
amongst them are embarked in the common cause and are sacredly
resolved to preserve the Cargoe or perish with the ship.
The few Tories amongst them are silent, the cry of liberty is irre¬
sistible. The Clergy who are never happy but when dabbling in fac¬
tion have met a just reward for their misguided Zeal & have been
compelled, (6 of them) to seek protection on board a Kings Ship.
Rivington follows their fortunes, 8c his printing Shop which forged
Calumny and sedition for the whole Continent is shut up. New York
must now become the seat of War, the Taking of Ticonderoga will
May 23, 1775
399
convert the attention of Government to that Quarter so the N York¬
ers will not long be suffered to be indifferent Spectators of its opera¬
tions. Believe me, I do not think they wish to be.
Their City is fitted with armed Men whom they have raised & dis¬
ciplined, to be called into action when Hostilities begun on the part
of Lord North & Troops shall render it necessary. Govt has sent
them the Asia Man of War, We suppose to protect their Trade —
rather to give Spirit to the tories, but that day is past, they are sunk
never to rise again.
This City has taken a deep share in the Infection which is so gen¬
erally diffused thro’ the Continent. Men Women 8c Children feel the
patriotick glow, 8c think every man in a state of Reprobation beyond
the power of heavenly mercy to forgive, who is not willing to meet
death rather than concede a tittle of the congress creed. Quakerism
has received a shock from which it will never recover. An attempt to
restrain the other Sects in their spirited conduct has only shew’n the
weakness of their efforts 8c the insignificancy of their numbers when
in competition with those who think 8c act differently from them.
Their Testimony to their eternal dishonor, accompanied with the
proceedings of the New York Assembly gave encouragement to
Administra[tion] to adopt the present compulsory measures, which
at this Hour we all lament. For certain it is till those got to hand the
plan prepared by Administration was conciliatory.
If it should be thought expedient to raise troops in each Colony,
Money of course must be supplied, from whence must it come in our
Province. Would the Provincial Convention think it prudent, to emit
for that purpose, or are not the Circumstances such as to leave no al¬
ternative to their Choice. Whether this; or what will be recommended
is still in suspence, this however is certain that it will be necessary
that a Convention should be held immediately upon the return of the
delegates. I would therefore advice Mr Harvey to warn the several
Counties immediately to elect representatives to set in Convention, 8c
I would propose that each County should send 10 at least. This is
consistent with the New York policy who thereby have given strength
to the cause, by interesting so many in the protection of it. Every
man let his property be ever so small, has still his right to preserve 8c
claims a share in the publick Consultations which must eventually af¬
fect him. Such a step with us would be prudent. The Spirit wants re¬
suscitation in N Carolina 1 think. Perhaps you may think so too
many.
Hewes sends you the Newspapers. Pray make my Compliments
acceptable to every branch of your Worthy family. Remember me af¬
fectionately to Mr Iredell, Jones 8c Charlton whom I beg leave to refer
to this hasty scrawl for every thing which is not retailed in the news¬
papers. Only let me add to the Members of the Committees — that a
400
May 23, 1775
Resolve has passed the Congress and ordered to be published. That
no vessell shall be suffered to load for Newfoundland, St John s.
Nova Scotia to supply the British fishery there or any where along
the Coast of America. This is much to be noticed, it is a just retalia¬
tion for restraining the American fishery.
Hewes orders me to congress, that he may have an Opp [ortuni] ty
to dispatch his Vessell, and as Caswell is indisposed I must obey &:
thereby save your patience a further trial. I am your Affectionate
Friend &: Obedt. Humble Sert Will Hooper
RC (PPRF) .
George Read to Gertrude Read
My Dear G[itty] Philadelphia, [May 23, 1775]
That you may not charge me with inattention, I take pen in hand,
at a late hour, to chat with you, before I retire to my nest, as Mr.
Van Luvenigh, whom I met on the Common this evening, returns to
your town to-morrow, and promised to call upon me.
I really begin to tire of my confinement. I attended at nine o’clock
in the forenoon [to-day], and did not stir till after five; this is com¬
mon; could we separate at three, I could bear it tolerably well. On
Monday I dined with a select company of two or three persons at
Mr. Dickinson’s, where you were inquired after. He was, and indeed
still is, much affected with the loss of his youngest child — the surviv¬
ing one is a fine, hearty girl. I had an invitation to dine at Mr. James
Allen’s the same day, but subsequent to the other. An invitation is
sent me this evening by Andrew Allen to dine on Saturday; but we
distress these people by our late hours, though there is but little en¬
tertaining at this Congress compared to the last. The delegates are
not such novelties now.
There is a paragraph in the New York paper, brought by this day s
post, that the regiment of horse, expected from England, had refused
to embark, and also that the troops from Ireland were stopped on oc¬
casion of some disturbance there, — very lucky for America, if this be
true; as it was our great dependence to save fighting here that the
people at home would rouse and exert themselves to prevent a civil
war here; however, no great dependence can be put on this intelli¬
gence. A private letter from New York mentions that one regiment
was detained, but the rest were coming, which, or whether either is
true we cannot learn with any certainty yet.
James Read had the ague yesterday; the rest of the family and all
your friends here are well.
May 24, 1775
401
I bid you good-night, and am yours, most affectionately,
George Read
[P .S.] Kiss our little ones for me.
MS not found; reprinted from William T. Read, Life and Correspondence of
George Read, a Signer of the Declaration of Independence . . . (Philadelphia: J.
B. Lippincott & Co., 1870) , pp. 108-9.
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[May 23, 1775]
23rd. Met Sc resolved into Sec, Mr. Ward reported as above.^
MS (RHi) .
^ See Ward’s Diary, May 19, 1775.
Silas Deane’s Diary
[May 24, 1775]
Wednesday. Col. Hancock chosen president. Resolved, into a
Com[mitte]e of the whole house. Report respecting New York read.
Mr. Ross for a full Consideration of the whole Continent. Mr. Wil¬
son for considering the state of NYork in the first place.
Col. Bland speaks to Order.
Mr. Chase — in his old strain recurs to the old affair of the right of
regulating Trade.
Mr. Paca — follows him in the same Strain.
Mr. Pendleton — answers him in particular.
Col. Harrison for letting the Motion lye, & Consider, at large, in
order to end the affair.
Mr. Wilson, again for arrming New York, speaks earnestly.
Mr. Dickinson in his old Way lengthy, and concludes in his old
Way with a Fable.
Mr. Mifflin animadverts with spirit on him and exposes his reason¬
ing &c.
Mr. Johnson, on a reconciling plan and offers a Motion.
Col. Lee for a different mode of expression in the Motion and is
severe on Dickinson.
Mr. Jno. Rutledge — against any Concession whatever, that Lord
North has given Us his Ultimatum with which We cannot agree
Treats Dickinsons plan with the utmost Contempt and is so severe
that Chase rises to explain himself.
402
May 24, 1775
Col. Lee up again. , ,r r i
Mr. Stone of Maryland — so disagreeable that one half of the Con¬
gress withdraw.
Mr. Lynch up.
Adid. at Four oClock. i n
Dined with Friend S[tephen] Collins, fe supp’d with C[hnstopher]
Marshall.
MS (CtHi) . CHS Bulletin 29 (July 1964) : 91-92.
Silas Deane to Elizabeth Deane
May 24th [1775]
Our discourse about adjourning is somewhat abated. Our Presi¬
dent left Us Yesterday, on Acct. of Attending as Speaker of the
House of Burgesses now called in Virginia, 8c Mr. Hancock presides
in his Room. I need not say how agreeable a Letter from You would
be. My Love to Sally, Jesse, 8cc. 8cc. I am Yours Silas Deane
[P.S.] 24th. I have detained Johnny, in order to carry some Letters
of importance to New York and he sets out This Day.^ I have noth¬
ing new to add and write thus much, to shew You, I am not unmind¬
ful of You.
RC (CtHi) . A continuation of Deane to Elizabeth Deane, May 21, 1775.
•According to Deane’s diary, John Wehh, his stepson, did not leave Philadelphia
until Friday, May 26, no douiit carrying the resolutions of the 25th and 26th
respecting military preparations for the defense of New York. CHS Bulletin 29
(July 1964) : 88. ]CC, 2:.59-61, 64.
Edmund Pendleton’s Proposed Resolutions
[May 24-26? 177.5] i
Resolved, That it is the Ojunion of this Committee that the Mem¬
bers of the Present Congress ought to bind tliemselves 8c their Con¬
stituents by every tie which Wisdom, prudence 8c common danger
suggest in a firm and Indissoluble league 8c union to stand by 8c sup¬
port each other in defence of American liberty 8c procuring by all
possible means a reconciliation with Our mother Country. And
therefore that no terms of Accommodation which may be propo.sed
from Great Britain to any Colony Separately, ouglu to be accepted or
treated of by the Assembly of sucli C^olony, but sucli treaty shall only
be made 8c agreed to in a Rejjresentation of all in Gcnl. C..ongress.
At the same time waving all resentment for the unmerited 8c un-
May 24, 1775
403
provoked severities they have experienced from the British Ministrey
&: Parliament, 8c influenced by the most sincere & Ardent desire to re¬
turn to their Connection 8c intercourse of Affection with that their
Parent state, from which misrepresentations Sc evil Counsels have un¬
happily divided Us; that terms of Accommodation ought once more
to be proposed thro’ the Medium of Our common Sovereign, and
therefore
[Resolved?] As the Opinion of this Committee that a dutiful 8c a
Loial Address ought to be presented to our [King] reiterating Our
sincere Alliegiance to his Crown 8c dignity, and our unshaken fidelity
to his Royal person. Family and Government.
(To lament Our unhappy situation, which subjects Us to the gros¬
sest misrepresentations so that Our dutiful if peaceable attempts by
Petition if remonstrance to preserve a Right to dispose of our own
money as English freemen, and a preparation to defend our lives if
families.)
To declare in the most Explicit terms that the foundation of the
present unhappy dispute between the British Ministry 8c Parliament 8c
America, is a Right claimed by the former to tax the Subjects of the
latter without their consent — and not an inclination on Our part to
set up for independency, which we utterly disavow 8c wish to restore
a Constitutional Connection upon the most solid 8c reasonable Basis.
From a perswasion that the Negative of our Sovereign to all our
Laws 8c the Power in Parliamt. of Regulating foreign trade for the
Common benefit of the whole, are sufficient to preserve that connec¬
tion 8c give the Parent State all her necessary weight in the Empire,
we chearfully “consented to the Operation of all such Acts of Parlia¬
ment as are bona fide confined to the Regulations of trade for com¬
mon benefit excluding every Idea of taxation Internal or external for
raising revenue in America.” If we were misunderstood in this Point,
to declare [that we are to?] be bound by the Acts of Navigation
[. . .] to the year 1763 and to all future acts which should [. . .]
limited in their Object 8c operation. And we shall be willing on Our
parts to have proper Commissioners to settle a [mode?] of giving
Constitutional Stability to that great Pillar of Connection 8c prevent
all future disputes.
To repeat our undeviating willingness to Contribute our just pro¬
portion to the necessary expence of defending the whole Empire; To
make an honourable 8c stable provision for the Administration of
Government in Our Respective Colonies, provided our Legislators
and Civil Officers are put upon a proper independant footing, and m
time of Peace to provide for Our own internal Safety and security;
that we consider 8c ever must consider the Monpoly of Our trade in
Point of Proffit to Britain 8c disadvantage to Us, as a full compensa¬
tion for our proportion of the Expense of the Navy, so necessary for
579-852 0 - 77 - 28 Vol.l
404
May 24, 1775
the Protectn. of the whole Empire; But if we are mistaken in this,
and Parliament shall think proper to put us on a footing with Our
fellow Subjects in Britain by as free a trade as they enjoy, we shall be
ready, as in justice we ought, to pay a settled proportion of that exp-
€nc€.
That we are greatly concerned to find the only proposition made
by Parliament for an Accommodation is of such a nature that we can
by no means accede thereto, since It is for the substantial right of
giving Sc granting Our own money by a free Aid that we are contend¬
ing, & not for the Shadow, or only the Mode of raising what a Supe¬
rior shall command us to provide — and therefore, tho we have al¬
ways with sincerity expressed Our readiness to exert ourselves for the
Common defence in times of War, we always did it Sc must continue
to grant supplies upon Constitutional requisitions by our Sovereign,
on which we must judge of the Occasion and quantum of the Aid as
well as the Mode of raising & application of it. And therefore to of¬
fer a sum of money without any Object to direct Us as to the Quan¬
tum, or any Satisfaction to Our Judgements of the necessity of any
grant, would be a Step in the Dark we do not choose to make, more
especially as ’tis to be disposable by Parliament &: may be emploied
for our distruction, as we think a great deal of the National Treasure
has lately been.
Once More To beseech his Majesty to Interpose his Roial Influ¬
ence for Opening a treaty of Accommodation between his Subjects
there & here in Order to a lasting reconciliation Sc tranquility, before
it is too late, & Our common Ennemies shall have availed themselves
of the unnatural conflict. And in Order to this desirable end, that the
Troops may be withdrawn from Us &: the several Acts of Parliament
formerly Objected to and those of the last Session on the disagreea¬
ble Subject, repealed; when we on our part will do away [teit/i] all
associations 8c other things disgusting to our brethren in Britain 8c
then we may treat on terms becoming freemen 8c friends 8c lay the
foundation of a lasting 8c reasonable Connection; But if Our fate is
determined 8c there is no choice left us but absolute Submission to
the Mandates of a British Ministry Or resistance. We are determined
to embrace the latter 8c pursue it to the last Period of Our breath
appealing to Heaven for the Justice 8c Rectitude of Our intentions;
and Trusting in the Almighty 8c as Vigorous exertions of all the
Means he shall be pleased to Afford Us, for Our Protection 8c de¬
fence.
Resolved, That this Committee highly approve of the Conduct of
the people in the Massachusets Bay in their Spirited 8c Successful Op¬
position to the Troops under General Gage who on the 19th of April
marched into the body of their Countrey to ravage 8c Oppress them;
And are of Opinion that all America ought to join in Supporting that
May 24, 1775
405
Province in such Opposition and their necessary defence against all
future Attempts of the like nature.
That for this purpose as well as to guard against all Invasions or
Insurrections which may be meditated or attempted in other Colo¬
nies, The Number of Men following ought to be raised and em¬
bodied in the Sevl. Colonies & Provinces that is to say in New
Hampshire in the Massachusets Bay in Rhode Island
and Providence Plantation in Connecticut in New
York in New Jersey in Pensa. in the three
Counties on Delaware in Maryland in Virginia in
North Carolina in So. Carolina 8c [in the] Parish of St.
Johns in Georgia to be emploied, as occasion may require, either
for the [. . .] defence and security of the Colony wherein they are
raised, as for the Assistance of any other part [of] America where their
Services may be wanting. Besides which the Militia throughout the
Whole ought to be provided with Arms and Amunition 8c kept in con¬
stant training 8c exercise in the best manner.
Resolved, That for raising. Arming 8c Maintaining the Men so to
be embodied, a sum of money ought to be raised by a Continental
contribution in the following Proportione, that is to say. By New
Hamp. £ By the Massachusets Bay £ By Rhode Island
and Providence Plantation £ By Connecticut £ By New
York £ By New Jersey £ By Pennsylvania £ ^ By the
Counties on Delaware £ By Maryland £ By Virginia £
By North Carolina By South Carolina £ and by the
Parish of St. Johns in Georgia £
And in Case money cannot be borrowed immediately in any Colo¬
ny to answer their Quota as aforesaid, such Colony to Issue notes of
credit for the Redemption of which [the Public Fai]th of such Colo¬
ny shall be pledged by their Provincial Convention, and in the sd.
[Parish] of St. Johns such Security given as shall be approved of by
[• ]2 — the Redemption to be made by annual Proportions of
the sum to be redeemed in each Province, so as to Call in 8c sink the
whole within years after the Restoration of Peace between
Great Britn. 8c the Colonies and the Respective Legislatures of the
latter shall have it their power to provide for such Redemptn. in a
Constitutional way; And it ought to be earnestly recommended to
every freind of American liberty to receive such notes in all pay¬
ments 8c use their best endeavours to give them Credit 8c assist their
Genl. Currency throughout the Continent. The Genl. form to be as
follows —
“The Public Faith of the Colony of Virginia is hereby Pledged for
the Redemption of this Bill (which is to pass for the sum of ten shill¬
ings) by the Payment of its amount in gold at per Ounce, in
406
May 24, 1775
Silver at per Ounce, or in good Bills of Exchange upon Great
Britain with a discount of per Centum for the difference of
Exchange, according to the terms agreed on by the Amer[ican]
Congress at Philadelphia the day of 1775.”
The device to be now fixed (or if fixed in each Colony to be im¬
mediately commun [icated] through the whole & signed by the Depu¬
ties of each Colony to Congress Sc also the Treasurer to be chosen in
each Colony to Issue and Accot. for the money, who shall give prop¬
er Security to & Account wth. his Colony Convention. It is also rec¬
ommended to the Sevl. Committees of Counties Sc Corporations Sc all
others to be vigilant in their endeavours to prevent Sc detect all at¬
tempts to Counterfeit the notes of Credit, 8c Publish discoveries of
such attempts.
That the Surplus of the money to be raised in each Colony beyond
what is necessary to support its Troops to be raised as aforesaid, be
as soon as Possible paid by the Treasurer to the Committee of Corre-
sponde. who are to remit it to [ ] '* to be applied to the Pay 8c
Provn. of the Troops so to be kept in the New England Governments
8c New York, 8c charged to Account of those Colonies respectively as
they shall receive proportions thereof.
MS (MHi) . Endorsed by Charles Thomson; “Mr Pendleton’s Motion.”
^ The content of these resolves .suggests that Pendleton offered them to the
committee of the whole sometime during the debates of May 23-26 on the state of
America. In his diary for this period, Silas Deane notes that Pendleton was an
active participant in the debates, and it seems probable that Congress considered
these resolves before the adoption on May 26 of several resolutions pertaining to
defence and reconciliation. The more specihe questions of the numbers of men to
be rai.sed and their means of support remained topics of consideration during
much of June. See Silas Deane’s Diary, May 23, 24, 25, 1775; and JCC, 2:64-66.
^ Approximately one line left blank in MS.
® Approximately half a line left blank in MS.
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[May 24, 1775]
24th. Met. Mr. Randolph going to the Assembly, Mr. Middleton
chosen,! declined on Acet. of his ill State of Health 8c Mr. Hancock
chosen, then resolved into a Comee. 8c Mr. Ward reported as above.
MS (RHi) .
^ There is no mention in the journals under this date of Middleton’s election.
JCC, 2:58-59.
May 25, 1775
407
Silas Deane’s Diary
[May 25. 1775]
Thursday. In Congress New York Matter taken up. Wrote 5 Let-
ers to Mrs. Deane, 8cc &c.
Motion read — dispute about the Number of Men — 4000. pro¬
posed.
Mr. McKean against so large a Number.
Mr. E Rutledge in favor.
S Deane in favor of the Number.
Jno. Adams in favor.
Mr. Pendleton for altering to 3000
Agreed To
To be left to the Congress at NYork To raise. Officer &c, Scc.^
MS (CtHi) . CHS Bulletin 29 (July 1964) : 92.
^ This debate concerned the fourth of six resolutions relating to military prepa¬
rations in New York that Congress passed this day. JCC, 2:59-61.
Stephen Hopkins to Ruth Hopkins
Beloved Ruth Philadelphia 25 May 1775
The Day we parted with you at Voluntown we reached Scotland
and there lodged, then we travelled on to East Hartford and Stayed
the Second Night, passing through Hartford the next Morning, we
saw every body going to Election. We pursued our journey to North
Haven that Day. The next Day we reached Fairfield, on Saturday we
arrived at the very Western border of Conecticut Colony, Sunday we
Crossed New York Colony Hudsons River at Dobbs Ferry reached
into the Jersies at Hackinsack, Monday brought to Elizabeth Town,
Tuesday to Prince Town, Wednesday we crossed Delawar River en¬
tered Pensilvania and in the evening reached Philadelphia, and are
lodged at our kind Friend William Redwoods.
Thus we finished our journey out without any unlucky accident
happening to us. Your Mother growing weller and weller all the way.
The Members of the Congress are nearly all here, had entered on
business a Week before I arrived,^ but go on Slowly, and Heaven
only knows when we Shall leave this place. The Small pox is much
here and whether we Shall escape it or not no body knows yet. A
Vessel is arrived here which left Surinam about the 5th of April and
says George would Sail in about a Fortnight after him.^ All News is
expected from New England and therefore I can write you none from
here. Remember me kindly to all Friends, especially to every branch of
408
May 25, 1775
our own Family; I wish to hear from You and am with the kindest
Love Your Affectionate Father Step Hopkins
RC (RHi) .
' Hopkins took his seat in Congress May 18. JCC, 2:55.
=* Ruth Smith Hopkins, the daughter of Hopkins’ second wife, Anne, was married
to Hopkins’ youngest son, George.
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[May 25, 1775]
25th. Met, resolved into 8cc. Mr. Ward reported the Resolutions
relative to N. York, desired Leave to sett again on the other
Business.^ Resolvd. a Post at Kings bridge the highlands 8cc in N.
York be taken & the Milita kept in Readiness &c.
MS (RHi).
^ That is, to resume consideration of “the state of America.” JCC, 2:59.
John Adams to Abigail Adams
Phyladelphia May 26. 1775. Introduces Aquilla Hall (d. 1779)
and Josias Carvill Hall (1746-1814), two volunteers from Maryland
headed for the army at Boston. Adds: “I have not so good Health as
I had before — and I have harder Service. Our business is more ex¬
tensive, and complicated — more affecting and hazardous. But our
Unanimity will not be less. We have a Number of new and very in¬
genious M [embers] .”
RC (MHi) . Adams, Family Correspondence (Butterfield) , 1:206-7.
John Adams to James Warren
Phyladelphia, May 26. 1775. Introduces Josias and Aquilla Hall
from Maryland, urging Warren that ‘‘it will be of great Importance
that these Gentn should be treated with the utmost Delicacy and
Politeness; their Letters to their Friends will have a great Influence on
the Southern Colonies.” Concludes: ‘‘I can not inform you of any
Thing passing here that is worth knowing. I hope We shall give Satis¬
faction. But it must be a work of Time.”
MS not found; abstracted from Warren-Adams Letters, 1:52.
May 26, 1775
409
Silas Deane’s Diary
[May 26, 1775]
Friday — S Adams, J Jay, & S Deane a Com[mitte]e to write to
Canada.^
MS (CtHi) . CHS Bulletin 29 (July 1964) : 92.
^ See JCC, 2:64.
Benjamin Franklin to Jane Mecom
Philada. May 26. 1775. Has just heard of his sister’s move from
Boston to Rhode Island. “I write this Line just to let you know I am
return’d back from England, that I found my Family well; but have
not found the Repose I wish’d for, being the next Morning after my
Arrival delegated to the Congress by our Assembly. I wish to hear
from you, and to know how you have left your Affairs in Boston.
RC (OMC) . Carl Van Doren, ed., The Letters of Benjamin Franklin and Jane
Mecom, American Philosophical Society, Memoirs, vol. 27 (Princeton, 1950) , p.
156.
John Hancock to the
President of the New York Provincial Convention
Sir, Philadelphia, 26th May, 1775.
I inclose you the resolves of the Continental Congress, respecting
the Measures they Conceive more immediately necessary for the de¬
fence and Safety of your City and province,^ and which it is Expect¬
ed will be carried into Execution with all possible despatch, and with
as much Secrecy as to the particular Operations intended, as the Na¬
ture of the Service will possibly Admit of.
I am. Sir, Your most obedt. hum. servt.
John Hancock, President.
RC (N) . Journals of N.Y. Prov. Cong., 2:3. RC damaged; missing words supplied
from Tr.
1 These resolves, approved the 25th, are in JCC, 2*59—61.
410
May 26, 1775
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[May 26, 1775]
26th. The Delegates from N. Jersey laid before the Congress the
Resolutions of that Assembly relative to the Resolution of the com¬
mons which was referred to the Comee. of the whole,^ addition to
the first resolves concer[nin]g N. York^ relative to the Uncertainty
of the Success of concilia [tor] y Measures, then resolved into a Co¬
mee. of the whole. Mr. Ward reported some Resolutions &: desired
Leave to sett again. The report being read several Resolutions rela¬
tive to the dangerous Situation of the Colonies Sc the Necessity of
putting them into a State of Defence &c were come into.
MS (RHi).
^ The resolution of the House of Commons of February 20, 1775, offering
America an intricate compromise on the issue of parliamentary taxation, and a
resolution of the New Jersey Assembly of May 20, referring this offer to their
delegates in Congress, are printed in JCC, 2:61-63.
='That is. Congress’ resolves of the 25th concerning the defense of New York.
]CC, 2:59-61.
Samuel Ward to Henry Ward
Dear Brother Philadelphia 26th May 1775
When I saw Dr. Bowen arrive I hoped for Letters from you.^ It
would have given me the highest Pleasure to have received an Acct.
of the State of the Colony & your Sentiments upon any Subject rela¬
tive to the common Defence.
It is with the highest Pleasure that I can acquaint you that the
Congress is very full &: that the greatest Harmony subsists; advice
hath been given to the Province of New York to move the Cannon &
Stores from Ticondera. & to take a Post at Fort George, another at
Kingsbridge another in the highlands in order to stop any Vessels of
War from taking Possession of Hudsons River & besides a Number
of men for Protection of the City the Militia are to be trained Sc
ready at a Minutes Warning 8c it is agreed to put every Colony in a
good State of Defence. You may see in our Letter to the Depy. Govr.
some hints upon that Subject whether besides the Measures there
proposed it will be best to keep some standing Troops in Kings
County on the Sea Coast, on Block Island or any other Part of the
Colony. I should be glad of your Advice 8c that of every judicious
Friend to the Colony whom you may have Opportunity to consult.
Present my Compliments to Colo. James Angel in particular 8c tell
him a Letter from him on this Subject would be very acceptable.
May 26, 1775
411
There is a Letter in the City {from the famous Waxwork Woman
Mrs. Wright)^ which says that all American Charters are to be abro¬
gated &: new ones given like that of Quebec Sc Dr. Franklin with
whom I have had the Pleasure of conversing often assures me that it
was said by ministerial People when he was in England, that We had
forfeited our Charters by our Readiness to march to the Relief of
Boston &: that the Attorney GeneraF publickly said that the Quebec
Model was the only prop>er one for Us, that We ought to have had
such charters at first & never should be happy until we had such; the
Wretch {who entertains such Sentiments) ought to be banished
[from] Society.
We are told that two of the Assistants have given Govr. Wanton
the Oath of Office. If so They 8c he both ought to be removed 8c as
there is no doubt but an Act will be passed for taking away our
Charter 8c reducing Us to the most abject Slavery their Places ought
to be filled.'*
RC (RHi) . . . , f
1 Henry Ward (1732-97) , Samuel’s youngest brother, was provincial secretary ot
Rhode Island, 1761-97. Ward, Correspondence (Knollenberg) , pp, 9, 214.
« Patience Wright (1725-86) was a New Jersey-born wax modeler whose skill
was widely celebrated in America before the Revolution, She moved to England in
1772 where she continued to excel in wax portraiture, and where she reputedly
also worked as a spy for Benjamin Franklin during the War for Independence.
DNB- and Edward T. James et al., eds.. Notable American Women, 1607-1950. A
Biographical Dictionary, 3 vols. (Cambridge: Harvard University Phress, Belknap
Press, 1971) , 3:685-87. ^ .
=■ Edward Thurlow (1731-1806) , English attorney general, 1771-78, whose inflexi¬
ble support of royal and parliamentary authority in America was symbolized by his
proposal to pillory an English radical who had praised the American victory at
Lexington and Concord. DNB.
* Remainder of MS missing.
Samuel Ward to Samuel Ward, Jr.
My dear Son Philadelphia 26th May 1775
This I hope you will receive in Roxbury or Cambridge,* if not I
dare say it will not be your Fault. That Love of Liberty 8c your
Country which you sucked in almost with your Mothers Milk I flatter
myself will excite you to the most noble Exertions 8c support you un¬
der the most arduous Labours: esto perpetua you was taught in your
Infancy 8c I hope will ardently wish it to the last Moment; but re¬
member my dear Son that besides Bravery, Prudence, Wisdom &
Oeconomy are necessary when your Country calls for your Life, risk
it freely but never wantonly or foolishly expose yourself or your
Men, let Sobriety Temperance 8c Virtue direct your whole Conduct
412
May 26, 1775
as you have never been much exposed be as careful as your Duty will
admit of your Health, be extremely careful of your Men see as much
as possible in Person that they have good Provisions & every Comfort
their State will admit, compel them to be clean to dress their Provi¬
sions well & suffer as little Debauchery & Drunkenness to take foot¬
ing amongst them as possible; you can recollect so many Instances of
Armies being destroyed by the Negligence or Imprudence of the
Generals or other officers that I doubt not but you will as much as
possible see that all under You do their Duty at all Times particular¬
ly when on Guard.
Give my most affectionate Regards to the General & other Officers
& tell them that it is with the highest Pleasure that I assure them that
the Congress is very full that the greatest Unanimity prevails & that
New England will be most powerfully and effectually supported by
all the Colonies.
Remember my Son that unless the Lord keep the City in vain do
the Watchmen watch. May his infinite Wisdom preserve & direct you.
I am Your very affece. Father Sam Ward
P.S. The military Ardor which prevails here is already amazing &
continually increasing.
RC (RHi) .
^Samuel Ward, Jr. (1756-1832) , was at this time a captain in the Rhode Island
Army of Observation which was charged with assisting Massachusetts against
further attacks from British troops stationed in Boston. Ward, Correspondence
(Knollenberg) , pp. 40n, 216.
Silas Deane’s Diary
[May 27, 1775]
Saturday — Mr. Price of Montreal examined before the Congress.
Col. Washington, Col. Schuyler, Mr. S. Adams, S. Deane & T. Mif¬
flin a Com[mitte]e to provide Ammunition.^
Saturday dined at New Tavern with the Congress.^
MS (CtHi) . CHS Bulletin 29 (July 1964) : 88, 92.
^ Lewis Morris was also a member of this committee. JCC, 2:67.
® This last sentence appears in the section of the diary Deane normally devoted
to his accounts and private affairs.
May 27, 1775
413
John Hancock to the
New Jersey Provincial Convention
Gentlemen Philadelphia 27th May 1775
Your Letter of the 25th Inst, by William Peartree Smith and Elias
Boudinot Esqrs. was duly Receiv’d and Laid before the Congress,
and by them Referred to a Committee of the whole Appointed to
Take into Consideration the State of America.^ In the Course of their
Deliberations, the State of your Province will come into View. At
present I have only to Inform you that the Congress are not prepar’d
to Give you any Advice, as soon as they have Come to any Resolu¬
tions respecting your Colony, the earliest Intelligence will be Com¬
municated to you.
By Order of Congress John Hancock Presidt.
RC (PPRF).
^ On this pK>int see Samuel Ward’s Diary, May 26, 1775, note 1. The Letter to
which Hancock refers was in fact a “true Copy” of an extract from the journal of
the New Jersey Assembly for May 20. PCC, item 68, fol. 9.
New Hampshire Delegates’ Report
May 27. 1775
The Delegates from New Hampshire beg Leave To Inform the
{Congress) Committee^ That Two of the Principal Towns in That
Colony viz Portsmouth 8c New Castle are Situate on Pescataway Riv¬
er near the Entrance of The Harbour and are Much Exposed To Na¬
val Attacks: That Those Towns are about five Miles Distance from
Each other: Portsmouth The Capital Lying Farthest up the River 8c
not Quite So Much Exposed as New Castle which Lies at The En¬
trance Defended only by a fort Capable of Mounting about Thirty
pieces of Cannon on The Rampart; but The Fortifications are Ex-
tremly weak. .
That to Defend The Entrance of The Harbour against a Naval
Force would be Extremely Difficult if not Impracticable. That Bat¬
teries might be Erected between Those Towns which with Booms
Chains 8cc might possibly Secure Portsmouth from Such attack.
That to Defend the Pass 8c Secure The Retreat of the Inhabitants
(of New Castle) will require at Least Fifteen hundred Men. But as
they have a well Regulated Militia in That Neighbourhood which
may Suddenly be Called Together for that purpose They are of opin¬
ion That there will be no necessity of Enlisting Men at the Continen¬
tal Expence Especially as The Militia will Readily agree to Serve in
Turns for the Defence of Those places.
414
May 2.1, 1775
They beg Leave further to Inform the Committee That There are
Sixteen Regiments of Foot & Two of Horse in That Colony The Foot
amounting in the whole to upward of Sixteen Thousand Effective
Men: Tolerably well provided with Arms Sc Amunition That the
Number of Horse is uncertain & Those but Ill provided.
That great Numbers of their Foot Soldiers have been in Actual
Service & That out of those they are Ready to Raise &: Send to Serve
in Massachusetts So many as the Committee Shall please to order.
That the Number of their Inhabitants are very uncertain as per¬
sons are Continually Emigrating from Other Colonies & Settleing in
that more than in any other of The Northern Colonies.
That The persons Thus Emigrating are Extremely poor for which
Reason The wealth of the Province bears no proportion to the num¬
ber of Inhabitants.
With Respect to the amount of their Exports and Imports No Ac¬
curate Account can be given as the officers of the Customs have
Long Since Refused to Suffer the Books to be Inspected.
MS (DLC) . In the hand of John Sullivan and endorsed by Charles Thomson:
“State of New Hampshire as delivered by their delegates. May 27. 1775.”
^ The journals do not mention a report by the New Hampshire delegation. It
was probably submitted to the committee of the whole, which still had under
consideration “the state of America.”
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[May 27, 1775]
27th. Acct. of the State of Canada given us,i a Comee. appointed
for ways & means of getting Powder, Power of forgiveness given to
each provincl. Congress.^
MS (RHi) .
^Although the journals deliberately fail to mention him by name, Congress'
informant on Canadian affairs this day was James Price, a wealthy English mer¬
chant from Montreal whose support of the American cause in Canada was a
function of his opposition to the Quebec Act. JCC, 2:66-67; and Gustave Lanctot,
Canada & the American Revolution, 1774-1783, trans. Margaret M. Cameron
(Toronto: Clarke, Irwin & Co., 1967) , pp. 30-31, 46-48.
^On this last point see Ward’s Diary, May 15, 1775, note.
James Duane to Mary Duane
Philadelphia 28 May 1775.
I wrote to you my dearest Polly by every Opportunity till I heard
May 28, 1775
415
of your departure for the Manour. By a Line from Brother Robert I
learn that you arrived safe in a fine passage of only one day. I now
long much to hear of your and my dear Children’s Health which will
make me easy; for I thank God I am myself as well, and as free from
my late disorder, as if I never had been attacked, and considering the
Business I am sent upon in tolerable Spirits, being quite at home with
Mr and Sister Patterson who treat me with great Regard And Atten¬
tion.
I hope our Stay here will not be very long, tho’ we have not gone
very far in Business as it takes time to hear the different Views and
Sentiments of the members, and to produce one way of thinking, be¬
fore essential points can be determined.
Every body here, who is capable, is learning military discipline,
not excluding the young Quakers of whom there are several Compa¬
nies. Gentlemen of the greatest Fortune and Distinction have accept¬
ed the Command of the Regiments Mr Dickinson and Mr Cadwal-
lader being of the number. I wish their Example may have Influence
in our province. You know my Opinion that every Province will here¬
after be respectable only in proportion to their knowledge in Discip¬
line and their Resolution in Spirit.
I have no news to write to you. It is still uncertain whether any
Troops will come to New York. If there should a sufficient Force will
be raised to prevent this doing us any Injury.
Kiss my dear Children for me. Pay my dutiful regards to our par¬
ents and friends and believe me to be ever My dearest Polly Your
most faithful & most affectionate Husband Jas Duane
RC (NHi).
Richard Henry Lee to Gouverneur Morris
Dj. Sir, Philadelphia 28 May [17] 75
The friends of virtuous liberty in New York have certainly effect¬
ed a most important change in the political system of that Aouris mg
City. I congratulate you Sir and your worthy Assoaates in this happy
revolution. It is most certain that a profligate Ministry have great y
relied on the assistance of your fine fertile province for carrying into
execution their cruel System. A System by which
and Millions yet unborn are to be plunged into the abyss of Sla y,
and of consequence deprived of every glorious distinction that marks
the Man from the Brute. But happily for the cause of humanity, the
Colonies are now united, and may bid defiance to Tyranny and its in¬
famous Abettors. You will see that Mr. Rivingtons case is involved
in all of a similar [nature?] which are to be determined on by the
416
May 28, 1775
Colony Conventions where the offence is committed.^ I am sorry,
for the honor of human Nature, that this Man should have so prosti¬
tuted himself, in support of a cause the most detestable that ever dis¬
graced Mankind. But he repents and should be forgiven. It is not yet
too late to exert his powers in defence of the liberty and just rights of
a much injured Country. I wish you happy Sir and assure You that I
am, with singular esteem. Sir your friend and Countryman
Richd Hen Lee
FC (PPAmP) .
^ The New York City Committee of Observation had requested that Congress
consider the case against James Rivington for publication of divisive statements in
his newspaper, and Morris had urged Lee to support a favorable ruling for
Rivington. However, as Lee implies, Congress had already decided that all cases
involving violations of the association should be determined by the appropriate
provincial conventions. See the resolve of May 27, 1775, JCC, 2:67. Documents
concerning Rivington’s case are printed in Am. Archives, 4th ser. 2:726, 836-37,
899-900.
John Adams to Abigail Adams
My Dear Phyladelphia May 29. 1775
Our amiable Friend Hancock, who by the Way is our President, is
to send his Servant, tomorrow for Cambridge. I am to send a few
Lines by him. If his Man should come to you to deliver this Letter,
treat him very kindly, because he is a kind, humane, clever Fellow.
My Friend Joseph Bass, very cleverly caught the Small Pox, in
two days after we arrived here, by Inoculation and has walked about
the streets, every day since, and has got quite over it and quite well.
He had about a Dozen Pimples upon the whole. Let his Father and
Friends know this.
We are distressed here for Want of Intelligence and Information
from you and from Boston, Cambridge See. &:c. 8cc. We have no regu¬
lar Advices. I received one kind Letter from you, in one from Coll.
Warren. An excellent Letter, I had from him. It has done him great
Honour, and me much good.
My Duty and Love to all. I have had miserable Health and blind
Eyes almost ever since I left you, but, I found Dr. Young here, who
after scolding at me, quantum sufficit for not taking his Advice, has
pill’d and electuary’d me into pretty good Order. My Eyes are better,
my Head is better, and so are my Spirits.
Private. 1 The Congress will support the Massachusetts. There is a
good Spirit here. But We have an amazing Field of Business, before
us. When I shall have the Joy of Meeting you and our little ones, I
know not.
May 29, 1775
417
The military Spirit which runs through the Continent is truly
amazing. This City turns out 2000 Men every day. Mr. Dickinson is
a Coll. Mr. Reed a Lt. Coll. Mr. Mifflin a Major. He ought to have
been a Genl. for he has been the animating Soul of the whole.
Coll. Washington appears at Congress in his Uniform and, by his
great Experience and Abilities in military Matters, is of much service
to Us.
Oh that I was a Soldier! I will be. I am reading military Books.
Every Body must and will, and shall be a soldier.
John Adams
RC (MHi) . Adams, Family Correspondence (Butterfield) , 1:207-8.
Appears in the margin in MS.
John Adams to Joseph Palmer
Dr Sir Phyladelphia May 29. 1775
We have had but little Intelligence from Cambridge or any Part of
Massachusetts since I left it. Your Difficulties press upon you So fast,
as to take up all your Time I Suppose — so do ours.
I believe no Assembly ever had more extensive and complicated
objects before them than our Congress. We shall be united. But I can
Say no more.
Mr. Aquilla Hall and Mr Josias Carvill Hall the Bearers of this
will inform you of the state of the Colonies. They are two young mil¬
itary adventurers — ^Volunteers, joining the Army in the Massachu¬
setts, to gain Experience & skill. They are of one of the first Eamilies
in Maryland and have independent Eortunes. Their Letters will make
Impressions on the Southern Colonies. It is of Importance that they
be treated with Respect. I beg you would introduce them to our
Eriends, 8cc &c. My Respects to your Eamily & to all Eriends. News
of every Kind will be told you by the Bearers. I am yr Eriend
John Adams
RC (CSmH) . Addressed: "To Coll Joseph Palmer, Braintree, to be found at
Watertown or Cambridge probably, favd. by Mr Hall.”
John Adams to John Winthrop
gjj. Phyladelphia May 29. 1775
The Bearers of this are two young Gentlemen from Maryland.
Aquilla Hall and Josias Carvill Hall, both of one of the best Eamilies
in Maryland, and both of independent Eortunes. Their Errand to
418
May 29, 1775
Cambridge is to join our Army as Voluntiers, against the Enemies of
their Country in order to gain Experience, in the Art of War, in
which they have already made good Proficiency.
As it is of importance that they should be treated with Politeness
and Respect, I have taken the Freedom to give them this Letter —
and to beg the favour of you to shew them Harvard Colledge.^
The Congress, Sir, have great Objects before them in [deed] . All
is Secret but what you will see in the News Papers. If the Ministry,
upon receiving Intelligence of the Battle of Lexington, dont receed
all Ceremony will be over. As at present We shall be fully United
and I hope shall do well. My respectfull Compliments to all Friends.
News of every Kind will be told you by the Bearers. Yr huml Sevt
John Adams
[P.S.] We Suffer excessively for Want of Letters and Intelligence
from Cambridge. I must beg you would do me the Honor to write
me, and desire all our Friends to do the same.
RC (MHi).
^John Winthrop (1714-79), scientist and political ally of John Adams, was
Hollis Professor of Mathematics and Natural Philosophy at Harvard College. DAB;
and Shipton, Harvard Graduates, 9:240-64.
Silas Deane’s Diary
[May 29, 1775]
Monday — Mr. Douglass came in in the Morning.^ At Congress 8cc
8cc.
The Lettr. to Canada read in Congress — and pass’d.^
MS (CtHi) . CHS Bulletin 29 (July 1964) ; 92.
^ Benjamin Douglas (1739-75) , New Haven lawyer and Deane’s personal friend.
Franklin B. Dexter, Biographical Sketches of the Graduates of Yale College, 6 vols.
(New York: Henry Holt and Co., 1885-1919) , 2:650-51.
^This day Congress approved a new address to the people of Canada, one
thousand copies of which it ordered translated into French for dissemination
among the Canadians. JCC, 2:68-70; 3:507.
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[May 29, 1775]
29th. Approved the Letter to Canada, no Provisions See to go to
Nantucket unless from the Massachusetts. A Comee. appointed to
May 30, 1775
419
consider of a speedy 8c safe Conveyance of Letters 8cc throughout the
Cont [inen] t.
MS (RHi) .
New York Delegates to the
New York Provincial Congress
Gentlemen Philadelphia 30th May 1775
We received your Favour of the 26th inst 8c have the pleasure of
informing you that the Manner in which you have executed your
Trust was very acceptable to the Congress to whom we communicat¬
ed it. We shall pay a particular Attention to what you Say on the
Subject of a Paper Currency since we are well apprized both of its
Difficulty 8c Importance And we wish you to be speedy in your De¬
terminations upon it as it may throw some Lights upon the Subject
that we may otherwise want. You see by the Order of the Congress
heretofore sent you that they have trusted to your Prudence the Ap¬
pointment of Officers.^ As we have the Pleasure to hear that the
Principle People in every County have steped forth upon this Impor¬
tant Occasion we make no Doubt that they will continue the same
Conduct and not refuse to accept those Commands which we imagine
you will see the Propriety of placing in no other Hands; both on the
Account of the Influence they will have among yourselves and the
Effect it may probably have in England. If Gentlemen there is any
Thing you may think serviceable to you either on the Subject of the
above Resolves or any other you will oblidge us by a free Communi¬
cation of your Thoughts upon the same to which you may be p)er-
suaded we shall pay the greatest Defference. We woud just hint that
if there are any Counties in which no Committees have been chosen
as we are informed there are, that it woud be proper to recommend
that they be immediatly elected, as the Numbers interested will give
Strength to the Cause. We observe that Tryon County has not sent
Deputies to your Convention and woud Submit it to your Considera¬
tion whether it would not be proper to send them a Message suggest¬
ing the inconvenience attending such Conduct 8c the necessity it will
lay you under of breaking off all Connection with them.
We Shoud be glad to have a particular Account from you of any
Measures that you may have taken to establish Post Riders,^ and are
Gentlemen with great Respect your Most Obedt. Humble Servts.
Jas Duane Lewis Morris
John Alsop Robt R Livingston Junr
Geo Clinton Phil. Livingston
579-852 0 - 77 - 29 Vol. 1
420
May 30, 1775
RC (N) . Written by Clinton and signed by Clinton, Duane, Alsop, Morris, Robert
R. Livingston, Jr., and Philip Livingston. Tr (MH) . RC damaged; missing words
supplied from Tr.
^Congress agreed on the 25th to authorize the New York Provincial Congress to
appoint New York’s militia officers. JCC, 2:60.
‘'On the 29th Congress appointed a committee to “consider the best means of
establishing posts for conveying letters and intelligence through this continent.’’
JCC, 2:71.
Edmund Pendleton to William Woodford
Dear Sir Phila. May 30. 1775
I was yesterday favd. wth. yrs. of the 23d the first & only L[ett]er
I have received from Caroline since I left home,i except from my
wife 8c shall have a long score to settle with my freinds on this Sub¬
ject. I Wrote you my Sentiments on the publications in Approbation
or censure of the Hanover March & am much pleased wth. the part
Our Committee took.^ The Variety of Opinions on that Subject,
makes it prudent to have it as little Agitated as may be, lest differ¬
ence of Sentiment should be wrought into dissentions, very injurious
to the common Cause; at the same time Mr. Henry need not doubt a
firm & united protection from all, should any Attempt be made to
give serious effect to a Proclamation,^ which I consider at present as
Waste Paper, or a mere Subject of Ridicule. The Congress will not
meddle with the Subject, nor did the Deputies from Virga. choose to
dispose of the money, but left it to the Colony Assembly or conven¬
tion. Yr. Strictures on Ld. Dunmore & his dirty Capt. Mountague
were well placed, and should a Lieutenancy be the reward of A Bro-
kenbrough’s dirty & Impudent behaviour in King George, I hope it
will rouse that worthy Committee into a more Spirited treatment of
him, than he has hitherto experienced. I have consulted Colo. Wash¬
ington about the device, &: will procure a suit of Colours, Drum & 2
Fifes for your worthy Company, which I hope they will be so oblig¬
ing as to accept of from me; as a small acknowledgement for their
Polite treatment of me 8c the other Deputies on our departure from
Virginia. Colo. Washington tells me a Fife is not to be had here.
Your Tent 8c Marquie has been delayed by the enormous expence
of it, which Colo. Washington thought you would not be pleased with
8c stop’d the man till he saw me. I yesterday saw his Model 8c pre¬
vailed on him to come down to £25. This money, for which you’l
have it very genteel of fine Duck, 8c I ventured to engage it, he has
promised it shall be done next week. He had talked of £ 40. Johnny
Taylor is Innoculated 8c broke out with a fine Pock yesterday, so that
you will not hear from him: Mr. Henry is in the same Condition.
The Speaker has left us to Attend the Assembly. The rest of Us are
May 30, 1775
421
well. Nothing New from Boston, but an unhappy fire which con¬
sumed many Houses. No certainty of any General’s or Troops landed
there. No Troops yet come to New York, the Man of War is come
there from Boston without Soldiers. The Seat of Action seems shifted
into Lake Champlain. To the Conquest of Ticondaroga Our freinds
have Added that of all the Vessells on the Lake, one a War Sloop of
10 Guns — taken by Surprise at St. Johns 8c 14 Soldiers 8c 5 Sailors
made Prisoners. A Heroe with a Party of 70 would stay there for
some further exploit but was Attacked by 200 (sent from Montreal
to reinforce the Garrison at Ticonda. not knowing it was taken) 8c
glad to retreat wth. the loss of 3 men; they will probably be rein¬
forced on both sides 8c bring on some smart Action. Present my re¬
spects to all my Freinds 8c acquaintances 8c beleive me to be Dr. Sr.
Yr. most Hble Servt. Edmd Pendleton
RC (DLC).
1 William Woodford (1734-80) was a member of the Caroline County Commit¬
tee of Correspondence and Pendleton’s alternate at the Virginia Convention in
July 1775, before assuming important military duties in August and taking com¬
mand of the Second Virginia Regiment early in 1776. DAB.
^ Patrick Henry led the Hanover volunteers on a march toward Williamsburg
and on May 4 secured £330 as compensation for Governor Dunmore’s seizure of
the public powder. Am. Archives, 4th ser. 2:539-41. The Caroline committee
disapproved of this means of reprisal. See Pendleton to Woodford, June 14, 1775.
® Dunmore’s proclamation of May 6 charging Virginians to oppose Henry and
his followers. Am. Archives, 4th ser. 2:516.
George Ross to the
Lancaster County Committee of Correspondence
Qent Philada 30th May 1775
Your Express has brought safe the Letters directed to the Mem¬
bers of the Congress. The one to the Pennsylva. Delegates Contains a
Copy of a Resolve of the Committee of Correspondence at fon Pitt
the purport of which is “That the uncertainty of the Boundaries be¬
tween Virginia 8c Penna. is the Cause of Great uneasiness. As the
Express came to town after the Congress broke up yesterday I gave
the Letter for Mr. Randolph to Coll. Washington— it contains a
Copy of the resolve above 8c a Petn. from the Committee 8cc relative
to their fears of the Indians 8c Containing some reasons for such fears
among which is that a Treaty has not been held there by Ld. Dun-
more according to promise.^
The Letters from the Several Govrs. are Containd in a Monthly
London paper Called the Parlimentary Register. They are only in the
hands of one or two gent, in Town if it is possible I wdl Borrow one
422
May 30, 1775
&: send you. Since the takeing the Fort at Ticondaroga, They have
also taken the Sloop of Warr & all the Batteaus on the Lake’s George
& Champlain. A great fire has happened at Boston, but how or what
damages it has done we Expect to hear every moment.
I hear with great pleasure the Spirit prevailing thro’ our County
And have not the least doubt but the {members'\ of the Committee
will do all in their power to Cultivate Harmony Sc Friendship among
the Officers & Soldiers. I wish you all happiness and am with much
Esteem & affection Yr. much obliged Friend & very Hble Servt.
Geo. Ross
RC (DLC) .
^See ]CC, 2:76.
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[May 30, 1775]
30th. Met, Mr. Willing presented the purport of a Conversation
between Lord North & a Gentn. now in this City reduced to Writing
by Mr. Cooper Under Secry to the Treasury,^ resolved into a Co-
mee. of the whole, Mr. Ward reported as before.
MS (RHi) .
^On this point, see JCC, 2:71-72.
Connecticut Delegates to Jonathan Trumbull, Sr.
Sir Philadelphia 31st May 1775
Your favour 25th We received, 8c would have Instantly replyed to
but the Congress having Matters of Importance before them uncom-
pleated, we delayed untill this Day, when we had the pleasure of
Yours of the 27th inclosing Colo Arnold’s Letter which tho’ reed,
late in the Day was laid before the Congress whose resolution on that
important Subject is inclosed, 8c a duplicate transmitted, by the
President.!
It is thought that One thousand Men will be necessary at Ticon-
deroga, 8c posts adjacent for the present to keep them free from all
sudden attempts of the Enemies of America. Mr Edwards goes to
Morrow, when, hope to have the Pleasure writing more perticularly.
Meantime We are with great Truth 8c Respect Your Honors most
Obedient 8c very Humble Servants Eliphalet Dyer
Roger Sherman
Silas Dean
May 31, 1775
423
[PS.] We wish to know the Estimate of the Expences of the Colony
the present Year, as particular as may be, also A Copy of the Late
Act of Assembly respectg post Offices, Sc the general Sentiment as to
any Addition or Alteration in the late Establishments & directions on
that Subject.2
Tr (Ct) .
1 See /CC, 2:74.
® Congress had appointed a committee to study establishment of a continental
postal service. JCC, 2:71.
Connecticut Delegates to William Williams
Sr Philadelphia May 31st 1775
We receivd your favor of the 25th Instant wherein you express
your Concern with respect to the resolve of the Congress as to the re¬
moving the Canon Stores 8cc from Ticonderoga to the south end of
lake George.i What was then ordered, was Very much on a sudden,
from apprehensions that Govr Carlton then having possession of the
lake, & of the Armd Sloop of 70 Tons on the lake, whereby it might
be in his power soon to retake that fortress Sc the Valuable Stores 8c
Artillery there, but we soon heard of the Success of Coll Arnold in
taking the Sloop 8c destroying the Battoes 8cc, which would give some
Considerable delay to Govr Carlton in bringing any forces down the
lake which much altered the opinion of the Congress on that head,
beside their being much more Convinced since of the Importance of
that post or of others in that quarter to Secure against the Incursions
of the Canadians into the frontiers of the Country, 8c now for fear
New York may be too slow in raising Men for the defence of that
part of the Country they do heartily approve of the Steps taken by
the Colony of Connecticutt, 8c have now recommended to the Colony
Immediately to forward such a Number of additional Troops as they
think Necessary to secure that Important post for the present. About
1000 Men have been mentioned by some of the Congress to be sent
forward from Connecticutt of which they are to Judge how many as
it is left with them.2 They have ordered the Provincial Congress att
New York to see that Battoes 8c Boats are prepared on the lakes 8c
provisions to be forwarded with all dispatch. At the same time they
expect that all Surpluss Cannon Stores 8cc att Ticonderoga 8c Crown
Point not Necessary for use 8c defence there, or thereabouts, to be
sent down to some place of Security as soon as possible. If New York
should raise a Sufficient Number of Men for the purpose it is likely
our Men will be relievd by them when they can be forwarded there. I
have just receivd a letter from Mr Wales Dated New York. Tell him
424
May 31, 1775
I am much oblidgd to him for his Intelligence and many Usefull hints
therein given but the express now waiting Cannot give him an An¬
swer at this time. Affairs bare a good Aspect at present in Congress,
we are slow but hope sure & firm, but in Cases that happen (as those
from the Northward by expresses waiting 8c Impatient) 8c where we
are oblidgd to act too much on a sudden, but as we have time to de¬
liberate 8c to gain a True Understanding the disposition I dare say is
to Act the best for the whole. Am oblidgd to write in Utmost hurry 8c
am Sr with most Sincere respects Your Hie Servts.
Elipht Dyer
Roger Sherman
[P.S.] Care must be taken that our Men are provided for from New
York.
RC (NN) . Written by Dyer and signed by Dyer and Sherman.
^ See the resolve of May 18. JCC, 2:56.
® See the resolve of May 31. JCC, 2:74.
John Hancock to the
New York Provincial Convention
Sir, Philadelphia, 31st May, 1775.
I am directed by the Congress to transmit your Convention their
resolve,^ and to desire an immediate compliance with it, so far as it
respects the furnishing batteaux provisions, stores, 8cc.
I am, sir. Your most hum. servt. John Hancock, Presidt.
MS not found; reprinted from Journals of N.Y. Prov. Cong., 2:3.
^ This day, upon receiving intelligence from Col. Benedict Arnold of an immi¬
nent British counterattack against Crown Point and Fort Ticonderoga, Congress
resolved to request Governor Jonathan Trumbull of Connecticut to furnish rein¬
forcements for these two outposts and the New York Provincial Convention to
provide these reinforcements with supplies. JCC, 2:73-74.
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[May 31, 1775]
31st. Met, resolved into a Comee. Mr. Ward reported as before. A
Letter from Coll. Arnold [May] 23d. contg. Intelle. of 400 Regulars
at St. Johns preparing to cross the Lake, upon which the Govr. of
Connect, was desired to send a strong Reinforcement, 8c New York
to supply them with Provisions.
MS (RHi) .
May 1775
425
George Washington to George William Fairfax
Philadelphia May 31st. 1775. Discusses matters pertaining to
Fairfax’s business affairs. Mentions Lexington and Concord and en¬
closes affidavits taken after the engagement. ^ “General Gage ac¬
knowledges that the detachment under Lieutenant Colonel Smith was
sent out to destroy private property; or, in other Words, to destroy a
Magazine which self preservation obliged the Inhabitants to estab¬
lish. And he also confesses, in effect at least, that his Men made a
very precipitate retreat from Concord, notwithstanding the reinforce¬
ment under Lord Piercy; the last of which may serve to convince
Lord Sandwich (and others of the same sentiment) that the Ameri¬
cans will fight for their Liberties and property, however pusilani-
mous, in his Lordship’s Eye, they may appear in other respects.
“From the best Accounts 1 have been able to collect of that affair;
indeed from every one, 1 believe the fact, stripped of all colouring, to
be plainly this, that if the retreat had not been as precipitate as it was
(and God knows it could not well have been more so) the Ministeri¬
al Troops must have surrendered, or been totally cut off. For they
had not arrived in Charlestown (under cover of their Ships) half an
hour, before a powerful body of Men from Marblehead and Salem
were at their heels, and must, if they had happened to have been up
one hour sooner, inevitably intercepted their retreat to Charlestown.
Unhappy it is though to reflect, that a Brother’s Sword has been
sheathed in a Brother’s breast, and that, the once happy and peaceful
plains of America are either to be drenched with Blood, or Inhabited
by Slaves. Sad alternative! But can a virtuous Man hesitate in his
choice?”
Tr (DLC) . Washington, Writings (Fitzpatrick) , 3:290-92.
^ Affidavits concerning the engagement at Lexington and Concord are printed in
]CC, 2:28-44.
Benjamin Franklin’s Proposed Resolutions
[May ? 1775]
Resolved
That the Thanks of this Congress, and of all America, and in our
Opinion of Britain likewise, are due to the Right Honourable the
Earl of Chatham; for his benevolent Endeavours to accommodate the
present unhappy Differences, and particularly for the wise 8c excel¬
lent Plan he offer’d in the House of Lords for that purpose, which
was rejected by their Lordships without Consideration, and which if
it had been received 8c attended to, might have been the Basis of a
Reconciliation 8c lasting Agreement.i
426
May 1775
Resolved,
That the Thanks of the Congress be presented likewise to Edmund
Burke Esqr. and to David Hartley, Esq. for their generous Endea¬
vours in the same common Service to the whole British Empire.
Resolved,
That the Thanks of this Congress be also presented to the Right
Reverend The Bishop of St. Asaph, for his most excellent Sermon Sc
Speech on American Affairs.^ And to all the noble Lords 8c Com¬
moners in both Houses of Parliament who have been pleased to es¬
pouse the Cause of our much injured & oppressed Country.
MS (PPAmP) . In the hand of Benjamin Franklin and endorsed by Franklin:
“Resolutions of Thanks.” Although it is undated, it seems probable that Franklin
drafted the document during the early weeks of the Second Congress.
^Chatham’s plan “for settling the Troubles in America,” which he had devel¬
oped in collaboration with Franklin, was introduced in the House of Lords on
February 1, 1775, and rejected the same day by a vote of 61 to 32. Carl Van Doren,
Benjamin Franklin (Garden City, N. Y.: Garden City Publishing Co., 1941) , pp.
519-13; and Great Britain, The Parliamentary History of England from the Earli¬
est Period to the Year 1803, 36 vols. (London: T. C. Hansard, 1806-20) , 18:198-216.
An account of Chatham’s plan and its rejection was printed in Dunlap’s Pennsyl¬
vania Packet or, the General Advertiser, April 17, 1775.
®See Caesar Rodney to Thomas Rodney, September 12, 1774, note 2.
Fragment of a Speech in Congress
[May? 1775]!
The great God, Sir, who is the searcher of all things, will witness
for me, that I have spoken to you, from the bottom and purity of my
heart. We have heard that this is an arduous consideration. And
surely. Sir, we have considered it earnestly. I may think of every gen¬
tleman here, as I know of myself, that, for seven years past, this
question has filled the day with anxious thought, and the night with
care. The God to whom we appeal, must judge us. If the grievances,
of which we complain, did not come upon us unprovoked and unex¬
pected — when our hearts were filled wth respectful affection for our
parent state, and with loyalty to our King — let slavery, the worst of
human ills, be our portion. Nothing less than seven years of insulted
complaints and reiterated wrongs, could have shaken such rooted
sentiments. Unhappily for us, submission and slavery are the same;
and we have only the melancholy alternative left — of ruin or resist¬
ance.
The last petition* of this Congress to the king, contained all that
our unhappy situation could suggest. It represented our grievances;
*In 1774, presented last Christmas. [Almon’s footnote.]
May 1775
427
implored redress, and professed our readiness to contribute for the
general want, to the utmost of our abilities, when constitutionally re¬
quired.
The apparently gracious reception it met with, promised us a due
consideration of it; and that consideration relief. But, alas! Sir, it
seems at that moment the very reverse was intended. For it now ap¬
pears, that in a very few days after this specious answer to our
agents, a circular letter was privately written by the same Secretary
of State, to the Governors of the Colonies, before parliament had
been consulted, pronouncing the Congress illegal, our grievances pre¬
tended, and vainly commanding them to prevent our meeting again.
Perhaps, Sir, the ministers of a great nation, never before committed
an act of sucb narrow policy and treacherous duplicity. They found
parliament, however, prepared to support every one of their meas¬
ures.
I forbear. Sir, entering into a detail of those acts, which, from their
atrociousness, must be felt and remembered for ever. They are calcu¬
lated to carry fire and sword, famine and desolation, through these
flourishing Colonies. They cry, “Havoc, and let slip the dogs of war.”
The extremes of rage and revenge, against the worst of enemies,
could not dictate measures more desperate and destructive.
There are some jieople who tremble at the approach of war. They
fear, that it must put an inevitable stop to the further progress of
these Colonies; and ruin irretrievably those benefits, which the indus¬
try of centuries has called forth, from this once savage land. I may
commend the anxiety of these men, without praising their judgment.
War, like other evils, is often wholesome. The waters that stag¬
nate, corrupt. The storm that works the ocean into rage, renders it
salutary. Heaven has given us nothing unmixed. The rose is not with¬
out the thorn. War calls forth the great virtues and efforts, which
would sleep in the gentle bosom of peace. “Paulum sepultae distat in¬
ertia celaia virtus.” It opens resources which would be concealed un¬
der the inactivity of tranquil times. It rouses and enlightens. It pro¬
duces a people of animation, energy, adventure, and greatness. Let
us consult history: Did not the Grecian republic prosper amid con¬
tinual warfare? Their prosperity, their power, their splendor ^ew
from the all-animating spirit of war. Did not the cottages of shep_
herds, rise into imperial Rome, the mistress of the world, the nurse of
heroes, the delight of gods! through the invigorating operation of un¬
ceasing wars! “Per damna, per caedes, ah ipso duxit opes anim-
umaue ferro.” How often has Flanders been the theatre of contend¬
ing powers, conflicting hosts, and blood! Yet what country is more
flourishing and fertile? Trace back the history of our parent state
Whether you view her arraying Angles against Danes; Danes agains
Saxons; Saxons against Normans; the Barons against the usurping
428
May 1775
Princes, or the civil wars of the red and white roses, or that between
the people and the tyrant Stuart — you see her in a state of almost
continual warfare. In almost every reign, to the commencement of
that of Henry the Vllth, her peaceful bosom (in her poet’s phrase)
was gored with iron war. It was in the p>eaceful reigns of Henry VII.
Henry VIII. and Charles II. that she suffered the severest extremities
of tyranny and oppression. But amid her civil contentions, she flourish¬
ed and grew strong. Trained in them, she sent her hardy legions forth,
which planted the standard of England upon the battlements of Paris;
extending her commerce and dominion.
“Those noble English, who could entertain
With half their forces, the full power of Erance,
And let another half stand laughing by.
All out of work, and cold for action.”
The beautiful fabric of her constitutional liberty was reared and
cemented in blood. From this fullness of her strength those scions is¬
sued, which taking deep root in this delightful land, have reared their
heads, and spread abroad their branches like the cedars of Lebanon.
Why fear we then, to pursue, through apparent evil — real good?
The war, upon which we are to enter, is just and necessary. “Justum
est helium, ubi necessarium; et pia arma, quibus nulla, nisi in armis,
relinquitur spes.” It is to protect these regions, brought to such beau¬
ty through the infinite toil and hazard of our fathers and ourselves,
from becoming the prey of that more desolating cruel spoiler, than
war, pestilence, or famine — absolute rule and endless extortion.
Our sufferings have been great— our endurance long. Every effort
of patience, complaint, and supplication, has been exhausted. They
seem only to have hardened the hearts of the ministers who oppress
us, and double our distresses. Let us therefore consult only how we
shall defend our liberties with dignity and success. Our parent state
will then think us worthy of her, when she sees that with her liberty
we inherit her rigid resolution of maintaining it against all invaders.
Let us give her reason to pride herself in the relationship.
And Thou, great liberty! inspire our souls.
Make our lives happy in thy pure embrace.
Or our deaths glorious in thy just defence!
MS not found; reprinted from The Remembrancer, or Impartial Repository of
Public Events, 17 vols. (London: J. Almon, 1775-84) , 2:35-37, where it appeared
under the heading: “Fragment of a Speech made in the General Congress of
America, by one of the Delegates in 1775.’’
^Although this document was reprinted in several documentary works during
the 19th century and apparently accepted as authentic, Burnett chose not to
publish it and suggested that it may not have been actually delivered. In speculat-
June 1, 1775
429
ing upon the identity of the delegate who might have made such a speech, he
offered no new suggestions and simply quoted Charles Francis Adams’ conclusions,
which seem as pertinent now as then. “By whom this was furnished,” Adams
wrote, “or whence obtained, does not appear. Mr. Austin, in his Life of Gerry,
inserts it in a note to page 188, vol. i., with the intimation of his belief that it was
made by John Adams. If genuine, the ownership probably lies between him,
Patrick Henry, Richard Henry Lee, and Edward Rutledge, as there were no other
eloquent men on that side of the question in this Congress. The difficulties are,
that it has too much rhetoric for Mr. Adams, too much learning for Patrick Henry,
and too much vigor for R. H. Lee, whilst its political tone is too high for
Rutledge. With these comments, the reader will be left to form his own opinion
from the perusal.” Adams, Works (Adams) , 3:13-14.
Although both Burnett and Adams entertained doubts about the document’s
authenticity, undoubtedly because of its rhetorical qualities, it is quite possible
that it represents the substance of a speech delivered in Congress by a delegate
who subsequently rewrote it in a more florid style and sent it to Almon for
publication. No additional evidence bearing on its authorship has come to light.
Charles Francis Adams discussed the document in the context of John Adams’
autobiographical account of Congress’ response to the receipt on June 2 of the
Massachusetts Provincial Convention’s letter of May 16, 1775. Its content suggests
that it was written before Congress began to make substantial preparations for
war, and it may well have been a product of the debates in the committee of the
whole during the last week of May.
John Hancock to the
New York Provincial Congress
Sir Philada. June 1st. 1775.^
The Congress have a full confidence that the Colonies of New
York and Connecticut will heartily Unite their endeavours in carry¬
ing into execution the measures necessary for the Common Defence.
Under this Confidence the state of preparation in the two Colonies as
represented to the Congress induced them Yesterday to direct the
Troops ready raised immediately to march, in order to re-inforce the
Garrisons at Crown-point and Ticonderoga, which are in imminent
danger and that these Troops be furnished with Provisions 8cc. by the
Colony of New York.
That this may be effectually carried into execution so as to answer
the end proposed, the Congress have this Day come to the inclosed
resolution which I am desired to transmit to you.^
I also inclose you another Resolve of Congress for the direction of
the Commander at Ticonderoga which please to forward.^ I am Sir
Your Most obt. Servt. Hancock President
Tr (N) . Addressed: “To Peter V. B. Livingston President of the Provincial
Congress of N York.” u n r
1 Under this date Hancock also sent a letter to Governor Jonathan Trumbull of
430 June 1, 1775
Connecticut consisting entirely of the first two paragraphs of this letter to Livings¬
ton. Hancock to Trumhull, June 1, 1775, Ct.
“See /CC, 2:75.
« Ibid.
Thomas Johnson, Jr., to John Dickinson
My dear Sir. Thursd[ay] Morn [in] g [June 1, 1775]^
We shall have an Expedition to Montreal again under Considera¬
tion very soon after our Meeting this Morning. I am not fully ac¬
quainted with the facts and Circumstances on which a Change of
Resolution is desired. In my Calculation a good deal will dejjend on
your being present. I do not know but that even so much as whether
the project shall be undertaken or not may depend on your Vote and
as I imagine you would wish to concur in a dissent from a Measure
of so much Importance I have presumed to give you this Information
which will rest with yourself. I am dear Sir Your most obed. Servant
Th Johnson Junr
RC (PPL) . On the reverse side of this RC are draft resolves, in the hand of
Dickinson, which apparently are an anticipation of those on the colonial militia
adopted by Congress, July 18, 1775. JCC, 2:187-90.
^Although this letter is undated, there is good reason to believe that Johnson
wrote it this day. On May 31, Congress received a letter from Benedict Arnold,
American commander at Ticonderoga, reporting that an expedition of British
regulars and their Indian allies was preparing to march on Crown Point and
Ticonderoga. Apparently the reception of this intelligence led immediately to the
appointment of a committee to consider the feasibility of forestalling the anticipated
attack by an American invasion of Canada. See Thomas Willing to John Dickinson,
June 1, 1775. In any event, Congress took up the question on June I, and, for
reasons not explained, resolved against an expedition against Canada, ordering
copies of its resolution to be sent to Arnold and to be translated into French and dis¬
tributed among the people of Canada. JCC, 2:73-75; and Am. Archives, 4th ser. 2:840.
George Ross to the
Lancaster County Committee of Correspondence
Gent Philada. 1. June 1775
I fear the Military Ardor in our County may in some Measure
cool without the Assistance of our Committee in its support. I am in¬
formed that the Want of arms will prevent many persons from Asso¬
ciating who might be supply’d by those whose Conciences are scru¬
pulous on the Occasion. If therefore the Committee could come to a
Resolve to Recommend to Such Persons to lend their Arms to those
who are not Able to purchase for themselves and take the Capts.
431
June 1, 1775
rec [eip] t for them to be return’d unless lost in Actual Service I think
it would be of the Greatest use to the cause And if it could be recom¬
mended also to furnish in the Respective townships the poor persons
in the Comp [an] ys with Hunting Shirts many Clever fellows would
engage who can’t now afford to pay the Expence 8c bear the loss of
time. I have Just thrown out these hints 8c leave them for The Con¬
sideration of the Committee.
We have heard of a Detacht. of 400 Men sent by Genl. Carlton to
retake Ticonderoga whose Garison Consists of 150 Men but a Rein-
forcemt. of 400 from Connecticut I hope will Arive before Carltons.
And we have Ordered another Reinforcemt from Connecticut of
1000 being determined to keep the Post.^ I am with great Esteem
Your very Hble Servt. Geo. Ross
P.S. The Quakers 8c others of Scrupulous Conciences here Are taking
the Steps I have mentioned to you as to Arms 8c Cloathing.
RC (DLC) .
1 JCC, 2:73-74.
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[June 1, 1775]
June 1st. A Report made from the Comee. for supplies of Powder,
Commissaries to be appointed by the Govr. of Connecticut to receive
the Provis[ion]s at Albany 8c the Comee. of New York to give all
necessary Assistance in transporting them to the Places where want¬
ed.
Invasions or Incursions into Canada forbid.
MS (RHi).
Thomas Willing to John Dickinson
Dear Sir Thursday Morng [June 1, 1775] i
A Matter is to be brot. on the Carpet this Morng. which I think
must be highly disagreeable to you; it was moved for yesterday 8c a
Committee ordered to report this Morng. 8c from the Complexion of
the Committee chosen, I fear we shall want every help to avoid it.
All your friends wish for your presence 8c none more than your
obliged hum. servt. T Willing
[P.S.] The old Question Respectg. Cannada — it’s not safe to say
jjjore — but come to the Congress I beseech you this Morng.
432
June 1, 1775
RC (PHi).
^ For a discussion of the date of this letter and the “Question respecting
Canada” to which Willing cryptically alludes, see Thomas Johnson to Dickinson,
this date.
John Adams to Abigail Adams
My Dear Phyladelphia June 2. 1775
I had Yesterday the Pleasure of two Letters from you, by Dr.
Church.i We had been so long without any Intelligence from our
Country, that the Sight of the Dr. gave us great Joy. I have received
no Letters from England, untill the Dr. brought me one from Mr.
Dilly.
Mr. Henly goes, tomorrow, to the Camp at Cambridge. I am not
so ill, as I was when I left you, tho not well. Bass has recover’d of the
Small Pox.
Our Debates and Deliberations are tedious, from Nine to four,
five, and once near Six. Our Determinations very slow — I hope sure.
The Congress will support Us, but in their own Way. Not precisely in
that Way which I could wish, but in a better Way than We could well
expect, considering what an heterogeneous Body it is.
The Prospect of Crops in all the southern Colonies never was ex¬
ceeded. What will become of immense Quantities of Provisions,
when the Non Exportation takes Place I cant conceive. Surely We
shant starve.
Poor Bostonians! My Heart Bleeds for them, day and Night. God
preserve and bless them.
Was you frightened, when the sheep Stealers got a drubbing at
Grape Island? Eather Smith prayed for our Scough Crew, I doubt
not, but how did my dear Friend Dr. Tufts sustain the shock? My
Duty and Love to them and all others who justly claim them.
My Dear Nabby, and Johnny and Charley and Tommy are never
out of my Thoughts. God bless, preserve and prosper them.
You need not send me any Money; What I shall want will be sup¬
plied me here, by my Colleagues to be repaid after our Return.
Dr. Warren writes me, about my Brother. My Love to both my
Brothers, my Duty to my Mother and your Uncle Quincy. Tell him I
hope, our Company continue their Exercises. He would burst to see
whole Companies of armed Quakers in this City, in Uniforms, going
thro the Manual and Maneuvres like regular Troops. J.A.
RC (MHi) . Adams, Family Correspondence (Butterfield) , 1:208-9.
Benjamin Church (1734—76) , Massachusetts physician and first director of the
army hospital at Cambridge, was later suspected of passing information to General
Gage and was convicted by court martial in October 1775 of “holding criminal
433
June 2, 1775
correspondence with the enemy.” DAB; and Shipton, Harvard Graduates, 13:380—98.
He came to Philadelphia as the emissary of the Massachusetts Provincial Congress car¬
rying a May 16 letter requesting the advice of Congress on assuming “the reins of civil
government” in Massachusetts and urging that the Congress take control of the army
gathered around Boston. This letter is printed in JCC, 2:76-78. Adams recollection
of Congress’ response to the letter appears in his autobiography, Adams, Diary
(Butterfield) , 3:351-52.
Silas Deane to Elizabeth Deane
My Dear Friday June 2d. 1775
This comes by express, this Moment setting out, have therefore
only to say that I am well,^ but the City grows extreme warm 8c I
wish for the Northward Air but must wish for a While in Vain. I am
in hopes, that the Congress will, on their Adjournment, appoint a
large Committee of their Body to sit constantly at Hartford or else¬
where near the scene of Action.
I send You a Newspaper of To Day 8cc., 8c am 8cc S. Deane
RC (CtHi). .
1 Deane wrote to his wife May 31, 1775, pleading “Want of Time as the excuse
for his infrequent and brief letters. CtHi.
Benjamin Franklin to Nathaniel Seidel
Reverend 8c dear Sir, Philada. June 2. 1775
I am much oblig’d by your kind Congratulations on my Return;
and I rejoice to hear that the Brethren are well and prosper.^ I am
persuaded that the Congress will give no Encouragement to any to
molest your People on Account of their Religious Principles; and
tho’ much is not in my Power, I shall on every Occasion exert my
self to discountenance and prevent such infamous Practices. Permit
me however to give a little Hint in point of Prudence. I rememl^r
that you put yourselves into a good Posture of Defence at the Begin¬
ning of the last War when I was at Bethlehem; and I then understood
from my much respected Friend Bp. Spangenberg, that there were
among the Brethren many who did not hold it unlawful to arm in a
defensive War. If there still [are] any such among your young Men,
perhaps it would not be amiss to permit them to learn the military
Discipline among their Neighbours, as this might conciliate those
who at present express some Resentment; and having Arms in Read¬
iness for all who may be able and willing to use them, mil be a gen¬
eral Means of Protection against Enemies of all kinds. But a Decla¬
ration of your Society, that tho’ they cannot in conscience compe
434
June 2, 1775
their young Men to learn the use of Arms, yet they do not restrain
such as are so disposed, will operate in the Minds of People very
greatly in your Favour. Excuse my Presumption in offering Advice,
which indeed may be of little Value, but proceeds from a Heart fill’d
with Affection and Respect for a Society I have long highly es¬
teem’d, and among whom I have many valuable Friends.
I am with great Regard & Veneration, Revd. Sir, Your most obedi¬
ent humble Servant B Franklin
[P.S.] Written in great Haste.
RC (PBMCA) .
^ Bishop Seidel’s letter to Franklin, asking that he be the Moravians’ “Advocate”
in Congress and use his influence on behalf of measures permitting “every Reli¬
gious Society [to] enjoy their Privileges full & undisturbed, as long as they do not
act against their Country,” is printed in PMHB 29 (1905) : 245-46. The status of
pacifists in Pennsylvania was brought before Congress at the beginning of July by
the Lancaster County Committee of Correspondence, but the delegates sidestepped
the issue and left it to the Pennsylvania Assembly, which on June 30 had passed a
series of resolves to prevent ill feeling and to permit pacifists to make contribu¬
tions for their defense in lieu of bearing arms. See Pennsylvania Delegates to the
Lancaster County Committee, July 6, 1775.
Thomas Johnson, Jr., to Samuel Purviance, Jr.
My dear sr. Phila. 2d June 1775
I am sorry to hear of your Indisposition. Perhaps it is not without
some Degree of Selfishness that I wish an Establishment of your
Health and as the most likely Means of it approve your resolution to
go to Fred[erick] or some other place where there’s a good Air Sc for
a while endeavour to unload your Mind of its oppressing Anxiety. It
grieves my Soul that my own Countrymen who have not only tasted
liut eaten of the fruits of Liberty should be such ungrateful Niggards
as to refuse the Return of a pittance for Our preservation out of the
profusion of her Bounty which she smilingly bestowed on them. If
such alone could feel the [sting?] of Despotism so far as might serve
for their Condition it would be my second wish that they should. It is
far from certain that any Troops will be sent to N York. If there
should I am in Hopes things will be put on such a footing in that
Quarter that they will not be able to make a garrisoned Town of the
City or penetrate into the Country. The American Army is much too
strong for the Regulars in the Massachusetts. As Wm Lee writes his
Brother not more than 2000 Troops will be sent even if so we may
certainly by acting on the Defensive protract the Business and give a
fair Chance for a favourable Operation of our Commercial System.
But whether the ardour of the people their Resentment, perpetually
June 3, 1775
435
stimulated by fresh Injuries & Insults can be restrained is very ques¬
tionable. I perfectly agree with you in Sentim[en]ts that we make a
favourable Campaign by preventg. the Regulars from doing any
Thing this Summer, nay I go further that we should reap more Ad¬
vantage from such steady negative Conduct than from any Victory.
I am sorry to tell you the Continent is not now so well furnished
with powder as I expected much less as I wish and I intreat you if
there is any way of getting powder or Salt petre into your place that
you lay a Scheme for it before it is quite too late. I imagine that pow¬
der may be got from the Cape or any of the foreign Islands or ports
notwithstanding the contrary promises of the French and Dutch. Sul¬
phur is wanted in but small proportion and by what I learn enough
may be had. I imagine you [might] have some worth saving in Balt.
[Town?]. I am fully in Sentimt. with you as to our Exports and Salt.
My Health continues. I am dr. sr. Your friend & fellow Labourer.
Ths. Johnson Junr
RC (Bentley Courtenay, Madison, Wis., 1972) .
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[June 2, 1775]
2d. Dr. Church arrived with a Letter & Instructions from the pro¬
vincial Congress asking advice of the Congress. Resolutions forbidg.
Bills of Exchange to be negotiated. No provisions to be supplied the
Army & Navy in Massachusetts or the Transports.^
MS (RHi).
^See /CC, 2:78.
Silas Deane’s Diary
[June 3-5, 1775]
Saturday at Congress — set out at 5 oClock for Wilmington, lodged
at Chester.^ Cost — 14s-6d.
At Wilmington spent Sunday.^ Cost 8s-2d.
At Chester returng — 14s-5d.
Returned on Monday dined at home. After Noon at Committee
untill 12 oClock at Night. Clubb 4s.
MS (CtHi) . CHS Bulletin 29 (July 1964) : 89.
^ Deane made this trip with Eliphalet Dyer and John Adams. See Deane to
579-852 0 - 77 - 30 Vol. 1
436 June 3, 1775
Elizabeth Deane, June 6, 1775; and John Adams to Abigail Adams, June 6, 1775,
Adams, Family Correspondence (Butterfield) , 1:211-12.
^ Deane wrote a brief note to his wife, transmitting several items for her reading
pleasure, which bore the date line “Phila[delphia] 4th June 1775.” CtHi. It cannot
be determined from where or when the letter was actually posted.
Silas Deane to Elizabeth Deane
My Dear Philadelphia June 3d. 1775
Your Favor of the 28th is before Me & upbraids the shortness of
my Two Last Letters, as I promised You, as well as myself they
should be longer &: more particular, for the greatest pleasure even in
This City where hospitality itself resides is in receiving agreeable Ac¬
counts of the happiness of Ones absent Freinds, and in return to con¬
vey the same to Them. The Congress tho’ not numerous, are yet a
very unweildly Body, in their very Nature, as no Motion or resolu¬
tion, can be started or proposed, but what must be subject to much
Canvassing before it will pass with the unanimous approbation of
Thirteen Colonies whose situation and Circumstances are various —
And Unanimity is the Basis on which we mean to rise. And I thank
God it hitherto prevails to a most Surprizing degree. Beside, Our
Business has run away with Us, as I may say for though the Northern
Expedition met with a warm approbation, yet the Resolutions neces¬
sary to be formed respecting those posts put by the forming a general
plan of Operation, which had it been previously laid, every such ma-
neuvre would of course have been provided for at once.^
You have an indifferent Opinion of the Spirit of some in Our As¬
sembly. You know my Sentiments of them, in general, 8c no man liv¬
ing, I am bold to say, knows them better, but though Caution has
ever been, and is still predominant, yet when matters come to a push.
No Assembly or Government has behaved better, 8c indeed not only
the Name of a Yankee but of a Connecticut Man in particular, is be¬
come very respectable this Way, and Governor Trumbull is highly
applauded by the Congress, for the Letters he has wrote Us, and the
measures he has pursued as Governor; indeed Now the Constitution
of Connecticut appears in its full Lustre, and the whole Continent are
sensible of its superiority, to any other, and must, I beleive, after all
adopt one similar in each Colony.
John Webb is I presume before this returned And by him You will
see in the first place what kind of a Coat I have got, in the next place
learn by the Letters he carries and by what We have since dispatch’d
That the Congress are determined at all Events to hold Ticonderoga,
and to pursue with vigor every defensive Measure. The Militia are
constantly out. Morning 8c Evening at Exercise, and there are already
June 3, 1775
437
Thirty Companies in this City in Uniform, well armed, Sc have made
a most surprizing progress. The Uniform is worth describing to You.
It is a dark Brown, (like Our Homespun) Coat, faced with Red,
White, Yellow, or Buff according to Their different Battallions,
White Vest 8c Breeches, White Stockings, half Boots, black knee
Garters. Their Coat is made Short, falling but little below the Waist¬
band of the Breeches, which shews the size of a Man to very great
advantage. Their Hatts are small as Jesse’s little one, almost, with a
Red, or White, or black Ribbon, according to Their Battallions, clos¬
ing in a Rose, out of which, rises a Tuft of Furr, of Deer made to re¬
semble the Bucks Tail as near as possible, of about six or eight Inch¬
es high. Their Cartouch Boxes are large, with the Word Liberty 8c the
Number of their Battallion wrote on the outside in large White Let¬
ters. Thus equipp’d the [y] make a most elegant appearance, as their
Cartouch Boxes are hung with a broad White wash Leather Strapp
or Belt 8c their Bayonette on the other side with one of the same,
which Two Crossing on the shoulders Diamond fashion gives an
agreeable appearance Viewed in the rear. The Light Infantry are in
Green, faced with Buff, Vests 8cc as the others except the Hatt which
is a hunters Capp, or Jockey. These are without exception the Gen-
teelest Companies I ever saw. They have besides a Body of irregu¬
lars, or rifle Men, whose dress it is hard to describe. They take a
peice of Ticklenburgh, or Tan Cloth that is stout and put it in a Tann
Fatt, untill it has the shade of a dry, or fading Leaf, then they make a
kind of Frock of it reaching down below the knee, open before, with
a Large Cape, they wrapp it round them tight on a March, 8c tye it
with their Belt in which hangs their Tomahawk, their Hatts As the
others. They exercise in the Neighboring Groves firing at Marks, and
throwing their Tomahawks, forming on a sudden into one Line, and
then at a Word, break their Order, and take their posts, to hit their
mark. West of this City is an open Square, of near Two Miles each
Way with large Groves each side, in which, each After Noon they
Collect, with a vast Number of Spectators.
Next Monday is the Day of their general review after which will
write You more on the Military Subject. Mr. Dickinson commands
one Battallion, Mr RobertDeaux another. Mr. Cadwallader (a Gen¬
tleman of immense Fortune) a third, I know not the others— only
that my Freind Mifflin is one of the Majors. They have a Body of
Horse in training but I have not as yet seen them out. I dined Yester¬
day with Mr. Cadwallader, whose Furniture, 8c house exceed any
thing I have seen in this City or elsewhere.
My Time is all Taken up, for at Congress at Nine, out no Day ear¬
lier than Four — then on Committee’s frequently, leaves me no spare
Time 8c tires Me effectually, well as I love the busy scenes of Poli¬
tics in Your, 8c my Freinds Opinion, I had rather not be appointed to
438 June 3, 1775
Committees quite so often as I am, for since my being at this Con¬
gress, I have had more than my Share of such Business.
The Colony of Connecticut having their Men ready has been of
Service, & I trust We shall get great share of their exj>ence refunded
by the Continent. I have wrote so much on Politics, that I have nei¬
ther Time nor room to add more than Love to all of both Families,
and a kind remembrance of the Neighbors See. 8cc. Am sorry to hear
of Mr. Merriams Situation, his Loss will be long felt by that people.
Mr. Peircy is returned from London & is preaching away here for the
first Time last Evening. I went to Mrs. Roberdeaux, in The After-
Noon to drink Coffee with the Celebrated Beauty Miss Keys of
whom I spoke to You formerly. She is really handsome, but Mrs.
Roberdeaux is a zealot in Religion, which I am farr from at Home,
or abroad. She must needs go to hear Mr. Peircy at the further end
of the City. I told her I had my Pocket Book in my p>ocket and must
be excused, and in plain English did not approve of Evening Lec¬
tures of any kind. She marked Me down as an heretic, & what is al¬
most infinitely worse, a Man of no sensibility, or Taste, that could at
any rate decline walking near Two Mile, & sitting a whole Evening to
hear a Man preach, to have The inexpressible pleasure of being in
Company with so much Beauty, but I shipp’d Col. Dyer on the Voy¬
age & gave them the slipp in the best manner I could. On my return,
I fell in Company with Two young Ladies, neither of them hand¬
some, yet so free, merry, & diverting, that I must honestly say I had
rather spend one hour in their Compy than Four in that where so
much formality must be attended to even were I to gaze at an Angel.
The Ladies I last spoke of are Daughters of a very good Freind of
mine in the City, and are very much like Our Sally, only they sing
well, which she does not, or will not. What a Mess have I wrote, I
promised You a Long Letter & here You have it a perfect Farrago of
Politics, Military, &c &c — &: here let it End by my wishing You every
Felicity which human Nature is capable of enjoying, & by assuring
You I am Your most Affectionate Husband S D
RC (CtHi).
^See the resolutions of May 31 and June 1 respecting the posts at Ticonderoga
and Crown Point. JCC, 2:74-7^
Eliphalet Dyer to Joseph Trumbull
Sr Philadelphia June 3d 1775
I have but just a Moments time to Acknowledge the receipt of
your favor of the 25th & 26th Ulto. I wrote you some time since by
one Mr Brown who was at the taking the fort at Ticonderoga & from
this place (as he said) was bound direct to Cambridge. I then had
June 3, 1775
439
only to Inform you of Our progress to this place, & at this time what
we are att Liberty to Communicate from the Congress you will from
time to time See in the public papers. There is no doubt but the Con¬
gress will approve and Support the Measures Which have been taken
by the New England Colonies 8c I think we have got New York now
Com plea tly taken in. The advice given to New York with respect to
the Troops that might be attempted to be landed there was in Conse¬
quence of their strong Solicitation to preserve their City from ruin.^
It was said to be Impossible to prevent their landing 8c that an Imme¬
diate Attack would Induce the Men of Warr to lay the City in ruins.
There is Care taken to have Sufficient Batteries in the most Conven¬
ient places up along Hudsons river to prevent any King’s Ships or
Cutters going up there. New York are raising 3 or 4000 Men. There
are preparations making in every quarter but Unhappily No or but
Very little powder except in the New England Colonies.
We have just now receivd letters from Albany that Guy Johnson
has lately been much Alarmd, is fortifying, 8c Collected a Number of
his Irish Roman Catholicks in that County to protect him, and has
Alarmd all the Indians in that quarter pretending that he has heard
the New England people are coming to take him 8c his family 8c make
him their prisoner. But the Majistrates of Schenectida 8c of Albany
have had a talk with the Indians, Assured them of the falsity of that
report by which the Indians are quieted 8c give the Strongest Assur¬
ance they will take no part in the dispute Between great Britain 8c her
Colonies Unless their Superintended Johnson is Molested. If he is
they must protect him. I hope he will soon be quieted. The Express is
now only waiting for me therefore cannot one quarter finish my let¬
ter. We Understand Genii Burgoyne 8cc are arived. If so be on your
guard for I think you may depend upon a Violent push from him. He
will rather Sacrifice all the English Troop than suffer the disgrace of
being Cooped up by you Yankees therefore keep a good look out. I
hope if he make Any Attempt you will draw 8c decoye him into the
Country by a retreating fire 8c then you may have him from every
quarter. I must break of[f] in this spot. Youll therefore wait for
more in my Next. The Conduct of Connecticutt is highly Approved
here. Our Govrs letters are much Esteemd. God bless you all Suc¬
ceed 8c prosper you. 1 hope the Army will run no ^eat risques at first
for but little benefit. In Utmost haste from your sincere friend 8c Hbe
Servt Elipht Dyer
[P.S.] I have Inclosed you a print sent to the Congress by the
Cham [b] erlain of London as it is said.2
RC (CtHi) .
See resolution of May 15, 1775. JCC, 2:52. . , ■ a -i
^ Probably the address of the mayor and alderman of London to the king, April
440
June 3, 1775
10, 1775, supporting the American cause, and the king’s response, expressing "the
utmost astonishment’’ that his subjects were "encouraging the rebellious
disposition ... of my Colonies in North America.” Copies of these documents,
reprinted from the London Gazette, April 11, 1775, arrived in America at the end
of May. Ezekiel Russell, printer of Salem, Mass., reprinted them in broadside form
under the date May 29, 1775. Charles Evans, American Bibliography, 12 vols.
(Chicago: Privately printed, 1903-34) , No. 14163; and Am. Archives, 4th ser.
1:1853-54. Subsequently they were reprinted in several of the American newspa¬
pers.
John Jay’s Draft Petition to the King
[June 3-19? 1775] i
To the Kings most excellent Majesty
The Petition of the freeholders & Freemen of the Colonies of New
Hampshire, Massachuses Bay, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New
York, New Jersey, Pensylvania, the on Delaware, Maryland,
Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina 8c the Parish of St Johns in
the Colony of Georgia, by their Representatives convened in general
Congress at the City of Philadelphia the Day of 1775.
Most humbly sheweth
That your Majestys American Subjects bound to your Majesty by
the strongest Ties of Allegeance 8c affection and attached to their
Parent Country by every Bond that can unite Societies, deplore with
the deepest Concern the continuance of that System of colonial Ad¬
ministration which for twelve Years past has filled the minds of the
loyal Inhabitants of North America with apprehensions of the most
alarming Nature.
That reposing the utmost Confidence in the paternal Care of their
Prince and the Justice of the British Nation they were urged by the
perilous Situation of their Liberties to sollicit his Majesty’s Attention
by their late Petition to their real 8c unmerited Greivances, and to re¬
quest his royal Interposition in their Behalf.
That tho disappointed in their Expectations of Relief they still re¬
member their Duty to their Sovereign, 8c imputing the Rigour of their
Treatment to insidious Counsels 8c wicked Misrepresentation, they
again beg Leave to entreat for Justice 8c to request only that Portion
of Liberty to which God and the Constitution have given them
Rights.
That Nothing but the Overruling Laws of self Preservation could
ever have induced them to pursue any Measures which might be
deemed offensive to their King or disrespectful to the British Nation,
and that they ardently desire an opportunity of manifesting their Fi¬
delity to the one and evincing their affection for the other.
441
June 3, 1775
That neither repeated oppression nor all the Miseries which attend
the sword or are Xhreatned by Famine have yet weaned them from
their Parent Country, and that they cannot yet cease to seek by every
dutiful & peaceble Means in their Power to obtain a Restoration of
that Harmony which formerly gave union Wealth 8c Power to the
Empire.
That they most earnestly beseech his Majesty to commission some
good 8c great Men to inquire into the Grievances of his faithful Sub¬
jects, 8c be pleased to devise some Means of accommodating those
unhappy Dissentions which unless amicably terminated must endan¬
ger the safety of the whole Empire and that shd. his majesty not
disposed to hear the Complaints of his American Subjects from their
Representatives in Congress we most humbly beseech his Majesty to
direct Com [missioner] s from their different Assemblies to convene
for the Purpose.
That altho the People of North America are deterniined to be free
they wish not to be independent and beg Leave again to assure his
Majesty that they mean not to question the Right of the British Par¬
liament to regulate the Commercial Concerns of the Empire in the
Manner they have before declared as their Enemies have unkindly
insinuated and to remove all Doubts upon this Head are ready to
confirm these Declarations by Acts of their Legislatures in the differ¬
ent Colonies.
That {to facilitate the Restoration of Union if Harmony) they
most humbly submit it to his Majestys Wisdom [whether] it wd not
tend to facilitate the Restoration of Union 8c Harmony that the fur¬
ther Effusion of Blood should be prevented 8c every irritating Meas¬
ure suspended and should his Majesty be graciously pleased by his
royal Interposition to relieve his faithful Subjects from the Uneasi¬
ness 8c Anxiety they feel from the several acts of the british Parlia¬
ment by which they think themselves so greatly agreived, they will
with the utmost Gratitude 8c Chearfulness return to 8c resume that
former Intercourse with their parent State which Nothing but the
most pressing necessities could ever induce them to interrupt.
They also take the Liberty of suggesting that when Coricord 8c mu¬
tual Confidence shall thus be reestablished between his Majesty s
British 8c American Subjects, their several Claims may be examined
with Temper, adjusted with Precision and the present unnatural Con¬
test end in a Compact that may place the Union of the Empire on a
firm 8c permanent Basis.
„ pres.„. a second Co Che king
asking “r Jedris ol Ancerif.n grievances, and on June S ic
fo draw UP this document. The committee, consisting of John Dickinson, Thomas
johnsol John Rutledge, John Jay, and Benjamin Franklin, brought in a draft
442
June 3, 1775
petition, largely the work of Dickinson, on June 19, which Congress finally ap¬
proved, apparently with only a few minor amendments, on July 5. Congress then
entrusted the petition to Richard Penn for presentation to George III, but the
king refused to receive it. JCC, 2:65, 79-80, 100, 126-27, 158-62; Am. Archives, 4th
ser. 3:627; Thomas Jefferson, The Works of Thomas Jefferson, ed. Paul Leicester
Ford, 12 vols. (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1904-5), 1:17-18; Adams, Diary
(Butterfield) , 3:317-18; and NYHS Collections 11 (1878) : 284-85.
The present text is an early draft by John Jay of the second petition to the king.
Although Jay’s draft and Dickinson’s petition are both conciliatory in tone, they
are dissimilar in nearly all other respects. It is not known exactly when Jay
composed this draft, but he probably did so sometime between the appointment of
the committee and the presentation of its report to Congress. It is also impossible
to state what use was made of Jay’s draft, but since Jay proposed that the king
appoint commissioners to inquire into American grievances and that the colonial
legislatures confirm Parliament’s right to regulate American commerce, it can be
assumed that the committee rejected it because it was too conciliatory.
New York Delegates to the
New York Provincial Congress
Gent. Philadelphia, 3rd June, 1775.
We have received your several letters, and communicated such of
your pap>ers to the Congress as were intended for their inspection.
Your plan for raising money we are much pleased with, though we
have some doubt of its being adopted; however, as the reasons on
which it is founded, appear to us to be conclusive, we shall use our
endeavours to carry it through. Till the success is known, you will,
we dare say, see a propriety in keeping the whole secret.
We observe with pleasure the attention of our Colony to Indian af¬
fairs, as they are really of the highest importance. Should you con¬
ceive the interposition of the Congress necessary, you will let us
know the mode in which you think it will be most effectual.
You inquire whether the direction relative to the militia of New-
York was intended to extend farther than that city and county. In an¬
swer to this, we must inform you that it was the design of the Con¬
gress that the whole Province should be well armed and disciplined.^
We wish to hear that you have received some supply of powder, as
we fear that none is to be procured here; the people conceiving they
have not a sufficient stock for their own defence. We believe, howev¬
er, that Connecticut will take care to supply their troops at Ticonder-
oga with that article, as the command of that post is for the present
vested in their officers, owing to your repeated declaration of your in¬
ability to furnish the arms and ammunition necessary for its defence.
We think it an object of great consequence, to know in whom you
would wish to vest the command of the Continental Army in our
June 3, 1775
443
Province, which is to be maintained at the general charge, and hope
you will not be at a loss to fix on men among yourselves, who may be
intrusted with that important charge. As general officers will in all
probability be shortly appointed by this Congress, your express
should return immediately, with a warm recommendation of those
persons in our Province, who you think may safely be trusted with
the first and second commands, as major and brigadier-generals.^ If
possible, let us have an answer to this by Tuesday morning, drawn up
in such a manner, that if necessary, it may be offered to the Con¬
gress, with the reasons on which such choice is founded. We know of
nothing farther that may require your attention, unless it be to rec¬
ommend a profound secrecy with respect to any advice we may of¬
fer, particularly on the subject of this letter, though we conceive that
your own prudence will render any such recommendation unneces¬
sary.
If you wish for any other direction, pray be speedy and explicit in
your application. We remain, with great respect. Your most oh. hum.
servts. Jas. Duane Francs. Lewis
Robt. R. Livingston, Junr. Wm. Floyd
Ph. Schuyler S. Boerum
John Alsop Henry Wisner
MS not found; reprinted from Journals of N.Y. Prov. Cong., 1:30.
^ For the congressional resolves concerning the New York militia, see JCC,
2:60-61.
“The New York Provincial Congress responded to this request on June 7 by
recommending Philip Schuyler and Richard Montgomery for the offices of major
general and brigadier general respectively. Congress, in turn, appointed Schuyler
and Montgomery to the positions for which they were recommended. JCC, 2:99,
103; and Am. Archives, 4th ser. 2:1281-82.
Robert Treat Paine’s Diary
[June 3, 1775]
Fair. [....] Dined City Tavern. News of the Skirmish at Grape
Island.^
MS (MHi) .
^One of a series of minor skirmishes fought on the islands around Boston. It
occurred on May 21, and Abigail Adams had conveyed the news to Paine’s
colleague, John Adams, in a letter of May 24. Adams, Family Correspondence
(Butterfield) , 1:204-6.
444
June 3, 1775
Philip Schuyler to Samuel Stringer
Dear Sir Philadelphia June 3d 1775
Your favor of the 15th Ulto. I had the pleasure of Receiving a few
days ago and Immediately Answrd, that of the 27th I reed this day.
The Conduct of the Albany Committee has given great Satisfaction
to the Congress. You cannot wonder that I should be pleased with
Every transaction that reflects honor on my Dear Countrymen. I
mentioned to You in my former that I did not believe the ports
would be shut before the time Emitted by the last Congress If then; I
have a farther reason (which I am not at liberty to Communicate)
from an Occurrance since I wrote to Corroborate that Opinion. I
have wrote your Committee three letters Since my Arrival but have
not had a line Acknowledging the receipt of any whence I Conclude
they had not Come to hand when you wrote.
The Article of Powder is under Serious Consideration, but difficult
as It is to procure that Essential Commodity I hope however we shall
Soon have a Supply.^
May Indulgent heaven Smile propitiously on Endeavours of the
Americans to remain a free and a happy p>eople, may my Country¬
men Stand distinguished in the Glorious Struggle, and may an all di¬
recting Providence Guide us safely thro the Dangers of this unhappy
Contest untill we arrive at the much wished for haven of peace. I am
Sir Your’s 8c the Gentlemen of the Committee’s Most Obed. 8c huml
Servt. Ph. Schuyler
RC (ICHi) . Addressed: “Samuel Stringer Esqr. Chairman of the Committee of
Correspondence of Albany.”
^This day Congress appointed the Pennsylvania delegates as a committee to
borrow /'6,000 for “the purchase of gunpowder for the use of the Continental
Army.” JCC, 2:79.
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[June 3, 1775]
3rd. A Comee. appointed to consider of the State of the Massa¬
chusetts, a Comee. to borrow £6000 8cc, Comees. for a Petition to
the King, Address to the People of England, Do. to Ireland, Letter to
Jamaica, Comee. for considering Money necessary.
MS (RHi) .
June 5, 1775
445
Philip Schuyler to the
New York Provincial Congress
Gentlemen N. York [i.e. Philadelphia] June 4th, 1775.
As I am ordered by the Continental Congress to liquidate the ac¬
counts of the people employed in the reduction of Ticonderoga, that
they may be paid, and as Messrs. [Ethan] Allen and [Seth] Warner
were concerned, there will be money due to them; and as they are in
want of some, I could wish you to advance them thirty pounds, and
to make it a Continental charge, for which I shall debit them in their
account with the public. I am, gentlemen. Your most obedient hum¬
ble servant, Ph. Schuyler.
MS not found; reprinted from Journals of N. E. Prov. Cong., 2:10.
Benjamin Franklin to Thomas Life
Philadelphia June 5. 1775. Instructs Life, agent in London for the
Connecticut Assembly, to withdraw Franklin’s petition in a legal ap¬
peal which no longer seems worth prosecuting, “hostilities being
commenced by General Gage against America, and a Civil War be¬
gun, which I have no Chance of living to see the End of, being 70
Years of Age.’’
Tr (William Salt Library, Stafford, England, U.K. Courtesy the Earl of Dartmouth) .
Joseph Hewes to Samuel Johnston
Dear Sir Philadelphia 5th June 1775
I wrote a long Letter to you by Captain Gilles, and now would
write a much longer if I was at liberty to mention the business taken
up by the Congress, but that I cannot do till the injunction of Secrecy
is taken of[f]. They have much before them, scarce a day passes
without the Arival of an express from some quarter, and altho’ Ne¬
cessity strongly urges that they should be speedy in their determina¬
tions, yet they proceed very slowly. I wish to God you was here that I
might advise with you on some matters of great importance. I could
say a thousand things to you in my Chamber that I cannot by any
means put on paper. I am exceedingly uneasy (so are my Col¬
leagues) not that I think we are doing any thing but what Necessity
will Justify, but I fear we shall be obliged to promise for our Colony
446
June 5, 1775
much more than it will perform and perhaps more than it is able to
bear. When a large extensive Country Loses its Trade, when its Ports
are all Shutt up and all exportation ceases, will there be Virtue
enough found in that Country to bear heavy Taxes with patience.
Suppose a Country, no matter where, should be under such circum¬
stances, and Necessity should oblige the inhabitants to raise a large
Army for their defence, how is it to be paid? Suppose the exigences
of that country should demand one million Sterlg. per Annum, how
is it to be raised? how made? how sunk? I will not trouble you far¬
ther with imaginary Countries, but beg leave to call your attention to
your Own, where I think it will be absolutely Necessary to have a
Provincial Convention immediately. I think Mr. Harvey may appoint
some day in August for the Meeting, an express should be sent to ev¬
ery County with Letters to some of the most popular Men that are
friendly to our cause, and great care should be taken to have as full a
representation as possible. Some matters will be laid before them that
will require the utmost exertions of every friend to American Liberty
amongst you. I cannot pretend to say when the Congress will break
up, perhaps I may be able to guess at it a month hence. It has been
often proposed by some of our Members out of Doors to Adjourn to
Hartford or New haven in Connecticut in Order that we might be
near the seat of Action, but some of the Southern Gentlemen have
not yet given their Consent, nor do I think they ever will. Hooper
and myself are willing. I shall be pleased with the Change, it would
afford me an opportunity of Visiting the Camp of the American
Army near Boston which I want much to see.
My best Compliments are offerd to the Ladies of your family, to
Mr. Iredell and the Ladies there and to Mrs. Dawson & her family.
Caswell 8c Hooper Join in respectfull Salutations to you with. Dear
Sir, Your mo Obed hum Servant Joseph Hewes
[P.S.] I have given Mr Underhill some News papers he will show
them to you — see my Letter to Mr Smith.
RC (NN facsimile). Extract printed in Burnett, Letters, 1:112-13. RC incomplete;
missing words supplied from Burnett.
William Hooper to Samuel Johnston
My dear Johnston Philadelphia June 5th 1775
I wrote you lately by Mr Hewes’s Vessell. I have nothing to add
but to request of you to exert your utmost influence to prevail upon
the people to enroll themselves in Companies, sacredly to attend to
the preservation of what little Gunpowder remains amongst them, 8c
June 6, 1775
447
to rest assured that no terms will be obtained from Lord North but
what are purchased at the point of the Sword. Pray forward the In¬
closed by the first Opportunity. Mrs. Hooper is as yet at a loss
whether I have fixed my feet in Philadelphia. Make my Compliments
acceptable to your Lady 8c Family 8c believe me to be Dear Sir Your
Friend Will Hooper
[P.S.] Expect to hear fully from me b[y a] Vessel which [. . .]
(Captain Farrow?) bound to Edenton on Wednesday next.
Should no opportunity offer from Edenton sooner, pray send the
packet addressed to my Brother’s by post.
RC (NNPM) . Tr (DLC) . Postscript supplied from Tr.
Robert Treat Paine’s Diary
[June 5, 1775]
Rainy A.M. Heard of Skirmish of Noddles 8cce.^ Dined at Mr.
[James] Mease.
MS (MHi) .
^The battle on Noddle’s and Hog’s Islands occurred May 27-28 and resulted in
the capture of the British schooner Diana. Allen French, The First Year of the
American Revolution (New York: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1934) , pp. 199-93.
George Washington’s Diary
[June 5, 1775]
5. Dined at Mr. Richard Penn’s, on a Committee all the after-
n[oo]n.i
MS (DLC) . Washington, Diaries (Fitzpatrick) , 2:198.
^ Apparently the committee “to bring in an estimate of the money necessary to
be raised,’’ which was appointed June 3 and reported to Congress June 7. See Silas
Deane’s Diary, June 3-5, 6, 1775; and JCC, 2:80-81.
Silas Deane’s Diary
[June 6, 1775]
Saturday set out for Wilmington returned on Monday, spent the
Evening, and Day insuing, on Committees, making an Estimate.
MS (CtHi) . CHS Bulletin 29 (July 1964) : 92.
448
June 6, 1775
Silas Deane to Elizabeth Deane
Tuesday June 6th. 1775
After Finishing the inclosed on Saturday and missing the Convey¬
ance, I took up my Horses and in Co[mpany] with Col. Dyer, Fa¬
ther Cushing Sc Mr. J Adams made an excursion as farr as Wilmington
in the lower Counties, Twenty Eight Miles from This place down the
Delaware. Unfortunately the Rain (which I hope you have had plen¬
ty of) prevented Our viewing critically as I could wish this Charming
Country, which is hardly exceeded, by my beloved Standard, Con¬
necticut River. Wilmington is situate on a Small River Called Chris-
tiern, running to the South of it through a rich, beautiful, & extensive
meadow. This little River is Navigable up about Two Miles above
the Town, to a Bridge called the Christiana, and empties into the
D[elaware] about Three Miles below, or to the East of the Town,
thro’ one immense body of [fine] Meadows, in which there is scarce
a Single Tree, to intercept the view of every Vessel sailing up and
down the Delaware, become very wide at this place. The Town is
compact has as many houses as Hartford, descends Towards the Riv¬
er Christiern, & the Meadows East in much the Same manner, is well
built with Brick, has Two Presbyterian, one Quaker, & one Swedish
Church in it, and the Quantities of Flour manufactured there would
render it a large place were it not Too much in the shade of Philadel¬
phia, to which they shipp all that Article, at least Forty Miles by Wa¬
ter, to be reshipp’d by the Merchants there. To give You an Idea of
the greatness of this Business, a Gentleman at Wilmington told Me,
that one Coaster carried Annually Thirty Thousand Barrels to Phila¬
delphia. How many such they have I know not, but their Mills are
thick as a little Town, and large as Meeting houses, larger indeed,
than Most. We returned on Yesterday, thro’ the rain which has pre¬
vented their review for the present.
This instant, I have a Letter from Brother Barn [aba] s at Albany
& from Col. Porter of the 1st Instant, by which I hope matters will go
right at Last. The Congress are Now out on Committees, by which I
hoped for Leisure but am forced on one of them, from which I have
slipp’d a Minute, to write this Morning, having [sat] up with them,
allmost the whole of last [nig]ht on the Business. Hop>e soon to be
able [to] give the public an agreeable Acct of Our proceedings, and
alleviate, the Fears & distresses of Our parsimonious Senators, by ex¬
hibiting to Them, Specimens of Continental Firmness, Union, & spir¬
it, on the present Occassion. I am my Dear as ever Your’s, See
S. D.
[P.S.] The affair at Hogg 8c Noddle Islands coming on the back of
the expedition to Grap>e Island gives Our people a high Character
here.^
June 6, 1775
449
Wilmington is the Spot, where the New Haven p>eople landed in
1640 and began a Settlement, but were afterward drove off by the
Dutch, and Swedes. The posterity of the Latter are still here & the
River, & Bridge bear the Name of Christiern, & Christiena after the
King & Queen of Sweden at that Time. I could not help sighing to
think what a Country We lost at that Day, but all is right.
RC (CtHi).
^ See Robert Treat Paine’s Diary, June 3 and 5, 1775. An account of the raids
appeared in the Pennsylvania Evening Post June 6, 1775, and in other Philadel¬
phia papers subsequently. Roger Sherman later cited the publicity accorded Israel
Putnam for his role in capturing the British schooner Diana in conjunction with
the raid on Noddle’s Island as an important factor in securing Putnam’s appoint¬
ment as the fourth major general of the Continental Army on June 19. Sherman to
David Wooster, June 23 and to Jonathan Trumbull, June 28, 1775.
New York Delegates to the
Albany Committee of Correspondence
Philadelphia 6th June 1775.
We this Morning received your favour of the first Instant by ex-
press.
The inclosed resolution of the Continental Congress which has al¬
ready been forwarded to our Convention at New York will explain
their sentiments with respect to Ticonderoga,^ and we are happy it
Corresponds so well with your own Wishes; as our Province was not
provided with Men and Ammunition to defend that Important Post it
was thought necessary to apply to the Government of Connecticut for
a Body of Troops, and to authorise Governor Trumble to appoint a
Commanding Officer for the present. They will we presume be re-
leived as soon as our own Men are raised and equipped. This Inva-
sure will settle all disputes between Collo. Arnold and Ethan Allen,
who will both be supersed[ed] by the Colonel of the Connecticut Regi¬
ment, now probably on its way to the Lakes.
We are extremely sorry that at so Critical a Juncture there s ou
be any occasion of Uneasiness between the Colonies. We have men¬
tioned to the Delegates of the Massachusets your Complaints that
some Persons of that Province promise Extraordinary Wages to n-
duce Men in our Government to inlist in their Service. They cannot
be persuaded there is any just foundation for such a charge, at least
they are Confident that no Person has Authority to offer any encour¬
agement beyond what is allowed to the Troops raised
sdves which is 40/ their Money a Month, and a Coat. We shall con¬
sider whether it may be proper to make a formal application to
450
June 6, 1775
Congress on this Subject. In the mean time we do not chuse to detain
your Express as the Resolution inclosed is of Great Importance for
Your direction.
The Attention your Committee has paid to the Common Cause
and particularly to Indian Affairs meets with approbation, and we
know of no object more worthy of your Care than that of keeping the
Six Nations in good Humour and preventing their Interfering in this
Dispute. When any thing further offers, which we may be at Liberty
to Communicate, we shall not fail of giving you the earliest Intelli¬
gence.
We learn that a Quantity of damaged Powder is amongst the
Stores found at Ticonderoga. Care should be taken to send it with all
expedition to the Committee at N. York to be remanufactured. We
are with great Respect Gentlemen Your Most Obedient Humble
Servants. Phil. Livingston Lewis Morris
Jas. Duane Frans. Lewis
Ph. Schuyler Henry Wisner
P. S. You will see the necessity that any Troops destined for Ticon¬
deroga, be supplied with Provisions and aided with every necessary
for their speedily arriving at that place, and we have no doubt but
that this will command your utmost attention, as we foresee no small
difficulties on this Head.
Tr (N).
^On this resolution, see John Hancock to the New York Provincial Convention,
May 31, 1775.
John Adams to Elbridge Gerry
Dr sir Phyladelphia June [7?] 1775^
Mr Gadsden of South Carolina whose Fame you must have heard,
was in his younger Years, an officer, on board the Navy, and is well
acquainted with the Fleet. He has Several Times taken Pains to con¬
vince me that this Fleet is not so formidable to America, as we fear.
He Says We can easily take their sloops. Schooners and Cutters, on
board of whom are all their best Seamen, and with these We can eas¬
ily take their large Ships, on board of whom are all their impress’d
and discontented Men. He thinks the Men would not fight on board
the large ships with their fellow subjects, but would certainly kill
their own officers. He Says it is a different Thing, to fight the French
or Spaniards from what it is to fight british Americans — in one case,
if taken Prisoners they must lie in Prison for Years, in the other ob¬
tain their Liberty and Happiness.
June 7, 1775
451
He thinks it of great Importance that Some Experiments should be
made on the Cutters. He is confident that We may get a Fleet of our
own, at a cheap Rate, and this would give great Spirits to this Conti¬
nent, as well as little Spirits to the Ministry.^
RC (NHpR) . In Adams’ hand, though not signed. Addressed: "To Elbridge Gerry
Esq., Marblehead.”
^ Although Adams failed to record the day on which he wrote this letter, it
apparently reached Watertown before June 20, after having been first sent to
Marblehead. Since James Warren told Adams that he had used this letter to rally
support for a state navy in a committee of the Massachusetts Provincial Congress,
which on June 20 ordered the issue “to subside for the present,” it must have been
written early in the month. During this period, letters sent to Massachusetts from
Philadelphia were delivered on the average in about 10 days. James Warren to
John Adams, July 11, 1775, Warren-Adams Letters, 1:81-82; and The Journals of
each Provincial Congress of Massachusetts in 1774 and 1775, and of the Committees
of Safety . . ed. William Lincoln (Boston: Dutton and Wentworth, 1838) , p.
361.
^ Remainder of MS missing.
John Adams to Isaac Smith, Sr.
Dr. sir Phyladelphia June 7. 1775
Two days ago, I was very agreably surprized by a Letter from
you,i which was acceptable both for the important public Intelli¬
gence it contained and as it informed me of your Escape from Bos¬
ton. I had suffered much Anxiety, on Account of yourself and your
Family, supposing you were confined in Town and subject to I knew
not what Inconveniences or Indignities.
I cant yet learn that Mr. Boylstone, or Mrs. Gill are suffered to
leave the Town.
News, We have none at this Place. The Proceedings of the Con¬
gress, are all secret, but such few Votes as you see in the public Pa¬
pers. The N. Foundland British Fishery We had taken Care of before
I had the Honour of your Letter: and you may depend upon it, that
not a Pound of flour, or Bread or Meat goes from any of these Colo¬
nies, to supply that fishery.^
We have here a most glorious Season, plenty of Rain and as fine a
Prospect of Crops as ever Was known. This is in a kind Providence our
Security against Famine, and the amazing military Ardor That now
prevails, through every Colony upon the Continent, We hope will se¬
cure our Country against the Swords of our Enemies.
There are in this City, Three large Regiments, raised, formed,
armed, trained, and uniformed under Officers consisting of Gentle¬
men of the very first Fortune and best Character in the Place. All
this has started up, since 19th. April. They cover the Common every
579-852 0 - 77 - 31 Vol. 1
452
June 7, 1775
Day in the Week, Sundays not excepted. There is a Company of
young Quakers. This Spirit is not confined to the City, but runs
through the Province, and through all the neighbouring Colonies.
Saturday afternoon I made a little Excursion down to Wilmington.
Every little Village We passed thro, had Companies of Men exercis-
ing.
My Duty to my Aunt, my Love to your two sons and to Miss Polly
and Miss Betcy and Regards to all friends.
I am, sir your most huml sert, John Adams
RC (MHi) . Adams, Family Correspondence (Butterfield) , 1:212-13.
^ Isaac Smith, Sr. (1719-87) , Boston merchant and uncle of Abigail Adams, subse¬
quently resided in Salem during the siege of Boston. Adams, Diary (Butterfield) ,
1:277.
^On May 17, 1775, Congress resolved “that no provisions of any kind, or other
necessaries be furnished to the British Fisheries on the American coasts until it be
otherwise determined by the Congress.” JCC, 2:54. See also JCC, 2:70-71.
John Adams to James Warren
Dear Sir Phyladelphia June 7. 1775
We have been puzzled to discover, what we ought to do, with the
Canadians and Indians. Several Persons have been before the Con¬
gress who have lately been in the Province of Canada, particularly
Mr Brown and Mr Price, who have informed us that the Erench are
not unfriendly to us. And by all that we can learn of the Indians,
they intend to be neutral.
But whether We should march into Canada with an Army Suffi¬
cient to break the Power of Governor Carlton, to overawe the Indi¬
ans, and to protect the Erench has been a great Question. It Seems to
be the general Conclusion that it is best to go, if We can be assured
that the Canadians will be pleased with it, and join.^
The Nations of Indians inhabiting the Erontiers of the Colonies,
are numerous and warlike. They seem disposed to Newtrality. None
have as yet taken up the Hatchet against us; and We have not ob¬
tained any certain Evidence that Either Carlton or Johnson have di¬
rectly attempted to persuade them to take up the Hatchet. Some Sus¬
picious Circumstances there are.
The Indians are known to conduct their Wars, so entirely without
Eaith and Humanity, that it would bring eternal Infamy on the Min¬
istry thoughout all Europe, if they should excite these Savages to
War. The Erench disgraced themselves last War, by employing them.
To let loose these blood Hounds to scalp Men, and to butcher Wom¬
en & Children is horrid. Still its such kind of Humanity and Policy
as we have experienced, from the Ministry.
June 7, 1775
453
RC (MHi) . In Adams’ hand, though not signed.
^Adams’ statement suggests that many delegates had changed their minds since
June 1, when Congress resolved “that no expedition or incursion ought to be
undertaken or made by any colony, or body of colonists, against or into Canada.”
7CC, 2:75.
Silas Deane’s Diary
[June 7, 1775]
Wednesday. In Committee of the whole house — debates on afd.
Estimate — Fast Voted on the 20th of July.
MS (CtHi) . CHS Bulletin 29 Quly 1964) : 89.
James Duane to Robert Livingston
Dear and honourd Sir Philad. 7t June 1775
Your kind favour of the 23d May gave me very great pleasure as
it communicated the agreeable Intelligence of the safe Arrival and
Health of my dearest Polly and our Children. It was with painful
Anxiety that I found myself under an indispensible Obligation to
leave her when she was very feeble and not yet recovered from a se¬
vere Indisposition. May the good Providence of God preserve her
and you and all we love under his gracious Protection. ^
Our publick affairs are at length arrived at the most dangerous
Extremity. The ministry with inflexible Obstinacy jiersevere in that
inhuman System of Despotism which was contrived to rob us of our
Liberties; and because we cannot submit to so humiliating a Condi¬
tion they have drawn the sword against our suffering Friends as
Traitors and Rebels, and the Authority of Parliament is called in to
starve the Southern as well as the Eastern Colonies into base Submis¬
sion. To stand forth at such a Juncture in the Situation in which I am
placed is indeed an arduous and difficult Task, requiring an uncom¬
mon Exertion both of Wisdom and Fortitude. In the best View we
must expect numberless Inconveniencies from this Conflict We must
be exposed to Danger and be loaded with heavy Expences; but if we
can thereby secure our Liberties on a Just and solid foundation, the
End is worthy of the Means, and we ought not to repine. We contend
in a good Cause, and if we continue firm & united among ourselves.
If by a wise and temporate Conduct we manifest to the World a de¬
sire of Reconciliation and reunion with the parent State, on Terms
consistent with our Safety and the Interest and Happiness of the
whole Empire, We may hope with the Blessings of Heaven that our
454
June 7, 1775
virtuous Struggles will be rewarded with Success. Many of the meas¬
ures we are pursuing must from their nature unfold themselves to
publick View: but I am not at present at Liberty to communicate
them. The Massachusett’s is reduced to such an unhappy Crisis that
it is more than probable that a general Engagement between the
Country and the ministerial Troops is at no great distance — Much
will depend on this Event — -Despair may supply the place of Disci¬
pline and disappoint ministerial Vengeance. We cannot however
where so much is at Stake contemplate this approaching Scene with¬
out the most painful Apprehensions.
The Operations within our own Colony will not at least this Sum¬
mer be so important. We have little to fear from regular Troops. If
we can guard ourselves against Incursions from Quebec and keep the
Six Nations quiet we shall have little further to apprehend. From
what we learn the English in Canada are our warm Friends, & the
common people among the French averse to engage in the Quarrel. I
hope nothing will be left unattempted which may serve to confirm
this disposition. The Six Nations have such numerous Connections in
your County, and it will be so much for the Honour Interest and Safe¬
ty of the Superentendant & his Family to keep out of the Quarrel,
that I am easy in this Respect. However every Expedient ought to be
pursued with the utmost diligence to engage their neutrality; for if it
was in our power I shoud abhor the Thought of employing them in
our Service. Nothing coud so effectually Shut the door of Accomo¬
dation as the inhuman policy of making, on either side, those treach¬
erous Savages the Tools of Revenge: and I woud not for any pros¬
pect of Advantage have this Guilt laid to our charge.
I am much pleased that young Mr Livingston is raising a Compa¬
ny in the Manour. I wish he may extend his Views further, or that
some Gent, of property and influence may be found to unite with him
in the only plan, which, independent of the grand Contest, will ren¬
der landed property Secure. We must think in Time of the means of
assuming the Reins of Government when those Connections shall
subside. Licenciousness is the natural Effect of a civil discord and it
can only be guarded against by placing the Command of the Troops
in the hands of Men of property and Rank who, by that means, will
preserve the same. Authority over the Minds of the people which they
enjoyed in the Hour of Tranquillity.
I observe what you say concerning the State of your Manufac¬
tures. Your Case is not singular. We must expect great Inconvenien-
cies and distress in this Contention. Provisions however will be in
some demand to support the Armies: and Iron will not decay. If we
survive the present Storm, and Liberty should be secured for our
Country, it will become the favourite Residence of the Industrious
from all parts of the World, and a rich Increase of our Estates will
June 7, 1775
455
compensate our Losses. Abstracted from this Consideration we are
doing our Duty to which we must be contented to sacrifice every oth¬
er Object.
I can yet form no Judgement how long the Congress will sit. There
are Subjects before us of great Magnitude and Difficulty which re¬
quire time to discuss and Arrange; and much as I long to be with my
Friends at the Manour I must be patient.
This family is well. It is extremely uncertain whether you will see
any of them this Summer tho’ they ardently wish for that pleasure.
Hood the Collector is run off to England, 8c the whole Charge of the
Customs rests upon Mr Patterson. He has applied for Leave of Ab¬
sence; but whether he will obtain it; or make use of it if he succeeds,
is equally uncertain, as he pays great Attention to his Trust; 8c per¬
sonally inspects every Transaction of the office. He seems concerned
that you have not in a long time favoured him with a Letter. I am
much obliged to him and my sister for the truly polite and affection¬
ate attention they are pleased to pay me. Both of them Join me in
our most dutiful and Affectionate Regards to yourself Mamma 8c the
Family. Be pleased to present mine to my dearest Polly 8c our little
ones. I have missed no opportunity of writing to her. I hope she
keeps up her Spirits and uses moderate Exercise; and that my daugh¬
ter attends to her Improvement: and my son not too troublesome. I
am dear 8c honord Sir Your ever dutiful 8c affect. Son 8c most Obedi¬
ent Servant J^s. Duane
RC (NHpR) . Endorsed by Livingston: “A letter from Son Duane Red 15 June
1775.”
^Robert Livingston (1708-90), third lord of Livingston Manor and father of
Duane’s wife Maria (“Polly”) . Livingston held no public office during the Revolu¬
tion but supported the American cause by allowing the revolutionary government
in New York to make use of his iron mines and foundry. Edwin Brockholst
Livingston, The Livingstons of Livingston Manor . . . (New York: Knickerbocker
Press, 1910) , pp. 227, 545.
William Hooper’s? Draft Resolve
[June 7-12, 1775] ^
Resolved that it be and hereby it is recommended to the Inhabit¬
ants of the united Colonies in America of all Denominations That
Thursday the 20th day of July next be set apart as a day of public
humiliation fasting and prayer, that a total Abstenence from Servile
labor and recreation be observed and all their religious Assemblies
Solemnly Convened to humble themselves before God under the
heavy Judgments felt and threatened to confess our manifold Sins, to
implore the forgiveness of Heaven, {that a sincere repentance ir
456
June 7, 1775
reformation may influence our future Conduct) and that a Blessing
may descend on the husbandry, Manufactures & other lawful Em¬
ployments of this people and especially that the Union of these
American Colonies in defence of their Just Rights & priviledges may
be preserved, confirmed and prospered, that the Congresses may be
inspired with Wisdom, that Great Britain and its Rulers may have
their eyes opened to discern the things that shall make for the peace
and Happiness of the Nation and all its Connections And that Amer¬
ica may soon behold a Gracious interposition of Heaven for the re¬
dress of her many Grievances, the restoration of her invaded Liber¬
ties, a reconciliation with the parent State upon terms Constitutional
and Honourable to them both and the Security of them to the latest
posterity.
MS (MHi) .
^On June 7, 1775, Congress resolved that the colonies should observe a day of
fasting and prayer on the following July 20, and appointed John Adams, William
Hooper, and Robert Treat Paine as a committee to draft a resolution to tbis effect.
This committee reported a resolution to Congress on June 12, and the delegates
approved it the same day. The present resolve, written sometime between the 7th
and the 12th, is an early draft of the fast resolution adopted by Congress, and is
much milder than the final resolve in substance and in tone. Authorship of this
draft has been conjecturally assigned to Hooper, because the original MS, although
located in John Adams’ papers, was definitely not written by Adams or Paine and
is in a hand closely resembling Hooper’s normally less florid penmanship. JCC,
2:81, 87-88.
Robert Treat Paine’s Diary
[June 7, 1775]
Cool Rainy. Din’d Dr Franklins. This Evning Majr. Skene arrived
from London Sc he 8c his Papers taken into Custody.^
MS (MHi) .
^Philip Skene (1725-1810) , former British army officer and owner of a vast estate
in the Lake Champlain region, was appointed lieutenant governor of Ticonderoga
and Crown Point while in London in January 1775. Skene’s return to America
acquired added significance when warnings were received that he had been autho¬
rized to bribe members of Congress into adopting a conciliatory position. When
Skene arrived in Philadelphia he was immediately confined, and a congressional
committee was appointed to examine his papers. On June 10, Congress placed
Skene on parole, but his activities in Philadelphia continued to arouse such
concern among the delegates, that in early July he was sent to Connecticut for
imprisonment. He was subsequently released from prison in the fall of 1776.
Appleton’s Cyclopaedia of American Biography. For the official response of Con¬
gress in the Skene affair, see JCC, 2:82, 86, 108, 126-27. In addition to numerous
references to Skene in letters and diary entries of the delegates during the ensuing
weeks, his departure for America is discussed in Stephen Sayre to Samuel Adams,
April 4, 1775, NN, and Arthur Lee to Richard Henry Lee, April 7, 1775, ViU.
June 7, 1775
457
Pennsylvania Delegates to Owen Jones
7th June 1775
We the Subscribers Members of Assembly and Delegates of the
Province of Pennsylvania Haveing for the Public use of this Province
an Immediate necessity for the sum of Six Thousand Pounds Curren¬
cy Do Request Owen Jones Provincial Treasurer to advance and
lend to us for the said Service the afd. Sum of Money for which we
will give our Obligation payable in Three months after Receipt of the
said Sum of Money. John Morton Cha. Thomson
Thomas Mifflin Geo. Ross
John Dickinson
Thos. Willing
Cha. Humphreys
Michael Hillegas
B Franklin
James Wilson
George Gray
Jos. Parker
Tr (PHi) .
^On June 3 the Pennsylvania delegates were appointed as a committee to
borrow £6,000 for the purchase of gunpowder. JCC, 2:79. George Gray, Michael
Hillegas, and Joseph Parker were members of the Pennsylvania Assembly but not
delegates to Congress. On June 10 the nine Pennsylvania delegates directed the
following letter of authorization to Jones: “Pleas to pay (on Sight) to Messrs.
Samuel Mifflin & Andrew Caldwell the Sum of Six Thousand pounds and take
their receipt for the same— Being the Sum of Money Borrowed by us on Bond of
you for Publick use.” Collections of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, 1
(1853) : 134.
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[June 7, 1775]
7th. Reports of several Comees.i A Fast recommended 20th July,
resolvd into a Com[mitte]e & report made as above.^
MS (RHi).
^This day Congress received reports from the committee to estimate the money
needed to be raised for a continental army and the committee to reply to a letter
from the Massachusetts Provincial Convention. JCC, 2:81.
^ That is, a request was made to reconvene the committee of the whole to continue
deliberations on the state of America. JCC, 2:81-82.
458
June 8, 1775
Silas Deane’s Diary
[June 8, 1775]
Thursday June 8th. C[ap]t. Riley arrived, saw the review after
which attended Congress — reed, a Lettr. from Govr. Trumbull dated
1st of June. Wrote the followg. Lettrs. to Mrs. Deane, Mr. Hosmer,
Mr. Root, Mr. Mumford, Mr. Webb, to Govr. Trumbull in Answer
to his — in the Evening waited on Majr. Skene by Order of the Con¬
gress, and examined papers &c.i Cost — 4s 6d there Sc at Burns’s.
MS (CtHi) . CHS Bulletin 29 (July 1964) : 89.
^John Adams, Thomas Mifflin, and Deane were appointed as S' committee to
examine the papers of Philip Skene and to report to Congress “whatever may
relate to the present dispute between Great Britain and America.” JCC, 2:82.
Silas Deane to Elizabeth Deane
My Dear Thursday June 8th 1775
Capt. Riley arrived this Morning, which with the review, and the
arrival of Majr. Skene the elder, from London, has so engaged Me
that I cannot describe the review and can only say I wish You had
seen it. Capt. Riley when arrived will describe it at large, Mr. Bowen
the Bearer of this will call on you and can describe the Situation of
Affairs here. Majr. Skene is close prisoner, with the Officers arrived
with him. I am to have an interview with them this AfterNoon by
Order, and may write you more on this Subject as I have Oppy &:
Liberty. The 20th of July will be kept as an Universal Fast thro’ the
Colonies as I expect You will Soon See in the papers. I am with
Complimts. To all Freinds My Dear Yours for ever S D
RC (CtHi) .
Eliphalet Dyer to Joseph Trumbull
Sr Philadelphia June the 8th 1775
I wrote to you a few days since by an express who came from your
Comtee att Cambridge. As he was waiting I wrote in so much hurry
that I know not what was Contained in that letter. You will therefore
take it for better or for worse.
Last evening we had two ships arrived at this place from London
in which we have Intelligence I think to about the 25th of April. Ev¬
ery thing seemd tolerabley quiet in England. Lds. North & Dats-
mouth had full expectation that their late proposal for the Colonys to
June 8, 1775
459
tax themselves in the Manner they pleased, but in Measure as the
Parliament pleased, & to be at their disposal (if it was even to Arm
the people of Briton to cutt our throats) would bring over some of
the Colonies and at least divide & thro us into Confusion; though at
times they seemd much Concerned for the event. We have the
K[ing’]s Answer to the Address or Petition of the City of London
which I dare say will kick up a dust in that great City. The K g
replied, he was Astonished that Any of his Subjects in Briton should
Countenance his rebellious Subjects in America that he firmly relied
on his parliament Approved their Measures & should Carry them
into execution &:c.i
Majr. Skene the Elder came passenger in one of the Ships with a
Commission as it is said to be Govr. of Ticonderoga Crown Point &:c
with Orders as he says on his passage to raise Ten thousand Men to
Subdue the Rebells 8cc but how amazingly was he Chagrined when
on the ships arival here he was Immediately taken prisoner & all his
papers & letters taken into Custody, & then to hear that the New
England people had taken his fort &: Governt. & themselves had
placed a Commander there but on second thought he seems to brave
it out tolerably well. I think there is one or two more officers with
him, [7] believe only Lieuts. all under Guard in this City. Every one
now seem more & more Convinced of the Importance of that pass at
Ticonderoga & of the Necessity of keeping & defending it. We had
this day a grand review of the Militia of this City. They performd to
Admiration, they consisted of above 2000 dressd mostly in Uniforms
among which was one Compleat Quaker Company their Uniform
light blue lappelled &c with white, who were exceeded by none in
dress or exactness of discipline, their officers quakers beside many
men of that denomination mixd in the other Companys. The Military
spirit runs full as high in this Country as in New England Sc all seem
determined to stand or fall with us. I believe I wrote you before that
I think our Army may depend upon a brush from How, Clynton, 8c
Burgoyne; now they are Arived they will I Imagine at all Adventures
endeavor to retrieve the Credit of the British Troops; I believe if they
knew they should Make a Sacrifice of their Whole Army they would
make a push rather than to return home in disgrace. You know Bur¬
goyne in the house of Commons spoke with the Utmost Contempt of
the dastardly Undisciplined provincialls. I hope our officers will be
on their Guard. I know we want good Arms 8c good Marksmen. I
wish you had 500 or a 1000 riflers from this Country. Perhaps you
may have them before long. My sincere regards to Genlls Spencer,
Putnam 8c the officers of my Acquaintance, Coll Parsons in particular
if he is with you. I own I fear some great and daring enterprise which
may prove of great loss 8c but of little profit of even if attended with
so much Success as can be expected. If the Contrary, disheartning to
460
June 8, 1775
our Troops at least. But may Prudence direct & Heaven Succeed &
prosper every enterprise &: am Sincerely Yours Elipht Dyer
N.B. If they should make another Attempt into the Country we
ought to have a Num[ber] of your best marksmen whose sole busi¬
ness it should be to take off the officers & lye Conceald in some ad¬
vantageous places for that purpose. The Genii officers Scc.^
RC (Ct).
^See Dyer to Joseph Trumbull, June 3, 1775, note 2.
®For the continuation of this letter, see Dyer to Joseph Trumbull, June 10, 1775.
John Morton to Thomas Powell
Respected Friend, Philadelphia 6 Mo. 8th. 1775
We expect an intire Stoppage to Trade the 1st of next Month, tho’
that depends on what our Congress may order; we are heartily united
in one general Cause, not one Tory dare shew his Face in opposition,
we are really preparing for the worst that can happen, viz, a Civil
War. We have nearly 2000 Troops now under Arms in this City, &:
very well disciplined. I suppose the Province will raise 20,000 effec¬
tive Men determined to support the noble Cause of Liberty. We are
glad to find the City of London steps forth valiantly in ours Sc the
Nations Cause, their Petitions Sc Remonstrances meet with the same
fate as those from the Colonies, treated as if of no Consequence. I
hope Time will manifest to the World that a steady Perseverance in
the Cause of Freedom will triumph over all the deep lay’d Schemes
of Tyranny, Sc that Britain &: America will again be united on the sol¬
id Foundation of Commerce Sc the Constitution.
Thou will hear before this reaches thee the Situation of General
Gage, he is hem’d in by the Provincials on every Side, &: cannot pen¬
etrate 500 Yards into the Country, were he supported by all the
Troops now in England. You have declared the New England People
Rebels, & the other Provinces Aiders Sc Abettors, this is putting the
Halter about our Necks, Sc we may as well die by the Sword as be
bang’d like Rebels, this has made the People desperate.
Yesterday arrived here Capt. McCulloch, in whose Vessel came
Passenger a certain Major Skeene, Governour of Ticonderoga,
Crown Point Sc the Lakes, it has happened so that the said Governor
has no Government to go to, the New England Men having some
time since taken possession of those important Places, in order to
prevent the Canadians from attacking them in the Rear. Major
Skeene is under a Guard of our Militia, 8c I imagine our Committee
will insist on seeing his Papers. Its said he has some proposals to lay
before our Congress from Authority. I wish thou could send me a
June 8, 1775
461
compleat Fowling Piece, one of the best kind thou could procure, not
too heavy, finish’d in the neatest manner. Tower proof, the Price not
to exceed Five Guineas, our Committee would have no objections to
its being landed here, provided thou had none in shipping it. I sin¬
cerely wish a Reconciliation, the Contest is horrid, Parents against
Children, Sc Children against Parents, the longer the wound is left in
the present State the worse it will be to heal at last.
I am thy affectionate Friend Jno. Morton
Tr (William Salt Library, Stafford, England, U.K. Courtesy of the Earl of Dart¬
mouth) . Addressed: “To Thomas Powell, Merchant, London.”
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[June 8, 1775]
8th. A Comee. appointed [to] examin the Papers of Majr.
Skeene, resolvd. into a Comee. & reported as above.^
MS (RHi) .
^ See Ward’s Diary, June 7, 1775, note 2.
Samuel Ward to his Children
My dearest Children Philadelphia 8th June 1775
I have not had the Pleasure of one Line from You nor heard a
Word relative to my Family save that your Bro[the]r has marched
for Boston. I cannot conceive the Reason but whatever may have
prevented hitherto I would have you write to me every Post for the
future (the Post comes regularly now) for I long to know how Sc
what you all do.
I am concerned about our Business. The little Boys must take
great Care of the Garden and also that no Creatures tresspass any
where. I would wish such Horses as we dont want to keep over the
Winter may be fat against my Return that I may dispose of them.
What Wool you do not want sell for Cash. Your Potatoes I fear you
will loose. Wash 8c dry 8c put into the Crib as many as you shall want
to eat, the remainder put into the Barn 8c give the Cows 8c Hogs or if
the fat Cattle had some at the other Farm it would be well. You
should sow Turnips several Times and plant Pease 8c Beans so, be
sure to have your Corn seasonably 8c well hoed. The Island I imagine
will want mowing by 25th of this month at furthest probably sooner.
Be sure to cut all your Grass seasonably 8c make it well. The spring
Stack may be sett near the upper End of the Meadow had of Esqr.
462
June 8, 1775
Hern. It should contain all the Hay the Island yeilds or rather more;
they may cut a Path to the Pond. I hope your Wheat field is plowed.
The small Pox hath been extremely thick in all Parts of the Town
but none of Us have taken it that We know of &: as it now abates We
have some Hopes that We may escape it, should it be otherwise that
entire Confidence which We all ought to have in the Wisdom 8c
Goodness of God will support us under it; Yesterday compleated half
a Century with Me 8c I may yet say few 8c evil have been my Days, if
my great Master hath any further Business for me to do he will cer¬
tainly continue Me here 8c I hope enable Me to see and do it. When
he has no farther Service for Me I hope I shall chearfully retire 8c
you as chearfully resign Me 8c happily experience the Truth of that
gracious Promise “when my Father 8c Mother forsake Me the Lord
will take Me up.” It is not in my Power to observe the Sabbath as I
could wish but hope all of You will be careful of your Duty to God 8c
your Father in that Respect. I am concerned about little Betsy. I
hope her Sister will be careful of her in this as well as other Resp>ects.
By two Ships which arrived yesterday 8c brought News to 20th
April last I find the Administration are resolved to compel us to sub¬
mit. The Kings Answer to the Petition of the Lord Mayor 8c Aider-
man in our Favor breathes nothing but Slaughter but I trust under
God that the Unanimity 8c Fortitude of this Country will disappoint
our Enemies 8c establish our Liberty. ^ I inclose You the Papers for
the remaining News.
I want to write to your Bror. 8c Sister Greene 8c to your Aunts 8c
your Uncle Greene but I have so many public Letters to write that I
cannot this Opportunity. You must remember Me in the most affec¬
tionate Manner to them 8c other Friends.
Tell the Work People 8c those who serve Me that while I am here
in continual Danger of my Life to preserve their Lives and Property
They will surely be so grateful as to do Me all the Service in their
Power.
May God of his infinite Mercy preserve my dear Children. Your
very affectionate Father. Sam Ward
RC (RHi) .
^See Eliphalet Dyer to Joseph Trumbull, June 3, 1775.
Connecticut Delegates to Jonathan Trumbull, Sr.
Sir Philadelphia 9th June 1775
Yours of the 1st is before Us. Ours in reply to yours of the 27th
Ulto informed of the Resolution of the Congress, respecting the Post
of Ticonderoga, and the mode of supplying the Troops there with
June 9, 1775
463
provisions &:c4 We need not therefore enlarge on that Subject fur¬
ther than say, that We have the pleasure to find the measures taken
by the Genl Assembly of Our Colony highly and universally ap¬
proved of, by the Congress, 8c the readiness Our Troops were in has
been considered as a very important circumstance in Our favour.
Major Skeen arrived here from London the 7th Inst. 8c brout papers
to the 25th April in which are little or nothing material, he had a
Commission to command at Crown Point 8c Ticonderoga, with an
handsome Salary, he is now made close prisoner, as is also an Officer
who came with him. They were under examination last Evening, but
nothing has as yet transpired to the public. The Congress have ap¬
pointed the 20th of July next to be Observed as a Day of fasting and
prayer thro all the Colonies, and shall send you in our next, the reso¬
lution at large. We wrote for an Estimate, of the expence of the Col¬
ony, or what it would probably amount To, for the present Cam¬
paign, also for a Copy of the Act respecting Post Office, the former
may be of very great Consequence to the Colony, to be sent us in
season that we may early lay the same before the Congress.
A most surprizing military ardor spreads universally through this
City, and province, in which thare are it is said Thirty thousand Men
constantly exercising. Yesterday, three Battallions of this City were
reviewed, and their proficiency for the Time they had been employed
was surprizing to every one. We are with the most sincere respect
Your Honors very Hume Servants Elipha Dyer
Silas Deane
[P.S.] Inclosed is a paper of last Evening.
Tr (Ct).
^ See Connecticut Delegates to Jonathan Trumbull, Sr., May 31, 1775.
Silas Deane’s Diary
[June 9, 1775]
Friday. At Congress at Night on board Ship and elsewhere examg.
papers of Major Skene 8cc. Cost 5/.
MS (CtHi) . CHS Bulletin 29 (July 1964) : 92.
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[June 9, 1775]
9th. Report of the Comee. relative to the Massachuts. Bay read 8c
464
June 9, 1775
approved, the provin[da]l Congress to write to the Towns to chuse
Representatives, they to chose Councillors which Assembly Sc Coun¬
cillors to execute the Powers of Govt, until 8cc.^
MS (RHi) .
1 JCC, 2:83-84.
Samuel Ward to Samuel Ward, Jr.
My dear Son Philadelphia 9th June 1775
Tho fatigued with thinking 8c writing almost the whole Day I can¬
not omit this favourable Opportunity of writing to You.
I mentioned amongst other Things the Necessity of your Mens
being clean, 8c dressing their Victuals properly. In the Beginning of
the last War great Numbers died wholly for Want of Care. See that
your People have vegetables if to be got, that they lie as dry as con¬
veniently may be, in one Word at the same time that you keep up a
proper Authority take all possible Care of them. Dont suffer them to
be idle but on the other Hand dont make their Duty too severe.
You’l remember my dear Son what I said to You before You left
home, that I did not fear for You a cannon or musket Ball a Bayonet
or any other Instrument of Death while you was virtuous. Vice is the
only Enemy truly to be feared. Shun it in every Form if possible, es¬
pecially in those Instances which 1 mentioned to You. She like other
Deceivers will promise you much but however flowery 8c gay the
Paths to which she may first lead you may be they certainly termi¬
nate in Misery 8c Ruin.
Dr. Church who does me the Favor to take Charge of this can tell
You all the News from here. The Congress have taken many spirited
measures which will transpire in Season; the Army may rely upon
being effectually provided for 8c supported.
Give my affectionate Regards to the General 8c all the officers. I
think much of them and shall do every thing in my Power for their
Service. I shall write to the Genl. the first Opportunity. I am Your
very affec. Father Sam Ward
RC (RHi) . Addressed: “To Capt. Samuel Ward in the Rhode Island Camp near
Boston.”
John Adams to Abigail Adams
My Dear Phyladelphia. June 10. 1775
Dr. Church returns to Day, and with smarting Eyes, I must write
June 10, 1775
465
a few Lines to you. I never had in my Life, such severe Duty to do,
and was never worse qualified to do it. My Eyes depress my Spirits
and my Health is quite infirm. Yet I keep about and attend Congress
very constantly.^
I wish I could write freely to you my Dear, but I can not. The
Scene before me, is complicated enough. It requires better Eyes and
better Nerves than mine. Yet I will not despond. I will lay all Diffi¬
culties prostrate at my feet. . . .2 My Health and Life ought to be
hazarded, in the Cause of my Country as well as yours, and all my
friends.
It is impossible to convey to you any adequate Idea of the Embar¬
rassments, I am under. I wish that you and our Friends may not be
in greater Distress than I am. I fear you are. Pray let me know as of¬
ten as possible. Our Friends write to Mr - ^ not to me, this
time. They dont let us know the State of Boston People, nor the State
of the Army in Boston, so exactly as I could wish.
Two days ago. We saw a very wonderfull Phoenomenon in this
City — a field Day, on which three Battallions of Soldiers were re¬
viewed, making full two thousand Men. Battallion Men, Light Infan¬
try, Grenadiers, Rifle Men, Light Horse, Artillery Men, with a fine
train, all in Uniforms, going thro the manual Exercise and the Ma-
neuvres, with remarkable Dexterity. All this has been accomplished
in this City, since the 19th. of April. So sudden a formation of an
Army never took Place any where.
In Congress We are bound to secrecy: But, under the Rose, I be¬
lieve, that ten thousand Men will be maintained in the Massachu¬
setts, and five thousand in New York at the Continental Expence.
We have a Major Skeene, just arrived from London with a Com¬
mission to be Governer of Crown Point and Ticonderoga, and Sur¬
veyor of the Woods &c., close Prisoner.^ He must dispute for his
Government with Arnold and Allen. My Love and Duty, where due.
RC (MHi) . Adams, Family Correspondence (Butterfield) , 1:213-14.
^In a second letter to Abigail of this date, Adams noted optimistically that Dr.
Church had given him a lotion, “which has helped my Eyes so much that I hope
you will hear from me oftener than you have done.” On the other hand, he added,
“When I shall come home I know not. We have Business enough before Us to
detain us, untill the 31. of next December. No Assembly ever had a greater
Number of great Objects before them. Provinces, Nations, Empires are small
Things, before Us. I wish We were good Architects.” Adams, Family Correspond¬
ence (Butterfield) , 1:214.
^ Suspension points in MS.
" Adams probably meant “Mr.” John Hancock. For a similar complaint, see
Adams to Moses Gill, this date, and Adams to Abigail Adams, July 4 and 7, 1775.
^ Adams was a member of the committee appointed to examine the papers of
Skene. JCC, 2:82.
466
June 10, 1775
John Adams to Moses Gill
Dear Sir, Philadelphia, 10 June, 1775.
It would be a relief to my mind, if I could write freely to you^
concerning the sentiments, principles, facts, and arguments which are
laid before us in Congress; but injunctions and engagements of honor
render this impossible. What I learn out of doors among citizens,
gentlemen, and persons of all denominations, is not so sacred. I find
that the general sense abroad is, to prepare for a vigorous defensive
war, but at the same time to keep open the door of reconciliation; to
hold the sword in one hand and the olive branch in the other; to pro¬
ceed with warlike measures and conciliatory measures pari passu.
1 am myself as fond of reconciliation, if we could reasonably en¬
tertain hopes of it upon a constitutional basis, as any man. But I
think, if we consider the education of the sovereign, and that the
Lords, the Commons, the electors, the army, the navy, the officers of
excise, customs, &c.. Sec., have been now for many years gradually
trained and disciplined by corruption to the system of the court, we
shall be convinced that the cancer is too deeply rooted and too far
spread to be cured by any thing short of cutting it out entire.
We have ever found by experience, that petitions, negotiations, ev¬
ery thing which holds out to the people hopes of a reconciliation
without bloodshed, is greedily grasped at and relied on; and they
cannot be persuaded to think that it is so necessary to prepare for
war as it really is. Hence our present scarcity of powder, See.
However, this continent is a vast, unwieldy machine. We cannot
force events. We must suffer people to take their own way in many
cases, when we think it leads wrong, hoping, however, and believing
that our liberty and felicity will be preserved in the end, though not
in the speediest and surest manner. In my opinion, powder and artil¬
lery are the most efficacious, sure, and infallible conciliatory meas¬
ures we can adopt.
Pray write me by every opportunity, and beseech my friends to
write. Every letter I receive does great good. The gentleman to whom
most letters from our province are addressed, has not leisure to make
the best use of them.^
There are three powder mills in this province, two in New York,
but no nitre. Cannot the Massachusetts begin to prepare both? Pray
write me minutely the state of the people of Boston and our army.
Pray let me know if Mrs. Gill and Mr. Boylston are out of prison.
I have never heard, and have suffered much anxiety on their ac¬
count. My best respects to them, if they are to be seen by you.
MS not found; reprinted from Adams, Works (Adams) , 9:356-57.
^ Moses Gill (1734-1800) , husband of Rebecca Boylston Gill and first cousin of
June 10, 1775
467
John Adams’ mother, was chairman of the committee of supplies of the Massachu¬
setts Provincial Congress. Adams, Diary (Butterfield) , 2:85.
® Probably John Hancock. See also Adams to James Warren, June 7, 1775.
John Adams to James Warren
Dr Sir Phyladelphia June 10. 1775
I have written a few Lines to Dr Warren to whom I refer you.
It is of vast Importance that the officers of our Army should be
impressed with the absolute Necessity of Cleanliness, to preserve the
Health of their Men. Cleanness is one of the three Cardinal Virtues
of a Soldier, as Activity and Sobriety are the other two. They should
be encouraged to go into Water frequently, to keep their Linnen
washed and their Beds clean, and should be continually exercised in
the manual and Maneuvres.
General Lee has an opinion of Burgoine, Clinton and How.^ Bur-
goine he says is very active and enterprizing — fond of Surprizes and
Night Attacks and Alarms. He entreats me, to inculcate a most un¬
remitted Vigilance — to guard against Surprizes, especially in the
Night.
We have a most miraculous Militia in this City, brought into Ex¬
istence, out of Nothing since the Battle of Lexington.
Measures are taken here and at New York to procure Powder —
But We must be Sparing of that Article. The Supineness of the Colo¬
nies hitherto concerning it, amazes me.
Genl Lee and Major Gates are very fond of a Project of procuring
Pikes and Pike men I hope We shall send you some Rifle Men — they
shoot with great Exactness, at amazing Distances.
They are casting Pateraras and making Amuzettes in this City,
and preparing for War, with an alacrity, which does them Honor.
RC (MHi) . In Adams’ hand, though not signed.
^John Burgoyne (1722-92), William Howe (1729-1814), and Henry Clinton
(1730-95) , British major generals, arrived in Boston on May 25, 1775, with
reinforcements for General Gage’s besieged army in Boston. DNB.
Samuel Adams to James Warren
Dear Coll Warren Philadelphia June 10 1775
I have been impatiently waiting for the Fulfillment of your Prom¬
ise to write to me but I can easily excuse you, knowing that your
hands as well as mine must be full at this important glorious Crisis.
The Battle of Lexington will be famed in the History of this Country.
579-852 0 - 77 - 32 Vol. 1
468
June 10, 1775
Your Accounts of it have doubtless by this time reachd England. Our
insulting Enemies there must be convincd that Americans are not
such dastardly Cowards as a Colo Grant Sc others have represented
them to be,i and our Friends have receivd a sure pledge that we will
not desert them by deserting our Selves, & leave them to the Con¬
tempt of those most Contemptible Wretches the Kings Ministers.
Whether the People of England will hereby be brought to reflect on
their own Danger, or whether their pride will be touchd at this unex¬
pected & Signal Defeat of British Troops is to me uncertain. If their
Resentment should run high against us, our Friends will have a polit¬
ical Game to play, to turn the whole Force of that Resentment upon
the Authors of these Disturbances, viz Hutchinson and the Ministry.
It is however the Duty of America to be still upon its Guard, for
there is no Dependence to be had on the People of England, and I
am convincd most abundantly that it is the Determination of the K 8c
his Ministers to establish arbitrary Government in the Colonies by
Acts of Parliamt. 8c to inforce those Acts by the Sword. Could the
publick Sentiment be otherwise it would be a Delusion leading direct¬
ly to Destruction. The Spirit of Patriotism prevails among the Mem¬
bers of this Congress, but from the Necessity of things Business must
go on slower than one could wish. It is difficult to possess upwards of
Sixty Gentlemen, at once with the Same Feelings upon Questions of
Importance that are continually arising. All mean the Defence and
Support of American Liberty, and Matters are finally well decided; I
have endeavord to act with that kind of Prudence, which I dare say,
when I shall explain my Conduct to you, you will not condemn.
Mr Fessenden a Courier from your Congress arrivd here yester¬
day. I could not help flattering my Self that your pressing Demand
was political, but 1 was much pleasd to see every Gentleman present
anxiously sollicitous to relieve the Necessities 8c yeild a full supply to
the “American Army before Boston.” Our worthy President has
Communicated to yours a Resolution for this purpose.^
Every Step is taking here for the procuring of Gun powder from
abroad and setting up the Manufacture of it in America and I believe
they will be successful!. Mr. Mifflin assures me that large Quantities
are expected in a few Weeks in this place and 200 Barrels every
hour.
If our Army behave with Spirit this Summer (as I am confident
they will) and their Efforts are succeeded, I trust in God, we shall be
superior to all future Difficulty. Be cautious of the enterprising Spirit
of Burgoin 8c Howe.
D[r] Church left us this Morning. I disclosed to him as much as I
could consistent with the Injunctions I am under. I refer you to him
for particulars. Present my affectionate Regards to all the Friends of
Liberty, especially the Circle of our Acquaintance. Pray write to me.
June 10, 1775
Adieu my Friend^
S Adams
469
RC (MHi) .
^ James Grant (1720-1806), British general and MP, who is alleged to have
claimed in a speech in the House of Commons that Americans could not fight, and
with 5,000 men he could march from one end of the continent to the other.
Freeman, Washington, 4:377.
®See two letters of John Hancock to the Massachusetts Provincial Congress, this
date.
® Adams wrote to his wife this date expressing concern for relatives recently
escaped from Boston and reporting the recent death of her brother Billy. He also
confirmed that he had received a report that his son Dr. Samuel Adams (1751-88) ,
who subsequently served through the war as a surgeon in the Continental Army,
was now in Cambridge rather than Boston. Adams, Writings (Cushing) , 3:215-16.
George Clinton to John McKesson
Philadelphia 10th June 1775. “I wish I could tell you^ when this
Congress will break up; but this is a Secret I can by no Means di¬
vulge and for the best Reason in the World because I do not know
nor dare I even venture to Guess. Did it depend on the Business be¬
fore us perhaps I might to a Week or two but Business multiplies
upon us by Expresses daily from different Quarters. No doubt that
whatever Army may be kept up in New York will be a Continental
Charge. Nor do I suppose any Troops will [be] introduced into our
Province but from Connecticut untill our own are raised.”
MS not found; abstracted from extract in Burnett, Letters, 1:123.
’■ John McKesson was secretary of the New York Provincial Congress.
Thomas Cushing to Elbridge Gerry
Sir Philadelphia June 10 1775
Dr Church will bring with him a Vote of the Congress Advising
our People to Consider the Governor & Lent Governor as absent &
their offices Vacant; &: further Recommending it to the Provincial
Congress to Issue Letters to all such places as are entituled to a Rep¬
resentation to Chuse Representatives, Who When Convened are ad¬
vised to chuse Councellors agreable to the Charter, which assembly
to gather with the Counsellors that may be Chosen are advised to
carry on the affairs of Government untill a Governor of his Majestys
Appointment will Consent to Govern According the directions of the
Charter.! As to giving a Credit to our Provincial Note & Regulating
the Army, you will hear further from the Congress soon. The Bearer
470
June 10, 1775
carries a Recommendation to the other Colonies to Supply you with
all the Powder they Can safely Spare. In great haste I am with Re¬
spect Yr most humble Servt. Thomas Cushing
P.S. Pray let me Hear from you Soon concerning my dear Country.
Must refer you for particulars to Dr Church.
RC (DLC) .
^ See Congress’ resolution of June 9 advising the provincial congress on the
resumption of government in Massachusetts. JCC, 2:83-84. The impact of Congress
recommendation to resume government essentially under terms of the Massachu¬
setts charter of 1691 has been discussed by Stephen E. Patterson, Political Parties
in Revolutionary Massachusetts (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1973) ,
pp. 117-24.
Thomas Cushing to Joseph Hawley
Dear Sir Philadelphia June 10. 1775
I wrote you about Ten days ago by Messrs Halls, since which have
not been favoured with any of your’s.i Inclosed you have a Vote of
the Congress relative to our Peoples taking up Government, which I
apprehend will Correspond with yr Sentiments. A motion was made
in Congress that advice should be given to the present provincial
Congress to chuse Councellors, but there being many objections to it,
it was withdrawn. The Person that made the motion observd that the
choice of Representatives would occasion great Delay- — 8c that there
could not at present be an Equal Representation as Boston would not
be permitted by the General to chuse Representatives Upon this Oc¬
casion. He was answered that the Delay would not be great, that it
was best to adhere as near to the Charter as possible 8c not to vary
from it but in Case of Absolute Necessity — that as to the Town of
Boston either the present Provincial Congress, or the New Assembly
could easily make some provision for their being Represented either
by directing the late Inhabitants to meet at Cambridge or some other
Town 8c chuse their Representatives or by divising some new Mode
of Collecting the Voice of the People upon this Occasion. ^ As to giv¬
ing a Credit to our Provincial Notes 8c the Regulation of the Army at
or near Boston it will be determined upon very soon, I hope in a few
days you will have the determinations of Congress upon these heads.
It will therefore in my opinion be best to suspend any farther orgini-
zation of the army till you hear further. There is an opinion prevail¬
ing here, how well founded I cannot pretend to say, that when ad¬
ministration has advice of the Battle at Lexinton 8c find that our
People are determined to fight for their Libertie, that they will be for
accomodating matters 8c will Readily hearken to any Proposals of
June 10, 1775
471
that nature that may be made to them. It is probable to me the Con¬
gress will try them both ways, ie. they will Carry the Sword in one
hand &: the Petition in the other. Pray let me hear from you as soon
as possible. I remain very Respectfully Yr Most humble sert.
Thomas Cushing
RC (NN) .
^ Joseph Hawley (1723-88) , Hampshire County lawyer and whig political lead¬
er, was a member of the Massachusetts General Court and Provincial Congress.
DAB.
^John Adams recalled this debate in his autobiography and recorded his re¬
sponse to John Rutledge on the proper form of government for a state. "I
answered him that any form, that our People would consent to institute would be
better than none. Even if they placed all Power in a House of Representatives, and
they should appoint Governors and Judges: but I hoped they would be wiser, and
preserve the English Constitution in its Spirit and Substance, as far as the
Circumstances of this Country required or would Admit. That no hereditary
Powers ever had existed in America, nor would they or ought they to be intro¬
duced or proposed. But that I hoped the three Branches of a Legislature would be
preserved, an Executive, independent of the Senate or Council and the House and
above all things the Independence of the Judges.” Adams, Diary (Butterfield) ,
3:351-54.
Eliphalet Dyer to Joseph Trumbull
lOth day in the Morning [June 1775]
Since I finished the other side, I have seen sundry private Letters
from London which soon followed this same Majr Skene from Lon¬
don apprising of us of the purpose and design of the Ministry in
sending him by the way of Philadelphia. We have the best Intelli¬
gence that Numbers of the New York Assembly were largely bribed
& that Skene now had Unlimited Orders to draw on the Treasurer in
England for any sums Necessary that he was to bribe 8c buy over
such a Number of the Congress as was Necessary to Confound the
whole. He was to propose Ld Nths Conciliatory plan 8c the dunce
Imagined he should have easy work to settle the whole Controversy.
I dare say he told the Ministry so 8c they fully believed him. It is
Amazing how they can be so reduced as to Employ such a Genius as
this Majr. Skene, open, exposed. Unguarded and his Abilitys but
Moderate, by the best Account. The Ministry it seems are now so
pushed as they will descend to every, the lowest Artifice, 8c employe
every Scoundrell they can pick up for it seems this Mighty Majr, has
been of the Cabinet, has really guided the Measures that he has Ab¬
solutely the ear of Lds North and Datsmouth 8c they have relyed
upon him as for their Intelligence as to America 8c the proper Meas¬
ures to take with them to Answer their purpose. Skene expected to
have easy work, that he should soon get into his Kingdom att Crown
472
June 10, 1775
Point near 200 St per An[nu]m for that. Surveyor of His Majty
Woods at another Salary. I believe also to Command a Canada Regi¬
ment. All this with his great plantation had opened his Views Amaz¬
ingly but the whole prospect was suddenly closed. It is probable he
will remain in Custody till Affairs are better setled & the officer with
him. Am Sr Yr Elipht Dyer
[P.S.] Let me hear from you as often as you please we did just now
learn from N York paper that they have taken the Scarborough at
Portsmouth but it does not gain Creditt. But I Quere why you may
not play Vexation with some of their ships in a good season.
RC (Ct) . A continuation of Dyer to Trumbull, June 8, 1775.
John Hancock to Dorothy Quincy
Philad’a, 10th June, 1775. “I am almost prevail’d on to think that
my letters to my Aunt Sc you are not read, for I cannot obtain a re¬
ply, I have ask’d [a] million questions & not an answer to one. I
beg’d you to let me know what things my Aunt wanted Sc you, and
many other matters I wanted to know, but not one word in answer. I
Really Take it extreme unkind, pray my D[ea]r use not so much
Ceremony 8c Reservedness, why can’t you use freedom in writing, be
not afraid of me, I want long Letters.” Encloses several articles for
her personal use, and assures her that if she has additional needs “I
will attend to all your Commands. ’’^
MS not found; abstracted from Henry C. Walsh, “Three Letters from Hancock to
‘Dorothy Q’,” Neiu England Magazine 12 (1892) : 532-33.
^ Hancock was engaged to marry Dorothy Quincy, who had been a guest of
Thaddeus Burr in Fairfield, Conn., since her flight from Boston. They were
married August 28, 1775, during the late summer recess of Congress. Extracts of
two other letters of Hancock to Dorothy Quincy, written during this period and
reflecting a similar concern for her reception of his presents and her refusal to
write regularly, dated June 11 and July 2, 1775, are in Ellen C. D. Q. Woodbury,
Dorothy Quincy Wife of John Hancock with Events of Her Time (Washington;
Neale Publishing Company, 1901) , pp. 83-84.
John Hancock to the
Massachusetts Provincial Congress
Gentlemen, Philadelphia June 10th. 1775
In Consequence of your Application to this Congress for Advice
respecting a form of Government to be Adopted in the Massachu-
June 10, 1775
473
setts Bay, under your present Circumstances, I am Directed by the
Congress to Transmitt you their Resolution thereon, which is here
Inclos’dd I am also to Inform you that the Congress have been so
pressed with Business that they have been prevented Determining
upon the other matters mention’d in your Letters to them; but they
will very soon come under their Consideration, 8c their Resolutions
thereon shall be forwarded you.
I also Inclose you a Resolve of Congress for furnishing our Army
with Flour, this you will keep Secret, at least as far as the Nature of
it will Admit, as the publication may give an Alarm, which may pre¬
vent the good Effects of it.
Last Evening Mr Fessenden your Express Arriv’d with your Dis¬
patches of June 4th.,2 which I shall this Morning lay before the Con¬
gress, and when Consider’d by Congress, their Determinations shall
be immediately Transmitted you.
I am, with much Esteem Gentlemen, Your most Obed, Huml Servt.
John Hancock, President
RC (M-Ar) .
^Congress approved a resolution June 9 declaring that no obedience was due to
the Massachusetts Government Act of 1774 and recommending that the Massachu¬
setts Provincial Congress make provisions for the election of a new assembly and
council, which should “exercise the powers of Government” until such time as the
king appointed a governor who would rule the colony “according to its charter.
JCC, 2:83-84.
2 In a letter to Elbridge Gerry of this date, Hancock made another reference
to Fessenden’s arrival. “In Consequence of your Express last Eveng. I Call the
Congress together early.” Extract of Hancock to Gerry, June 10, 1775, in The
Collector 61 (July 1948) : item M1231.
John Hancock to the
Massachusetts Provincial Congress
Crcutlcmcu Phil3.dclphiH June 10th. 1775
By order of the Congress, I Transmit you the Inclose d Resolu¬
tions passed by the Congress this Morning.^ The Necessity of the
present Emergency Requires a Speedy Compliance with the first, and
I need not Inform you that the Nature of the Service Requires it to
be done with as much Secrecy as possible.
I am also Directed by the Congress to Request you will please to
Transmitt to them, as soon as may be, an Estimate of the Powder,
Arms 8c Ammunition in your Colony including private as well as
publick Stocks.
By Doctor Church this morning I forwarded you the Resolution of
Congress Respecting the Mode of Government.
474
June 10, 1775
I am Your most Obedt Servt. John Hancock President
[PS.-] The Inclosed Letters for the Lieut. Govr. of Rhode Island, &
the Gentlemen of New Hampshire,^ please immediately, on Receipt
to Send off by Express; pray don’t fail.
RC (M-Ar).
^ For these resolutions see JCC, 2:85-86.
’’In addition to these letters to Rhode Island and New Hampshire, Hancock sent
a similar letter this day to Governor Jonathan Trumbull of Connecticut; all are
virtually identical to the first two paragraphs of his communication to the Massa¬
chusetts Provincial Congress. The letter to New Hampshire is printed in Am.
Archives, 4th ser. 2:956.
John Hancock to the
New York Provincial Congress
Gentlemen Philadelphia June 10th. 1775^
The Inclosed Resolutions of this Congress I am Directed to Trans¬
mitt you, and to Desire you will order it to be Executed in as Expedi¬
tious & Secret manner as possible. Referring to your Judgement the
most suitable place for Landing it 8c where there will be the least
Risque of Interruption from the Ships of War.^ You will please to
Consign it to the Committee of Correspondence in each place with a
Direction to forward the Flour to the army as soon possible.
I have it also in Charge to Recommend to you that the Flour be
Transported in small Quantities as there may be Danger of the Ene¬
my.
I am Gentlemen Your most obedt servt.
John Hancock Presidt.
RC (N) . Journals of N. Y. Prov. Cong., 2:3. RC damaged; missing words supplied
from Tr.
Under this date Hancock sent an identical letter to the Massachusetts P’rovin-
cial Congress. MHi.
®On June 9, 1775, Congress approved resolutions requesting the New York
Provincial Congress to supply the Continental Army at Boston with 5,000 barrels
of flour, asking the Providence and Massachusetts Committees of Correspondence
to forward these supplies to the army, and pledging congressional compensation
for any expenses incurred by compliance with these requests. JCC, 2:84.
Thomas Jefferson to St. George Tucker
Dear Sir Wmsburghjune 10. 1774 [he., 1775]
I am to acknoledge the receipt of your letter, and to scribble a line
June 10, 1775
475
in answer, being just in the moment of setting out on my journey.
The situation of your island is truly hard, and I should think deserves
a relaxation of our terms if I may trust my first thoughts on the
subject.^ I also think it probable it might be mutually beneficial to
us. Should I continue of that opinion I will certainly do any little of¬
fices in my power to bring it about. But I refer it to yourself whether
there should not be some body with some kind of public authority as
well to give information of facts, as to satisfy the Congress that the
inhabitants of Bermuda will enter into such engagements as may se¬
cure them against any infraction of the American Association. I have
time to add nothing more than that I am Dr. Sir Your friend &: servt.,
Th: Jefferson
RC (ViW) . Jefferson, Papm (Boyd) , 1; 170.
^ Bermuda’s dependence on British North America for basic foodstuffs made a
number of islanders apprehensive at the prospect of having these shipments
stopped after Congress’ nonexportation program went into effect on September 10,
1775. Accordingly in March, Col. Henry Tucker, a prominent Bermuda merchant
and political leader, asked his son, St. George Tucker, then in Virginia striving to
launch a legal career, to urge the Virginia delegates to persuade Congress to
exempt Bermudians from the full rigors of nonexportation. The younger Tucker
thereupon wrote to Jefferson and Peyton Randolph on June 8, reminding them of
the Bermudians’ need for provisions and vulnerability to British retaliation in the
event they actively supported the American cause, and expressing their willingness
to accept some congressional restrictions on their trade if allowed to continue to
import necessaries from the mainland after nonexportation began. Jefferson, Papers
(Boyd), 1:167-69, 170n: and Wilfred B. Kerr, Bermuda and the American
Revolution: 1760-1783 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1936) , pp. 39-40.
Well before St. George Tucker received Jefferson’s present letter (with its hint
that "some body with some kind of public authority’ be sent to Philadelphia)
some Bermudians had taken steps to ensure that Congress would hear their case.
In May delegates were selected to go to Philadelphia; they departed at the end of
June bearing an address to Congress, which, while carefully preserving Bermuda’s
neutrality in the conflict between Great Britain and the mainland colonies, asked
that they be allowed to import provisions despite the nonexportation agreement.
Upon their arrival in Philadelphia, the Bermudians sought out Benjamin Franklin,
apparently because of his fame, and Franklin presented their address to Congress
on July 11. But since Congress was in no mood to grant unilateral concessions, it
promised formally only to consider the Bermudians’ address, while privately in¬
forming them that their petition was more likely to succeed if they seized the
gunpowder that was stored in the royal magazine at St. Georges, the island’s
capital. Consequently, before the Bermuda delegation left Philadelphia around the
middle of July, a private understanding was reached with Franklin whereby the
Bermudians agreed to supply Congress the powder in return for an exemption
from the forthcoming trade ban. JCC, 2:174, 187; William Bell Clark et ah, eds..
Naval Documents of the American Revolution (Washington: Department of the
Navy, 1964- ), 1:794-95, 1120; Henry Tucker to Benjamin Franklin, August 12,
1775,'pPAmP; and Kerr, Bermuda and the American Revolution, pp. 42-47.
When the Bermuda delegates arrived home events moved swiftly. On August 12,
St. George Tucker (recently returned from Virginia) and his father drew up for
Jefferson and Franklin, respectively, proposals for preventing reshipment of goods
sent to Bermuda. As Colonel Tucker noted, "the Congress are all inclined to serve
476
June 10, 1775
us but the plan is only wanted to prevent our Assisting the West Indies.” And on
August 14 a group of islanders broke into the royal magazine and made off with
about 1,800 pounds of gunpowder, which they shipped to Philadelphia in a vessel
provided by the Pennsylvania Committee of Safety. The Bermudians’ achievement
was duly noted, and on October 2, barely two weeks after Congress had recon¬
vened, the committee on trade reported in favor of maintaining commerce with
Bermuda, and on November 22 Congress approved an elaborate set of resolves,
some of them based upon suggestions made by the Tuckers, enabling islanders to
obtain a wide variety of provisions from the mainland in spite of nonexportation.
JCC, 2:246, 3:268, 362-64; Henry Tucker, Sr., to St. George Tucker, August 6, 1775,
Tucker- Coleman Papers, ViW; Jefferson, Papers (Boyd) , 1:239—40; Henry Tucker,
“Proposals offered to the General Con[gress by] the Inhabitants of Bermuda , . .,”
ca. August 12, 1775, PPAmP; and Kerr, Bermuda and the American Revolution,
pp. 48-54.
New York Delegates to the
New York Provincial Congress
Gentlemen, Phila 10th June 1775
We are now to acknowledge the Honor of your dispatches of the
7th Inst.i
We have long foreseen the difficulties you must be reduced to for
want of money. They will not be lessened by the resolutions of the
Congress of yesterday recommending it to you to procure and for¬
ward five Thousand barrells of Flour for the use of the Army at Bos¬
ton.
We communicated the paragraph of your letter in which you com¬
plain that unless the Congress shall make some speedy order with re¬
lation to the levying of money it will be impossible for you to comply
with their farther Requests. They however seem perswaded that their
Vote of Credit, which accompanies the order for the Supply will re¬
move every obstruction, and relying on your Zeal for the Common
Cause they hojje you will be able to throw in this provision which we
are apprehensive will soon become highly necessary.
We may venture to hint to you that the emission of paper money
will be discus’d on Monday and we expect in the course of next
Week to be able to present you with a determination of this impor-
tent business, which will free us from much anxiety.
We shall not fail to attend to what you suggest concerning the In¬
dians. This is an object to our Colonie of the highest moment and we
hope in due time it will be considered by the Congress. We think the
Indians will not be disposed to engage in this unhappy quarrell unless
deceived and deluded by missrepresentations and this, with Vigilence
and care on our part, can be prevented. As one step towards it, which
we much applaud, are the assurances you have given the Superin¬
tendent of his safety.
June 10, 1775
477
From the temper and customes of the Indians, they would illy
brook the extinguishing of their council Fire; and had it been
damped by any violence to Col. Johnstons person or property, they
must have been and very probably excited to extremities.
It is much to be lamented that we are still destitute of Amunition.
The Government of Conecticut have been more provident or more
fortunate, and will be able to supply the Forces at Tyckonderoga
with pouder.
We commend your caution in addressing two letters to us upon the
Subject of General Officers to command our Troops.^ What we
wrote to you was in the Character of your own immediate Delegates,
and with a view to discover the sense of our Colonie, that we might
when this matter came to be debated in Congress, be fortified with
your opinion and arguments, which having obtained we shall to the
utmost of our power enforce your recommendations.
Your remarks on the Resolution of the Continental Congress rela¬
tive to the taking Post at Kingsbridge appear to us to be conclusive,
we shall however lay them before our Body, as soon as the other im¬
portant matters under consideration are determined.
We have the Honor to be with the greatest Respect Gentlm Your
Most Humble Servants, Phil. Livingston John Alsop
Frans. Lewis Jas. Duane
Wm. Floyd
RC (N) . Written by Francis Lewis and signed by Lewis, Alsop, Duane, Floyd, and
Livingston. Journals of N. Y. Prov. Cong., 2:16. RC damaged; missing words
supplied from Tr.
^ On these “dispatches,” dealing with fortifications in New York, paper currency,
Indian affairs, and the selection of military officers, see Am. Archives, 4th ser.
2:1278-79, 1281-82.
2 Of the letters acknowledged in paragraph one, two were in part identical but
contained variations which permitted the delegates to exercise their judgment on
the issue of the part New York should have in the appointment of general officers.
See ibid., pp. 1281-82.
Robert Treat Paine to Elbridge Gerry
My very dear Sr Philada. June 10th. 1775
I cannot express to you the Surprize Sc uneasiness I reed, on hear¬
ing the Congress Express respecting the Want of Gun Powder; it al¬
ways was a matter that lay heavy on my Mind but the observation I
made of the Attention to it & the Alertness & perseverance in every
thing you undertake, & your repeatedly expressing it as your Opinion
that we had probably enough for this Summers Campaign, made me
quite easy. I rely upon it, that measures are taken in your parts of the
478
June 10, 1775
Continent to Supply this defect. The design of the Express will be
zeallously attended to I think. I have seen one of the Powder Mills
here where they make excellent Powder but have work’d up all the
Nitre; one of our Members is Concerned in a Powder Mill at N.
York &: has a man at Work making Nitre. I have taken pains to en¬
quire into the method. Dr. Franklin has seen Salt Petre Works at
Hannover 8c Paris; 8c it strikes me to be as unnecessary After a cer¬
tain time to send abroad for Gun Powder as for provisions. People
will make use of common understanding 8c Industry; but for the pre¬
sent we must import from abroad. Major Foster told me at Hartford
he suspected he had Some Land that would yeild Nitre, pray con¬
verse with him about it. Dr. Franklin’s account is much the same as
is mentioned in one of the first of American Magazines. The Sweep¬
ings of the Streets 8c Rubbish of old Buildings are made into Mortar
8c built into Walls exposed to the Air 8c once in about two months
scrap>ed, 8c lixiviated 8c evaporated. When I can describe the method
more minutely I will write you; mean while give Me leave to Condole
with you the Loss of Col. Lee. Pray remember me to Col. Orne 8c all
other our Worthy Freinds. Pray take Care of yr. important health,
that you may be able to stand stiff as a Pillar in our new Govern¬
ment.
I must now Subscribe with great Respect 8c affection yr hble Servt
R T Paine
RC (NjHi) . Recipient identified in Austin, Life of Gerry, 1:80-81.
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[June 10, 1775]
10th. Recommended to the N. E. Colonies to supply the Army be¬
fore Boston with Powder immediately, the Committes in The Colo¬
nies to purchase all the salt Petre 8c Sulphur 8c have them made into
Powder, dismissed Majr. Skeene upon his Parole not to cross the
Rivers of Schuykill 8c Delaware or go more than 8 Miles from the
City.
MS (RHi) .
John Adams to Abigail Adams
Phyladelphia June 11. 177 J. Reports on church services he at¬
tended this morning. “I hope you have received a Letter, in which I
inclosed you, a Pastoral Letter from the Synod of New York and
June 11, 1775
479
Phyladelphia:^ by this you will see that the Clergy, this Way, are but
now beginning to engage in Politicks, and they engage with a fervour
that will produce wonderfull Effects.” Added a long postscript, June
17.2
RC (MHi) . Adams, Family Correspondence (Butterfield) , 1:215.
Presbyterian Church, Synod of New York and Philadelphia, A Pastoral
Letter from the Synod of New-York and Philadelphia, to the Congregations under
Their Care; to Be Read from the Pulpits . . . June 29, 7775 . . . (New York:
Shober and Loudon, 1775) . Written by Rev. John Witherspoon. See also North
Carolina Delegates to the Presbyterian Ministers of Philadelphia, July 3-8? 1775.
^ For the continuation of this letter, see Adams to Abigail Adams, June 17, 1775.
Connecticut Delegates to Jonathan Trumbull, Sr.
Sir Philadelphia June 11th. 1775
Since our last which was forwarded but Two or three Days ago by
Mr Brown we reed, your favour of the 1 Inst wherein you are
Pleased to give us a particular Account of the proceedings of our As¬
sembly, the care taken to reinforce the Garrison at Ticonderoga, the
Supplies sent them &c, and the gratefull sentiments of the New York
Provincial Congress thereon, the Opinion from allmost every Quarter
of the Importance of that Post & the necessaty of Supporting and De¬
fending of it in the Best manner possable.
We have to Assure your Honor that the Conduct of our Assembly
the Letter and seasonable Advice received from your Honor from
time to Time since the Setting of the Congress here have given the
body particular satisfaction. They find every step that has been taken
is exactly coincides with their Opinion Sc is in fact done to their
minds even before they have an Opportunity to Advise you therein,
they are now fully Sencible of the Importance of the Pass at Ticon¬
deroga & every Day turns up something New which Confirms them
in that Opinion. The First Advice they are convinced that was hasty
& Premature tho as matters then appeared they Acted right. The
grounds of that first resolve,^ may be explained, on some future Day.
We just mentioned to you in our last of the Arrival of Major, (alias)
Govr Skene who has a Commission for Govr of Ticonderoga, Crown
Point &c but he is happily Dissappointed in taking possession of them
at present. He is at this time under guard in this City, tho concluded
to give him some inlargement on his Parole of Honor. His papers
ware soon taken into custady 8c have been thoroughly examined by a
Comtee from the Congress but Nothing very material has been Dis¬
covered, As he owns he Distroyed many just before his coming up to
the City. There has been a Number of Private letters which Accom¬
panied and followed Maj Skene into this City from London giving
480
June 11, 1775
the most surprising Account of the Confidence Administration have
placed in this Gent. It seems he has been of their Cabinet council &:
that Lds. N [or] th 8c Dartmouth have much Depended on his Intelli¬
gence of this Country & the Dispositions of the people here, 8c their
plan of opperation has been much dictated by him 8c it seems he is
betrusted with all their secrets, 8c much depended upon to carry their
Designs into Execution. He was it seems to make overtures with the
Congress 8c has Authority to draw upon the Treasury in England for
what he finds Necessary not only to bribe 8c bring over some Mem¬
bers of the Congress but to Divide 8c confound the whole if possable.
It is said and not without probable evidence that he had brought over
Important Commissions for some Members of the Congress 8c of
those who have been esteemd of Among the first Patriots, but
through good Providence all his Schemes are at once Confounded.
We are more surprised here that the Ministry have made so great a
Confidant of him as he appears Neither to have Art or Abilitys for
their purpose, to what low dirty 8c mean Shifts are this Disparing
Ministry put to, to Accomplish their Wicked designs 8c plots against
America. The firmness Union and steady perseverence in the great
American Cause believe we may say still prevails in this Congress,
but we have so many Expresses 8c Matters Incidental that almost
Daily Comes before us that it makes our Progress slow 8c causes
many Delays in the more great 8c Important Matters. A Continental
Army 8c Continental resources Including Continental Currancy 8c
their proportions among the United Colonies with a proper 8c firm
Confederacy you are sensible are great 8c important Objects but we
see Nothing Discourageing in either. We have this Day received Ad¬
vice from the Army Near Boston of their great fears of a Deficiency
in the Article of Ammunition. Every Step is taking by the Congress
to lay a foundation for a proper Supply by sending 8c Collecting from
every Colony what small parcells of Salt Petre can be Obtaind from
every private family or store 8c to be sent to New York or Philadel¬
phia where their are Powder Mills 8c Workmen Sufficient if they can
be supplied with Materials. They have sent their request to all the
Colonies Eastward to supply the Army for the present with what they
can spare, Connecticutt among the rest. Also to have an Account
forwarded as soon as may be what Powder in Stock Colony Town
the several Colonies are possessed of. Believe as so late 8c thorough
enquiry has been made in Connecticutt that you will be able to send
us the Account with so much precission as is Necessary without
being at the expence of sending through the Colony. We doubt not
that a just and True account will be kept of the very exp>ence 8c Ad¬
vancement of our Colony in the Genl Cause as we expect it will be a
Continental expence. Almost every Colony esteem themselves in
some Danger in the Present Dispute from either external or Internal
June 12, 1775
481
force but they mostly foregoe demands of a standing force relying for
the present on their Militia which are providing 8c preparing in every
Province with care 8c Zeal. Therefore doubt some of an Allowence
for our Troops that are kept within the Colony Unless they should be
wanted and called forth into sum special service. I rather wish that
we had not raised so many tho the Genl Service as it then appeard
in beleive sufficiently Warrented that Number, but we are not ena¬
bled to give any Advice on that head therefore must leave the dis¬
banding any part to the Discretion of the Colony who must Judge for
themselves therein 8c we shall not fail on our part to Obtain Justice
for the Colony to the utmost of our Power. We reed a Letter from
Colo Williams of the same Date with your Honors 8c by the same
Conveyance. We are much Oblidged to him for every Letter he is so
kind as to favor us with. He will be so good as to excuse us in not
writing to him at this time as we know that his Situation near your
Honors that he will soon be acquainted with the Contents of this 8c if
we had wrote him must have been the same with this. Your Honr
most Obedt Humble Servant Elipht Dyer
Silas Dean
Tr (Ct) .
^See the resolve of May 18. JCC, 2:56.
John Hancock to the
New York Provincial Congress
Philadelphia 12 June 1775. Forwards Congress’ resolves of June
10, 1775, concerning the procurement of salt petre and brimstone
and the manufacture of gunpowder. ^
RC (N) . Journals of N. Y. Prov. Cong., 2:3-4.
^See JCC, 2:85-86.
Samuel Ward’s Diary
[June 12, 1775]
12. The order for a fast engrossed 8c apr[ove]d. The Letter to
Canada order’d to be [published'] Through Hurry went no further
with my Memorandum.-
MS (RHi) .
^ This day Congress ordered the publication in English of its Letter to the
482
June 12, 1775
Inhabitants of Canada of May 29, 1775. JCC, 2:88.
^ Ward might be referring here to an early draft of his List of Measures Adopted
by Congress, July 31? 1775.
Silas Deane’s Diary
Tuesday, June 13. [1775]
At Congress.
Numbers
_ Dollars.
New Hampshire
100.000 .
. . . 82.713
Massachusetts
350.000 .
. . . 289.496
Rhode Island
58.000 .
. . . 47.973
Connecticut
200.000 .
. . . 165.426
New York
200.000 .
. . . 165.426
New Jersey
130.000 .
. . . 107.527
Pennsylvania
300.000 .
. . . 248.139
Delaware
30.000 .
. . . 24.813
Maryland
250.000 .
. . . 206.783
Virginia
400.000 .
. . . 330.852
N. Carolina
200.000 .
. . . 165.426
S. Carolina
200.000 .
. . . 165.426
2.418.000
2.000.000
165.426
6
992.556 ^
£49.627.16
The foregoing Calculation is meerly Temporary, and to be cor¬
rected hereafter.! Genl. Washington appointed.^
MS (CtHi) . CHS Bulletin 29 (July 1964) : 92.
^ After long considering ways and means of raising revenue for the common
defense, Congress finally approved an emission of two million dollars in paper
currency on June 22. JCC, 2:103. Deane’s “calculation” is apparently an estimate of
redemption quotas for the colonies based on population and probably represents
computations discussed in the committee of the whole. For a similar calculation,
see Samuel Ward’s List of Measures Adopted by Congress, July 31? 1775.
^Washington was not appointed commander of continental forces until June 15.
/CC, 2:91.
Thomas Johnson, Jr., to Samuel Purviance, Jr.
My dear Sir. Philadelpa. 13 June 1775.
I am obliged to you for yours of the 6 & 7th & 10th Instant. We
June 13, 1775
483
had the Kings Answer to the Address of the City of London by a
vessel in here last week, by which I recvd Mr Glovers Speech having
before had the Evidence which very fully justifies Mr. Glovers State
as to the dependance of the Islands on the associating Colonies.^ I
assure you I feel troubled at the prospect of Wretchedness into which
we are likely to plunge the West Indies and the Additional Missery
we are like to heap on Ireland but I very much fear any Relaxation
of our System would be imputed by our Enemies to irresistable Inter¬
est and that they would not place any Thing of it to the account of
Humanity. If they ever conceive that we are shifting our Means of
Defence they will cross us and conclude we shall give way in Confu¬
sion for if they know any Thing they cannot be ignorant that the peo¬
ple are not more violent in their Demands when Demands are mak¬
ing than in giving up when it is the fashion to give up. I am therefore
afraid at this Time to stir any point of the association. I am in Hopes
no Body will perish, though the West Indies will be much straight¬
ened, till we get our Trade open again either by a Reconciliation with
out Mother Country or by her being engaged in a War with some
foreign power. It appears plain to me that neither our Imports or Ex¬
ports will continue long if the Ministry are resolved to finish the Dis¬
pute by Knocks. We surely must invite all the foreign Trade we pos¬
sibly can but if luckily for us Spain should bring her Quarrel to ma¬
turity, as I cannot doubt she will have policy enough not to fall on
the associated Colonies at the same Time, we may I think carry on
our Trade in our own Bottoms just where we please, for Great Brit¬
ain by taking our Vessels may force the Colonies even to privateer
on their Trade. We had surely better kiss and be friends but I have
no Idea of fighting long without attempting to Trade. I am sorry that
I have it not in my power to ascertain you whether in Consequence
of the late Acts of Parliament we shall shorten the Time for
Exporta [tion] . I do not think we shall. I am myself against it and I
know from private Conversations many others are so. We can in my
Opinion effect nothing very desirable by shortening the Time; we
should by that Measure undoubtedly much increase the Distress of
Ireland & the West Indies and, what is not enough attended to, throw
the Affairs of our Merchants into the utmost perplexity as well as
strip our friends of so much wealth as is the Value of the produce
now in their Hands. I tell you with a great deal of Candor all I know
of this Business. I have learned from a Gent out of Doors talk of
shutting up the ports the same Day that the Act is to take place as a
proper Measure but I hope enough to prevent it will think it very un¬
wise.
I wish you could get some ingenious Gent to go about Salt petre
and teaching others to make it. We certainly may have an internal
Supply if we will exert ourselves. The Congress will I dare say do ev-
579-852 0 - 77 - 33 Vol. 1
484
June 13, 1775
ery Thing in it’s power to promote this very useful Work but I be¬
lieve most Gent of the Congress have as much to learn as myself.^
I shall be very agreeably surprized whenever your Country leading
Gent, shall act on a large Scale in politicks. I wish you would fret
yourself as little as possible. Nothing that you and all your Town can
do will expand their Hearts. I have not yet had an Oppty of execut¬
ing your Commission with regard to Colo. Steven. I will again write
to you soon and on that Subject. The people here continue their In¬
dustry to learn the Military Art, every Thing wears a favourable Ap¬
pearance. I suppose you have heard that Colo. Skeen lately appoint¬
ed Govr. of Ticonderoga & Crown Point was stopped here the other
Day on his Landing. He is now on his parol. The Congress Hour is
near at Hand. I have neither Time nor matter to add further than
that I am Dr. sr. Your most obedt. Servant Th Johnson junr
RC (PPAmP).
reference to Richard Glover, The Substance of the Evidence Delivered on
the Petition Presented by the West-India Planters and Merchants to the Hon.
House of Common . . . the 16th of March, 1775 (London: H. S. Woodfall, 1775) .
T. R. Adams, American Independence, p. 127. This pamphlet was reprinted serially
in the Pennsylvania Journal; and the Weekly Advertiser, June 21, 28, 1775, and
contained a petition from West Indian planters and London merchants calling
upon Parliament to take steps to soften the anticipated impact of the Association
on the West Indian economy and to preserve commercial relations between the
islands and the northern colonies as well as the arguments before the House of
Commons in support of these pleas by Glover, an English merchant and poet. See
also Am. Archives, 4th ser. 1:1540, 1721-43; and DNB.
“Johnson had been appointed on the 10th to a committee to encourage the
manufacture of saltpetre in America. JCC, 2:86.
Virginia Delegate to Unknown
June 13, 1775
Notwithstanding the many accounts of the sailing of the troops
from Ireland, a vessel is just arrived here from Newry, in five weeks,
the Captain of which says, that none had sailed; and that, just as he
was coming away, orders were said to have come to them to hold
themselves in readiness to embark for Gibraltar.
Col. Skene (owner of the schooner taken on Lake Camplain,
whose son was also taken there, and is now prisoner in Connecticut)
is just arrived from London, with a commission to be Governour of
Ticonderoga and Crown Point, but, private letters say, is charged
with a power from administration to influence the members of the
Congress, by arguments drawn on the Treasury, over which he has
unlimited power; but as we have no occasion for his services at the
forts, and do not intend to deal in his reasonings, he remains a pris-
June 14, 1775
485
oner upon his parole, to keep within eight miles of the city, between
the two rivers, and not to correspond with any person on political
subjects.
As to the two engagements at the islands near Boston,^ we are
told, but not with a degree of confirmation, that the last, on Noddle’s
island, was a very serious business, near 1500 being engaged on each
side, and that the regulars had 200 killed and wounded, the loss on
the side of the provincials being merely trifling.
I think we may finish in a fortnight, but can only guess, without
forming any precise judgment about it.
MS not found; reprinted from the Virginia Gazette (Purdie) , June 23, 1775,
“Supplement.” The extract follows another unindentified Virginia delegate letter,
dated June 14, 1775, and appears under the heading: ‘‘Extract of a letter from
another of the Virginia delegates, dated June 13.”
^ See Robert Treat Paine’s Diary, June 5, 1775.
Edmund Pendleton to William Woodford
Dr. Sir Phila. June 14. 1775.
I have the pleasure of yrs. of the 3d 8c did not mean when I spoke
of the dissentions about Mr. Henry’s Manoeuvre, to hint at blaming
our Commee, or the probability of division among them. They took
the right method of commanding the Zeal 8c good intention of the
Party, tho’ they disapproved the Measure.^ I am sorry Mr. Christie
escaped, as I am inclined to think that from him we might have got
into the Particulars of the intended Indian Treaty, which might have
proved an important discovery at this time, as we are suspicious of
something unfair being intended: Whether the Kings Pork is eat by
the worthless Crew in the Navy or Army, or by the Govrs. slaves is
matter of very little concern to Us, tho’ the Enquiry was a Judicious
Step. I imagine Johnny Taylor has given you an Account of what lit¬
tle news is stirring, of which indeed there is a great dearth; provi¬
dence seems to have smiled on our struggles 8c given Us success in ev¬
ery attempt hitherto; May we continue to deserve divine favour 8c I
doubt not, we shall have it throughout. I am very glad our Vestry
have chosen Mr. Sheild, 8c doubt not the Clamours will soon subside,
8c that those who now make a noise will applaud the Vestry for what
they have done, tho’ perhaps some whose opposition was to the Ves¬
try 8c not for the sake of the Ignorant Mr. Ford (who if he appears in
the paper, will I venture to prophecy, prove the Justice of giving Mr.
Sheild the preference) may still make a noise. You mention to John¬
ny a Report from Mr. Sheild 8c Mr. Hunt dishonourable to our Dela-
gation. We had it before 8c I fear has too just a foundation. It highly
486
June 14, 1775
dishonours Us & our Countrey, 8c Our Assembly has surely examined
into it, & either restored Bland to his Credit on his Innocence appear¬
ing, Or on the contrary wiped off the Stain from the Colony, by de¬
grading him from the Delegation & expelling him [from] their
House, sending him to stink in infamous Obscurity.^ I am much
pleased wth. yr. scheme for manufactories at Fredg. For I see plainly
that if we can’t succeed that way, much of our money must come
here for various Articles, Commissions for which give the trades men
here much emploiment, and as they have their hands full of work, I
doubt it will be difficult to perswade any of them to leave this plenti¬
ful market; however I will enquire whether any 8c what Artists in yr.
branches can be engaged to come Over 8c let you know. Yr. things
are not yet done, but am promised they shall be in a day or two. I am
Dr. Sr. Yr. Affe. hble Servt. Edmd Pendleton
RC (PHi).
^ See Pendleton’s letter to Woodford, May 30, 1775.
^Charges made by Rev. Samuel Sheild and others that Richard Bland had
solicited a government appointment to collect taxes and had promised to promote
ministerial measures against America were examined by the Virginia convention
July 28 and declared false. See the Virginia Gazette (Dixon and Hunter) , July 8,
22, and August 5, 1775.
Virginia Delegate to Unknown
June 14, 1775
Col. Washington has been pressed to take the supreme command
of the American Troops encamped at Roxbury, and I believe will ac¬
cept the appointment,! though with much reluctance, he being deep¬
ly impressed with the importance of that honourable trust, and diffi¬
dent of his own (superiour) abilities.
We have determined to keep 10,000 men in Massachusetts Bay,
and 5000 in different parts of New York government, at the expense
of the continent; and probably a large sum of money will be emitted,
in order to carry on the war, preparations for which go on rapidly in
this place.
It seems likely that some of the newly arrived Generals were in¬
tended for the southern colonies, but no troops can be spared from
Boston. The Provincials talk much of storming that town, and it is
expected by many.
The Congress will sit long. Adjusting the expenses of each colony
for the common cause, and settling proper funds for the army, are
subjects fruitful of debate, and of the utmost consequence.
MS not found; reprinted from the Virginia Gazette (Purdie) , June 23, 1775,
June 15, 1775
487
“Supplement.” Printed under the heading: “Extract of a letter from one of the
Virginia delegates, to his friend (now in this city) dated June 14, 1115."
’^Washington was not chosen by ballot until June 15, and he accepted the
appointment on the 16th. JCC, 2:91-92.
George Clinton to John McKesson
Philadelphia 15th June 1775. “Since writing you last I am fa¬
voured with yours of the 10th Inst.^ I am oblidged to you for your
News tho as false as Hell, For be assured that whatever Steps may
have been taken relative to setting on Foot an Accommadation or
whether any No such Message as you mention was ever sent by the
Southern Deputies or any of them to our Body nor do I believe such
a Thing was ever in Contemplation. And as to the two Grand Re-
publicks you mention I have never heard of nor do I believe such a
Thought has ever possessed the Mind of any Man amongst us. These
Sir are Tory Reports calculated to frighten the Timid and to Create
Distrust of our Proceedings.”
MS not found; abstracted from extract in Burnett, Letters, 1:125.
’McKesson informed Clinton in a letter dated June 10 that the New York
Provincial Congress had recently heard rumors that several Southern colonies had
threatened to withdraw from Congress if that body considered a plan of accommo¬
dation with Great Britain and that Congress was debating a scheme to divide the
colonies into two republics. Hugh Hastings and J. A. Holden, eds., The Public
Papers of George Clinton .... 10 vols. (New York and Albany: Wynkoop Hallen-
beck Crawford Co., et al, 1899-1914) , 1:199-200.
John Hancock to the
New York Provincial Congress
Philadelphia, June 15, 1775,
Your letter of 10th inst. to the Delegates of New York has been
laid before the Congress, in Consequence of which, I am directed to
Return you the Thanks of the Congress, for your Vigilance in the
Case of Capt. Coffin’s Vessell,i and to Recommend to you that the
Vessell be Unloaded, and the cargo safely Stored untill all Just Suspi¬
cions concerning the Destination of it, shall be removed. I am Gen¬
tlemen, Your most obed. hum. servt.
John Hancock, President
RC (N) . Journals of N. Y. Prov. Cong., 2:4. RC damaged; missing words supplied
’For additional information about this “Case,” see William Bell Clark et al..
488 June 15, 1775
eds., Naval Documents of the American Revolution (Washington: Department of
the Navy, 1964- ) , 1:649.
Edmund Pendleton to Joseph Chew
Philadelphia, June 15, 1775
I have your Favor of the 25th of May and received pleasure in hear¬
ing that you and your family were well, a blessing which will enable a
man to sustain all Calamities Public or private, of which we have all
of us enough at present to call forth every exertion of Fortitude. The
Crisis of our Fate in the present and unhappy Contest seems ap¬
proaching nearer than may be imagined by us, and perhaps this Sum¬
mer may determine whether we shall be slaves, or a Rotten, wicked
Administration be sacrificed to Our Freedom, in such times there will
be as great Variety of Sentiments as Constitutions, among those who
have the same end in view. The Sanguine are for rash Measures
without consideration, the Flegmatic to avoid that extreme are afraid
to move at all, while a third Class take the middle way and endeavor
by tempering the first sort and bringing the latter into action to draw
all together to a Steddy, tho’ Active Point of defense; but till this is
done, it is natural to suppose the extremes will be blaming each oth¬
er, and perhaps in terms not the most decent, and each at times will
include the third class in that which is opposite to themselves, this I
have frequently experienced; and must blame, since mutual Charity
should lead Us, not to censure, but to endeavor to convince the Judg¬
ment of each other; you are much mistaken my friend, in the senti¬
ments of your countrymen about paying for the Tea; scarce a Man
there (Scotch Merchants excepted) thinks it ought to be done, not
on account of the trifling sum, but that it would be giving up the
Cause; and so early as May 1774 did our Convention Resolve that
“if by dire Necessity Boston should be compelled to pay for the Tea
we would never purchase or consume an Article of East India goods,
till the Company refunded the money.” To consider the question ab¬
stractedly, as only this. That a Company of Merchants sent their
property and offered it for sale at a Market where they had a legal
right to send it, and it was destroyed, no one could speak of its being
wrong and that they had ought to pay for it: but when you take the
case in its true light, consider the tea as sent in consequence of a
Combination between the Ministry & Company to fix the Precedent
in favor of taxing Us; (the only design of their retaining that trivial
duty) That if Landed, the Tools of Government would have had suf¬
ficient Influence over the Virtue of individuals, to have affected the
sale of it and that all their endeavors to send it away were defeated.
Necessity of choosing the lesser evil justified them in its destruction,
June 15, 1775
489
as the only means of avoiding the Poison: suppose it doubtful or
even Wrong, the severity in the designed Punishment would scarcely
incline Us now to retract and pay for the Tea. Upon a bare accusa¬
tion thousands confessedly innocent are condemned for the supposed
Fault of about 40, and this without hearing and without Testimony;
Nor are these sufferings to have an end when the Tea is paid for or
they have endured them for a limited term, but so long as the Minis¬
ter Pleases, after “he shall be satisfied the Trade of Great Britain
may be carried on without Interruption” that is in plain English, “un¬
til we shall agree to receive and pay for without murmuring all such
goods as Parliament shall tax and send to Us”: after this can we
doubt of the Original Plan and design in sending the Tea? Surely not,
and then reason must reject the Idea of Paying for it. I am truly sorry
for the uneasiness Colonel Johnston^ has been subject to, and hope
the Committees of Albany and Schenectady have ’ere this removed
that and Satisfied the Indians. We have reason to Watch the motions
of all Government Officers and esf>ecially in your parts when well we
know it is projected by our Enemies to pour Mischief upon us from
the Canadians and Indians, as far as they can effect it; it was proper
therefore to seize and guard the door of Canada as they had done; I
hope Colonel Johnston had none other foundation than this for his
apprehension of an Attack, For tho’ it might have been in contem¬
plation to apply to him to preserve the Indians in Neutrality, I dare
say no hostility to him was thought of unless it should appear he had
instructions to enlist the Indians against Us and intended to carry
them into Execution, when his own good sense will suggest the pro¬
priety of resistance and Reprisals; However as I hear he has assured
those Committees of his having no such instructions or Intention, for
which the nature of his Office and his great stake in the community
seem a sufficient security; As the Indian chiefs have declared that
they don’t consider themselves as concerned and shall not intermed¬
dle in the dispute and as the Committees have assured Colonel John¬
ston they know nor had heard of any intention to molest him, I hop^
this matter is settled to general satisfaction; Whatever is done in this
Affair, I consider Virginia as under particular Obligations to Colonel
Johnston for his Interposition with the Indians and keeping them
from entering into the W^ar against Us last year, and probably the In¬
dians themselves owe him thanks for the same. I mentioned at setting
out that our Affairs were growing Critical — 3 Generals are arrived
and 9 Regiments come or coming, whether all to Boston or to New
York is yet to Us here matter of Speculation — the Disgrace the
Troops have met with in three skirmishes, must spirit up the Officers
to some great Effort, which we may daily expect: however I am not
apprehensive of very bad consequences, I think we have sufficient
troops of brave men fighting for their all and flushed with Victory, to
490
June 15, 1775
repel them, and at once perhaps to put an end to the War; for I do
not think the p>eople of Britain will suffer their Ministry to lavish
their blood and treasure in another experiment of the sort, especially
when they are feeling the want of Our trade, that great resource of
their Wealth.
All our friends as far as I hear are well in Virginia where we have
had a small taste of the troubles of the times. Lord Dunmore very
imprudently had 15 half Barrels of Powder removed in the night
from the Magazine on board a Man of War, whether Crown or
Country property is uncertain. This alarmed the Country and I sup¬
pose 1,000 men were in arms to go to Williamsburg on the Occasion,
but sent an express there to know the true state of things. The Cor¬
poration requested they would not come down, as they had force
enough in the neighborhood to effect any thing necessary to be done,
but they believed him sincere in his professions that he only meant to
secure it from the slaves and would return it — the greater part was
satisfied; however 150 marched on to make Reprisals, but the Re¬
ceiver General met them and having paid them a high value for the
Powder they returned and that matter appeared to be Over. Our As¬
sembly have since met and seemed to be going on smoothly in busi¬
ness, but we now hear the Governor has fled with his family on
board a Man of War and refused to return, saying his Assassination
was resolved on, tho’ the Assembly sent him a Message that they
would protect him and be pledged for his safety. We have no certain
account of the beginning of this Affair, but it probably was this —
there are many stands of Arms in the Magazine from which the locks
have been taken, and the p>eople uneasy lest the Guns would also be
taken away. Curiosity led a Burgess and two other men to go and
open the door. Upon their doing it three guns went off, being so
fixed as to do so on Opening the Door and so well placed as to
wound every one of the three — this made a noise, the Governor was
applied to and he threw it upon his servants, who to his face, avowed
it to be done by his Orders; if this was the Case he might well fear
what he must have been conscious he deserved. Assassination — it
seems he privately sent to the Man of War for Marines to protect
him (as he had done before) the Burgesses told him if they came,
there should not a man of them return alive, and then he fled to
them, since which we have not heard from them. I imagine I have by
this time tired you and will only Add what we are at liberty to Pub¬
lish, that Colonel Washington is appointed General and Commander
in chief of all the American Force and that a Committee of the whole
Congress have voted to raise 15,000 men and to emit a Continental
Currency to Amount of 2 Millions of Dollars to pay and provide for
them. My best respects to your Lady and family. I am. Dear Sir,
Your very Affectionate friend, Edmd Pendleton
June 15, 1775
491
MS not found; reprinted from Edmund Pendleton, Letters and Papers of Edmund
Pendleton, ed. David J. Mays, 2 vols. (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia,
1967), 1:110-13.
^Guy Johnson, who succeeded Chew’s friend Sir William Johnson as Superin¬
tendent of Indian Affairs.
Pennsylvania Delegates to the
Cumberland County Committee of Correspondence
Gentlemen (Circular) Philadelphia June 15. 1775
Enclosed are resolves of the Congress which we have Transmitted
to you & Request you will use your utmost diligence to have as many
of the best marksmen procured to inlist as fast as Possable. They are
wanted for immediate service at Boston — and we have not the least
doubt but the Spirit of our People of this Province will induce them
without Delay to enter into so Glorious a service. You will please to
Consult Such Gent, of knowledge and interest as you can (tho not of
your Committee) for the more speedy raising of the men and let us
know your Sentiments relative to Such Gent, as may be proper for
Officers and Such as may be Agreeable to the men. We hope the
Counties will advance any Monies Necessary as they Shall be Shortly
Repayed by the Congress. The honor of Pennsylvania is at Stake and
we have not the least Doubt but that every nerve will be exerted not
only Collectively but Individually to Carry this matter into instant
execution. You will See by the Attestation to be Signed by the men
they are to Serve one Year unless Sooner Discharged. This may seem
unconvenient as the inlistments will not be on one Day — the inten¬
tion is to Discharge them on the first of July 1776 unless their Serv¬
ice may not be wanted so long according to the terms of the Attesta¬
tion which may Possibly happen to be the Case and then they may be
Discharged this fall.
Lett the Committees or Officers give certificates for any moneys
Necessary for the Service to Tavern keepers and others which the
Congress will Discharge.
It is Expected that Cumberland will Raise two Companies, Yorke
one, Lancaster one, Berks & Northampton one, 8c Northumberland &
Bedford one.
You will keep the Resolves of the Congress as secret as the nature
of the Service will Admitt that the Arrival of the men at Boston may
be the first notice Genl. Gage has of this Matter.
The pay of the officers is on the Establishment with the whole
Army. But we beg leave to Asshure the officers that our interest Shall
be exerted with our Assembly to the utmost to have an Addition to
their pay so as to be equal to the pay of Officers of the Same rank in
492
June 15, 1775
the Pennsylvania service the last War.
men Your most hble Servts.
John Morton
Thos. Mifflin
Thos. Willing
We are with esteem Gentle-
Char les Humphreys
John Dickinson
George. Ross
James Wilson
Tr (DLC) . Tr— with copy of an extract from the minutes of Congress, June 14,
1775, pertaining to raising 10 companies of riflemen in Pennsylvania, Maryland,
and Virginia— (PHi) . For the extract from the minutes, see JCC, 2:89-90.
Samuel Ward to Henry Ward
Dear Brother Philadelphia 15th June 1775
I was surprized to find by your Letter of 6th inst. that you had re¬
ceived no Letter from Me; when I first arrived here the Posts were
stopped, but after some Time Mr. Hancock told me he should send
an Express to Providence & Boston. I then wrote You a long Letter
2c have since wrote to You again. I should have wrote to You by
Wightman but was afraid the Men of War would intercept my Letter.
I am greatly obliged to You for writing so often 8c beg you would not
miss one Post.
I am very sorry that Stelle should sell Flour to Rome^ when the
Town must very soon need all that is or can be got into the Place,
and am heartily glad the People had the Spirit to Seize it.
We reed, a Letter from the Comee. of New York Yesterday re¬
questing our advice relative to a vessel loaded with Provisions bound
to Newport. They Suspected they were for the Army; the matter is
referred to the Delegates of New York, Massachusetts 8c Rhode Is¬
land who have not yet met; every proper measure ought to be taken
to Supply the Town and at the same time prevent the Enemy from
getting Supplies.
I am obliged to You for the Mention of my Family. I have not
heard one Word save what you have wrote since I left them; what
they can mean by it I am wholly at a Loss.
The Congress continues vastly unanimous on going on with proper
Measures for supporting the Troops already raised 8c putting all the
Colonies into a Posture of Defence, a continental Currency is agreed
upon 8c will soon be emitted. For Want of proper Estimates of the
Number of Inhabitants and rateable Estate in each Colony, a Pro¬
portion hath been struck according to the Number of Inhabitants as
near as We can now judge subject however to a Revision when more
perfect Acets. are had. I imagine We may sett a few Weeks longer.
June 16, 1775
493
and then make a Short adjournment, probably leaving a committee
to Superintend in our Recess.
I expect to be at liberty to write you more fully in a few days and
Shall omit no opportunity of acquainting you with every thing as fast
as I can.
Present my most respectful regards to Govr. Cook, to Mr Treasur¬
er Clark and any of our friends to whom they will be acceptable. I
am your very affecte Brother Sam Ward
RC (RHi) . Tr (MH) . RC fragmentary; missing words supplied from Tr.
^That is, George Rome, an English factor for a London mercantile firm who
resided in Newport, R. I., and was a loyalist. Lorenzo Sabine, Biographical Sketches
of Loyalists of the American Revolution with an Historical Essay, 2 vols. (Boston:
Little, Brown and Co., 1864) , 2:237-38; and David S. Lovejoy, Rhode Island
Politics and the American Revolution, 1760-1776 (Providence: Brown University
Press, 1958) , p. 162.
George Washington’s Diary
[June 15, 1775]
15. Dined at Burnes’ in the Field. Spent the Eveng. on a
Committee. 1
MS (DLC) . Washington, Diaries (Fitzpatrick) , 2; 199.
1 Probably the committee for drafting rules and regulations for the army, to
which Washington was appointed on June 14. JCC, 2:90.
Samuel Adams to Elizabeth Adams
Philadelphia June 16 1775. Complains that he has received no let¬
ters from her. Asks for news and affirms his good health. I wish I
could consistently inform you what is doing here. I can however tell
you that Matters go on, though slower than one could wish, yet agre-
able to my Mind.” In a postscript dated June 17 acknowledges re¬
ceipt of a letter from Elizabeth and expresses pleasure at news that
her family has escaped from Boston.
RC (NN) . Adams, Writings (Cushing) , 3:217-18.
Silas Deane to Elizabeth Deane
My Dear . Phila. June 16th 1775.
I received your’s of the 11th inst. & by it find you had not had my
494
June 16, 1775
last long & particular Lettr. of my Tour To Wilmington of the review
&c. This when received will atone for my Short Letter of which I al¬
low you to take notice, or even to complain tho’ did you know my sit¬
uation you would rather wonder that I can write at all. The history of
this Day is — rose at Five — breakfasted & dress’d by Seven, at half
past met a Committee in the State House on Business and Never left
the house, untill past Five, this AfterNoon when I went To dine with
a Stomach, or Appetite so, so — immediately after which other Busi¬
ness called, but Your Letter, & other packets arriving I have got
some excuse & am Now writing this at Twelve at Night. Let This be
my Apology to you, but do not mention it in public, as they may
think I am making an Apology for Wages and expences extra.
Genl. Washington, will be with you soon, elected to that high Of¬
fice by the Unanimous Voice of all America. I have been with him
for a great part of the last Forty eight Hours, in Congress 8c Commit¬
tee and the more I am acquainted with, the more I esteem him. He
promises Me to call, 8c if it happen favorably, to spend one Night
with You. I wish to cultivate this Gentlemans acquaintance 8c regard,
not from any sinister Views, but from the great Esteem I have of his
Virtues, which do not shine in the View of the World by reason of
his great Modesty but when discovered by the discerning Eye, shine
proportionably brighter. I know You will receive him as my Freind
— what is more, infinitely more, his Countrys Freind — who sacrific¬
ing private Fortune independant Ease, and every domestic pleasure,
sets off at his Countrys call. To exert himself in her defence without
so much as returning to bid adieu to a Fond partner 8c Family. Let
Our youth look up to This Man as a pattern to form themselves by,
who Unites the bravery of the Soldier, with the most consummate
Modesty 8c Virtue. I will say no more.
You will hear of other regulations soon, I hope to Satisfaction. I
know You will shew this Letter to Freinds, remember my former
Caution, and let No Extracts escape You. By the General I shall
write more particulars. You speak of our Adjourng. You must know,
“This is an Event most devoutly to be wished for” on some Accts. by
Me, but what am I, nothing To The great Whole, 8c I fear the Conse¬
quences of an adjournment on more grounds than I incline to Men¬
tion. The subject is delicate, 8c on it am silent but do believe that an
Adjournment if any take place will undoubtedly be for Hartford.
Mr. Lynch of South Carolina desired Me this Day to engage him
Lodgings, for himself. Lady 8c Daughter, near Hartford, Conditional¬
ly. I told him I would procure him an house in Wethersfeild which
would be more agreeable to him, if We went that Way. The Mem¬
bers talk more, 8c more, every Day, of a removal to Connecticut
Should it take place, will give Timely Notice for due preparation in
Hartford and Wethersfeild. Probable it is indeed to Me, & I think it
June 16, 1775
495
Necessary, 8c shall in due Time move it That a part of the Congress
remove to Hartford as a Committee of the whole to direct 8c superin¬
tend the movements. Should a Number of the Rifle Men described in
my last pass You in their Way for Boston do not be Affrighted. I see
that the Wethersfeild Company under Capt. Chester appeared with
honor on a late Occasion, this has made me an Inch Taller, Though I
am prouder as I may say of Connecticut than I dare express, not a
Colony on the Continent Standing in higher estimation among the
Colonies.
Politics engross every thing, private Business is at an end in Com¬
parison. Shall give You a Line before the General setts off if possi¬
ble, if not he will Notice you of his Approach, but he is a Man of no
Ceremony or parade. Remember Me To Doer. Fairnsworth, Capt.
Goodrich 8cc 8cc 8c all The World if they think of Me — particularly to
The Families of both Houses. I am Your’s Affectionately
SD
[P.S.] The Sheet is out, 8c the Watchman cries past 1 oClock.
RC (CtHi) .
Eliphalet Dyer to Jonathan Trumbull, Sr.
Sir, Philadelphia June 16th. 1775.
We had the Honor of your Letter of the 9th Instant received this
evening wherein you mention the receipt of Mr President Hancocks
of the 1st Inst inclosing the Resolves of the Congress coinciding with
the Measures you had previously taken (tho unknown to them) . We
also received by the same hand the Resolves of our Assembly with
respect to the Establishing a Regular Post Office from Woodstock to
Fairfield, a Copy of Colo Allens letter to the Indians together with
the Estimate of the expences 8c Disbursements of the Colony of Con-
necticutt in the Common American Cause, Also a Pamphlet contain¬
ing the Petition of the West India Planters 8c Merchants all which
may be of use 8c service in the Present Occasion.^ We hope you re¬
ceived ours by the same Express who carried Mr Hancocks tho no
mention is made of the receipt of it. We have since wrote to your
Honor by an Express to Cambridge who was to take Lebanon in his
way there which trust you have received before this time. We are
now at Liberty further to Acquaint your honor that the Congress
have appointed Colo Washington of Virginia to be General of the
Continental Army. He is a Gentn highly Esteemed for his Mditary 8c
other Accomplishments to that Important Command, We Esteem
him well Adapted to please A New England Army and much better
496
June 16, 1775
Suited to the Temper 8c Genius of our People than any other Gent
not brought up in that Part of the Country. We have no doubt but
that he will render himself very Agreable 8c Acceptable to all. His ap¬
pointment will tend to keep up the Union & more strongly Cement
the Southern with the Northern Colonies, &: serve to the removing all
jealousies Army composed principally of New Englanders (if happily
they prove Successful!) of being formidable to the Southern Colo¬
nies. There is Sir 8, or 10 Companies of the expert riflers 8c marks¬
men all Warriors preparing to come from the Western parts of this
Province 8c Virginia, to join the Army Near Boston as soon as possi¬
ble. On the late News of a Number of Troops now Actually on their
passage for New York, 8c Daily expected, the Congress have thought
fit to desire you upon application from New York Congress to Order
the remainder of our Troops on the Western parts of the Colony to re¬
pair to or Near New York 8c Occupy some important post there,
which you will receive by this express. ^ It gives the Congress some
Concern least you Sir should Apprehend some Indelicacy in their
mode of applying to you, through the Intervention of the York Pro¬
vincial Congress. We beg leave just to explain the reasons of their
Conduct therein, it is apprehended still that New York (i e) their
Cautious men are for saving for themselves 8c the Province a safe re¬
treat if possable. We readily see they most Carefully Avoid taking
any lead in these Matters, therefore the more they are brought to
move and Apply the more they will Involve themselves in the same
Predicament with the other Colonies, which will give us a stronger
Security for their future firmness in the General Cause. We may pre¬
sume to let you [know'\ that this Congress are providing a Continen¬
tal fund, to reimburse the expence of the Continental Army, and for
the present exagence to emitt a paper Currency on the Credit of the
United Colonies, redeemable by each Colony in a proper Time setled
by the Congress as nearly equal as possable at this Time, tho subject
to a Correction, when they may be able to make a more full 8c just
estimate, as all the Colonies are not at present furnished with the
Materials Necessary therefor, you will Sir be so good as to excuse the
Incorrectness of this Midnight Scrible and in behalf of my Self 8c
College Deligates have the Honor to be with most Sincere respect
your Honors most Obedient Humble Servant
Eliphalet Dyer
Tr (Ct) .
^For the letters of Jonathan Trumbull and Ethan Allen mentioned above, see
Am. Archives, 4th ser. 2:713-14, 940-41.
“See resolution of June 16. JCC, 2:95.
June 17, 1775
497
John Adams to Abigail Adams
June 17 [1775]
I can now inform you that the Congress have made Choice of the
modest and virtuous, the amiable, generous and brave George Wash¬
ington Esqr., to be the General of the American Army, and that he is
to repair as soon as possible to the Camp before Bostond This Ap¬
pointment will have a great Effect, in cementing and securing the
Union of these Colonies. The Continent is really in earnest in de¬
fending the Country. They have voted Ten Companies of Rifle Men
to be sent from Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia, to join the
Army before Boston.^ These are an excellent Species of Light Infan¬
try. They use a peculiar Kind of [. . .] [cajll’d a Rifle — it has cir¬
cular or [. . .] Grooves within the Barrell, and carries a Ball, with
great Exactness to great Distances. They are the most accurate
Marksmen in the World.
I begin to hope We shall not sit all Summer.
I hope the People of our Province, will treat the General with all
that Confidence and Affection, that Politeness and Respect, which is
due to one of the most important Characters in the World. The Lib¬
erties of America, depend upon him, in a great Degree.
I have never been able to obtain from our Province, any regular
and particular Intelligence since I left it. Kent, Swift, Tudor, Dr.
Cooper, Dr. Winthrop, and others wrote me often, last Fall — not a
Line from them this Time.
I have found this Congress like the last. When We first came to¬
gether, I found a strong Jealousy of Us, from New England, and the
Massachusetts in Particular. Suspicions were entertained of Designs
of Independency — an American Republic — Presbyterian Principles
— and twenty other Things. Our Sentiments were heard in Congress,
with great Caution — and seemed to make but little Impression: but
the longer We sat, the more clearly they saw the Necessity of pursu¬
ing vigorous Measures. It has been so now. Every Day We sit, the
more We are convinced that the Designs against Us, are hostile and
sanguinary, and that nothing but Fortitude, Vigour, and Persever¬
ance can save Us.
But America is a great, unwieldy Body. Its Progress must be slow.
It is like a large Fleet sailing under Convoy. The fleetest Sailors must
wait for the dullest and slowest. Like a Coach and six — the swiftest
Horses must be slackened and the slowest quickened, that all may
keep an even Pace.
It is long since I heard from you. I fear you have been kept in con¬
tinual Alarms. My Duty and Love to all. My dear Nabby, Johnny,
Charly and Tommy come here and kiss me.
We have appointed a continental Fast. Millions will be upon their
498
June 17, 1775
Knees at once before their great Creator, imploring his Forgiveness
and Blessing, his Smiles on American Councils and Arms.®
My Duty to your Uncle Quincy — your Papa, Mama and mine — ^my
Brothers and sisters and yours.
Adieu.
RC (MHi) . Adams, Family Correspondence (Butterfield) , 1:215-16. A continua¬
tion of Adams to Abigail Adams, June 11, 1775.
^ George Washington was formally appointed commander in chief on June 15,
but the controversy surrounding his selection is missing from the journals of
Congress and the delegates’ letters announcing the election. Adams later recorded
in his autobiography his recollection of Washington’s appointment and the debate
leading to the decision in Congress to “adopt” the army at Boston. Adams, Diary
(Butterfield) , 3:321-24. In a letter to Adams of May 7, 1775, James Warren had
urged Washington’s appointment as commander in chief even before Congress met.
Warren- Adams Letters, 1:46-49.
^ Congress took this action on June 14. JCC, 2:89-90.
® Adams was a member of the committee appointed to draft a resolution for the
day of fasting which was set for July 20, 1775. JCC, 2:81, 87-88.
James Duane to the New York Provincial Congress
Gentlemen Philadelphia, June 17th, 1775.
Your favor of the [ ] ^ by express came to hand yesterday,
and the papers you enclosed have been communicated to the Con¬
gress, who can not but approve of your generous and spirited con¬
duct.
You have by this conveyance two packets from the President of
Congress; on the subject to which they relate I need make no Re¬
marks.
As it was found that you had made no Progress in raising men, the
Congress have thought fit that the posts directed to be taken in our
Government should immediately be occupied by the Troops of Con¬
necticut which are ready for service and unemployed. We enclose
you by order of the Congress a certified Copy of their Resolution on
that Head.2
Your great Complaint of the want of Money will I hope be soon
removed. For your present satisfaction we have obtained Leave of
the Congress to inform you that the general Committee of the whole
Body have reported a resolution to emit in continental paper Curren¬
cy a Sum not exceeding the Value of two millions of Spanish Dollars,
for the Redemption of which all the Colonies are to be pledged.
Upon Revolving the Object of this Resolution you will find to agree
in the main point; the Stability of the Fund, with your own Judicious
System, we hope soon to furnish you with the particulars of this im¬
portant transaction. We are likewise at liberty to acquaint you that
June 17, 1775
499
the Congress have agreed to raise at the Continental expense a body
of 15,000 men, 10,000 for the defence of the Massachusetts, and the
remainder to be employed in New York for keeping open the com¬
munication between the Northern and Southern Colonies; and that
Col. George Washington is appointed Captain-General and Com-
mander-in-Chief of all the forces raised and to be raised in the com¬
mon cause. You are under no further obligation of secrecy on those
points than to prevent their being inserted with any newspaper, from
which it is apprehended some prejudices might arise.
The Letters for Governour Trumbull and General Wooster relate
to the removal of the Connecticut Troops into our Government, and
are to be forwarded with your Dispatches on that subject; but they
are only from their Delegates, and not authoritative, the Congress
having referred it to you to make the application to that Govern¬
ment.
I have retired from the Congress at the request of my brethren to
send off these dispatches; for which reason I have done the Honour
of subscribing myself, with the greatest respect Gentlemen Your most
Obedient & very humble Servant Jas Duane
RC (N) . Journals of N. Y. Prov. Cong., 2:39. RC damaged; missing words supplied
from Tr.
MS blank. Duane is probably referring here to two June 14 letters from the
New York Provincial Congress, one to the New York delegates and the other to the
Continental Congress, together with accompanying enclosures, all of which may be
found in Am. Archives, 4th ser. 2:983-85.
^For this resolve, which Congress approved June 16, see JCC, 2:95.
Eliphalet Dyer to Joseph Trumbull
Dear Sir Philadelphia June 17th 1775
I have wrote you 2 or 3 letters since I receivd any from you. My
last was by Doctor Church. I yesterday wrote to Genii Spencer which
he will shew you. This is only private. You will hear that Coll Wash¬
ington is Appointed Genii or Commander in Chief over the Conti¬
nental Army by I dont know but the Universal Voice of the Con¬
gress. I believe he will be Very Agreable to our officers & Soldiery.
He is a Gent, highly Esteemed by those acquainted with him, tho I
dont believe as to his Military, & for real service he knows more than
some of ours, but so it removes all jealousies, more firmly Cements
the Southern to the Northern, and takes away the fear of the former
lest an Enterprising eastern New England Genii proving Successful!,
might with his Victorious Army give law to the Southern & Western
Gentry. This made it absolutely Necessary in point of prudence, but
he is Clever, &: if any thing too modest. He seems discret & Virtuous,
579-852 0 - 77 - 34 Vol.l
500
June 17, 1775
no harum Starum ranting Swearing fellow but Sober, steady. Sc Calm.
His modesty will Induce him I dare say to take & order every step
with the best advice possible to be obtained in the Army. His allow¬
ance for Wages expences & every thing is we think very high, not less
than £ 150 lawll per month,i but it was urged that the largeness of
his family. Aide Camps, Secretary Servts &c, beside a Constant table
for more or less of his officers, daily expresses, dispatches &c Must
be very expensive.^ There is an allowance of 63 doll [ar] s per month
for his Secretary who is to be Considered as one of his (the Genlls)
family, every way provided for by the Genii so as to have no expence
for the Secretary. I have so without your knowledge or Consent been
laying in for that birth for you. I first mentioned it to Mr Dean. He
appeared ready & Chearfull to give all his assistance.® Mr Jno Ad¬
ams & some others of Massachusetts I think they will favor it. Genii.
Washington has been spoke to on the occasion, as I thot it would be
a Clever genteel Birth, the Wages tollerable considering no expence
for living. I believe you will much esteem him & believe he will be
pleased with you. I dare say you may live Very happy with him. It is
not Certain as yet it can be accomplished but if I knew it would be
agreable I should leave no stone unturned to Accomplish it. A line
from you as soon as possible would be very agreable tho cannot ex¬
pect it before he will set out. In the mean time shall use our best In-
deavers &: tis but to refuse if you do not choose it if offerd. We hope
to supply the Army with Six or 8 hundred fine Paxten boys & other
riflers from the back of this Province some from Virginia. I hope
they will arrive before Genlls How & Burgoyne Attempt to give you
a Confounded flogging & which they will do if you are not well on
your Guard & manage them right when they do come. Regards re¬
spects Compliments 8cc as usual from your most sincere friend &c.
Elipht Dyer
RC (Ct) .
resolution of June 15 allowed Washington $500 per month for pay and
expenses, but in his acceptance speech he stated that reimbursement for his
expenses was all that he desired, an arrangement that apparently worked to
Washington’s long-range advantage. JCC, 2:91-92.
^Asterisk in the original, referring to Dyer’s note at the bottom of the page: "I
don’t prohibit shewing above the Asterism; below, the Caution would be Need¬
less.”
® Although Dyer and Silas Deane were unsuccessful in their efforts to secure this
position for Trumbull, Congress, upon Washington’s recommendation, appointed
him commissary general on July 19. See Deane to Joseph Trumbull, June 18, 1775;
Dyer to Joseph Trumbull, June 20, 1775; and JCC, 2:190.
June 17, 1775
501
Eliphalet Dyer to David Wooster
Sr Philadelphia June 17th 1775
We have only a Minutes time by this express to let you know that
upon the late News of an expected Arrival of a Number of Regular
Troops att New York the Congress have seen fitt to desire Govr. Trum¬
bull to direct that the remainder of the Connecticutt forces in the
Western parts of the Colony be Immediately sent forward towards
New York to take possession of some advantageous posts there as
well as to be in readiness for some future opperations as Occasion
may required And to prevent every delay we beg leave to Suggest to
you wether it will not be prudent (while the express is gone forward
to acquaint Govr Trumble with this, & return with his orders) to Col¬
lect your Men togeather if Scattered Sc have them prepared and in
readiness to March att a Minutes Warning after orders are receivd or
even sooner if Necessary as there is no doubt of the Govrs approba¬
tion, New York Congress will no doubt send to you &: point out the
places where our Troops are at first to be stationed & make some
provision for their reception. What further orders may soon be given
from this Congress is Uncertain, if any. Your prudence will direct 8c
guide your Conduct togeather with what further advice you may re¬
ceive from New York, 8c in behalf of my self 8c brethren am Sr yr most
obedt Hie Servt Elipht Dyer
RC (MeHi) . No addressee, but the recipient was undoubtedly David Wooster
(1711-77), major general of Connecticut troops and commander of the forces
ordered to New York.
^ See the resolution of June 16, JCC, 2:95; and James Duane to the New York
Provincial Congress, June 17, 1775.
Benjamin Franklin to Jane Mecom
Philada. June 17. 1775. Has received her letter of May 14 with
one from Mrs. Greene.^ Sympathizes with the people of Massachu¬
setts and urges his sister to make her wants known to him. Reports
family news and speculates about opportunities for travel that would
make their meeting possible.
RC (PPAmP) . Carl Van Doren, ed.. The Letters of Benjamin Franklin and Jane
Mecom, American Philosophical Society, Memoirs, vol. 27 (Princeton, 1950) , pp.
157-58.
1 Catharine Ray Greene (1731-94), of Warwick, R. I., wife of William Greene,
justice of the Rhode Island Supreme Court and subsequently governor of the state,
with whom Mrs. Mecom took up residence after her flight from Boston. Franklin’s
correspondence and remarkable friendship with Catharine is the subject of Wil-
502
June 17, 1775
liam G. Roelker, ed., Benjamin Franklin and Catharine Ray Greene: Their Corre¬
spondence, 1755-1790, American Philosophical Society, Memoirs, vol. 26 (Philadel¬
phia, 1949) . Franklin’s letter to her of June 17, 1775, is in ibid., p. 54.
George Ross to the Lancaster County Committee
Gent Philada. 17th. June 1775
Enclosed I have sent you the Address of the Congress to the Ca¬
nadians in French,! so soon as the English Copy is published will
send it you. However you will see it in the last News paper. You
have also two prints sent to Congress by the Chamberlin of London
expressive of their fears of what would happen in America.^
I have also sent the Parliamentary register No. 2 Containing sun¬
dry letters to Admin [istration] from America.
And I have the Pleasure to Inform you the Congress have agreed
to strike Two Million of Dollars for the American Service & have
now 15000 Men in pay, 10000 at Boston & 5000 in New York.
Genl. George Washington is appointed Commander in Cheif & will
shortly set off for Boston. Pray use your utmost Diligence About the
Riffle Men & let Me hear from you by every opportunity.
I hope harmony & Confidence are restored in Town and that every
Gent will use the Utmost means in his Power to preserve them. I am
with great Esteem Yr Obliged Friend & Hble Servt
Geo. Ross
RC (DLC) . Endorsed by Ross: “The Parliamentary register must be return’d as
soon as convenient.’’
^See resolution of Congress, May 29, 1775, JCC, 2:70; and JCC, 3:507.
“ See Eliphalet Dyer to Joseph Trumbull, June 3, 1775, note 2.
John Adams to Abigail Adams
My Dear Phyladelphia June 18. 1775
This Letter, I presume, will go by the brave and amiable General
Washington.
Our Army will have a Group of Officers, equal to any service.
Washington, Ward, Lee, Gates, Gridley,! together with all the other
New England officers, will make a glorious Council of War.
This Congress are all as deep, as the Delegates from the Massa¬
chusetts, and the whole Continent as forward as Boston.
We shall have a Redress of Grievances, or an Assumption of all
the Powers of Government legislative. Executive and Judicial, through¬
out the whole Continent very soon.
Georgia is bestirring itself — I mean the whole of it. The Parish of
June 18, 1775
503
St. Johns which is one third of it, was with Us before.
I am See.
RC (MHi) . Adams, Family Correspondence (Butterfield) , 1:224-25.
Richard Gridley (1710/11-96) of Stoughton, Mass., former British officer of
engineers who commanded the American artillery at Cambridge until replaced in
November 1775 "on account of his advanced age” by Henry Knox. DAB; and JCC,
2:256, 3:358-59.
John Adams to Elbridge Gerry
Dear Sir, Philadelphia, 18 June, 1775.
I have at last obtained liberty, by a vote of Congress, to acquaint
my friends with a few of the things that have been done.
The Congress have voted, or rather a committee of the whole
house have unanimously agreed, that the sum of two million dollars
be issued in bills of credit, for the redemption of which, in a certain
number of years, twelve colonies have unanimously pledged
themselves. 1
The Congress has likewise resolved that fifteen thousand men shall
be supported at the expense of the continent; ten thousand at Massa¬
chusetts, and five thousand at New York;^ and that ten companies of
riflemen be sent immediately, six from Pennsylvania, two from Mary¬
land, and two from Virginia, consisting of sixty-eight privates in
each company, to join our army at Boston. These are said to be all
exquisite marksmen, and by means of the excellence of their fire¬
locks, as well as their skill in the use of them, to send sure destruc¬
tion to great distances.
General Washington is chosen commander-in-chief. General Ward
the first major-general, and General Lee the second, (the last has not
yet accepted,) and Major Gates adjutant-general. Lee and Gates are
experienced officers.® We have proceeded no further as yet.
I have never, in all my lifetime, suffered more anxiety than in the
conduct of this business. The choice of officers, and their pay, have
given me great distress. Lee and Gates are officers of such great ex¬
perience and confessed abilities, that I thought their advice, in a
council of officers, might be of great advantage to us; but the natural
prejudices, and virtuous attachment of our countrymen to their own
officers, made me apprehensive of difficulties. But considering the
earnest desire of General Washington to have the assistance of these
officers, the extreme attachment of many of our best friends in the
southern colonies to them, the reputation they would give to our
arms in Europe, and especially with the ministerial generals and
army in Boston, as well as the real American merit of them both, I
could not withhold my vote from either.
504
June 18, 1775
The pay which has been voted to all the officers, which the Conti¬
nental Congress intends to choose, is so large, that I fear our people
will think it extravagant, and be uneasy.^ Mr. Adams, Mr. Paine,
and myself, used our utmost endeavors to reduce it, but in vain.
Those ideas of equality, which are so agreeable to us natives of
New England, are very disagreeable to many gentlemen in the other
colonies. They had a great opinion of the high importance of a conti¬
nental general, and were determined to place him in an elevated
point of light. They think the Massachusetts establishment too high
for the privates, and too low for the officers, and they would have
their own way.
I hope the utmost politeness and respect will be shown to these of¬
ficers on their arrival. The whole army, I think, should be drawn up
upon the occasion, and all the pride, pomp, and circumstance of glo¬
rious war displayed; — no poioder burned, however.
There is something charming to me in the conduct of Washington.
A gentleman of one of the first fortunes upon the continent, leaving
his delicious retirement, his family and friends, sacrificing his ease,
and hazarding all in the cause of his country! His views are noble
and disinterested. He declared, when he accepted the mighty trust,
that he would lay before us an exact account of his expenses, and not
accept a shilling for pay. The express waits.
MS not found; reprinted from Adams, Works (Adams) , 9:357-59.
^This measure was not adopted by vote of Congress until June 22. JCC, 2:103.
^ These resolves do not appear in the journals and were probably agreed to
while Congress sat in the committee of the whole. John Hancock to Elbridge
Gerry, this date.
® Gerry had previously urged the appointment of Washington and Lee in a
letter of June 4, 1775, to the Massachusetts delegates. Austin, Life of Gerry,
1:77-79.
*For the pay rates agreed to June 16, see JCC, 2:93-94.
Silas Deane to Elizabeth Deane
My Dear Sunday June 18th. 1775
I wrote You the other Day a short Lettr. after receiving yours, of
the 11th inst., in which referr’d You to a long one date forgot giving
an Acct. of my Tour, to Wilmington, and a description of the dress
of the Troops here, the review &c &c or rather I referr’d to you Capt.
Riley who was present at it for a Volume would not describe it at
large, with the queer figures of Mortality which any public Occasion
here exhibits. You have often beheld a Gerrman Countenance and
the lower order or Western Irish one, these made up so much the
greater part of the Spectators, that a Lady of but tolerable Biauty
June 18, 1775
505
shone like a Starr in the midst of Universal Gloom surrounding.
Genl. Washington sets out on Thursday this Week. I have a Strong
Temptation to accompany him, quite to the Camp for I am more in
danger of Death here (if it is an Evil to be dreaded) than in an ordi¬
nary battle.
Yesterday I was at Com[mitte]e in State House at Six oClock,^
took one Dish of Coffee, at Freind Marshalls. The Congress opened
at Ten, 8c I never left the House untill Five in the After Noon. Elev¬
en Hours at a Sitting is too much for My Constitution. It would be
hard enough to attend the Congress Hours, but Comm[ittee]s take
up all my spare Time.
The Heat is extreme at present. This Morning (Sunday) I ordered
up my Horses, &: Col. Schuyler 8c I rode out as farr as the Falls at
Schuylkill Five Miles 8c breakfasted. This proved a Cordial to Me,
but Politics still attended for Our Ride was to Consult a plan We are
forming for another bold Stroke like the Ticonderoga affair, & no
sooner had We arrived than calling for Pens, Inks 8c paper We fell to
planning & scribling, and cut out so much work that on Our return it
has taken Us all Day to compleat it which We have just Now done. Sc
sent off our Dispatches 2 oClock P.M. This Gentleman is the Soul of
Albany County and tho’ he may have foibles, he is sincere, wellbred,
& resolute, and I think a Valuable acquaintance. Shew this Lettr to
no Mortal. If Our plan is adopted & succeeds (for No Mortal as yet
but he 8c myself are privy to it) you will hear of it — if it fail I will tell
you of it hereafter.2 Since the Affair at Ticonderoga, which is be¬
come my NickName at Times, people here, Members of the Con¬
gress, & others, have unhappily & erroniously, thought Me a Schemer.
This has brought on Me rather more than my Share of Business out
Doors at least in the Committee way. I find however that he that has
the least to do in public affairs Stands the fairest Chance for happi¬
ness.
If General Washington set out on Thursday, he will be in New
York early on Saturday where affairs will doubtless detain him untill
Monday, or Tuesday, 8c in that Case he will be with you on the Fri¬
day following. He is no lover of parade, so do not put yourself into
distress if it happen Conveniently he will spend one Night with You;
if not, just call and go on. Should he spend a Night his retinue will
doubtless the Cheif of them go on to Hartford. As to an Adjourn¬
ment it is still a Matter of doubt. I hear Mr. Henshaw is in Town,
may write again by him. Tell Mr. Hosmer I received his favor of the
6th last Evening & will write to him by Henshaw. May add to this, if
Not, farewell untill the Next Oppy. not one of which have I let Slip
since my leaving home. I am my Dear Yours S D
P.S. Love to all. Tell J Webb there is no Tinn in The City.
506
June 18, 1775
P.S. Brother Bar[naba]s has not answered my last, remember Me to
him. Brother Bara, has forgot To write, & John I suppose understands
French only, & cannot write. Sister Hannah, Sally, Dear Jesse 8cc are
before Me as are all my Freinds, at this Silent Hour, more forcibly, tho.
never absent, from me, but are constantly the objects of my Warmest
Wishes.
Don’t forget Brother Buck, nor any of the Family.
Saturday \i.e. Monday] Morning 5 oClock — after a few Hours
restless tossing on my bed I am knocked up by Col. Schuyler to go
on Business again, & having left my Letter unclosed, take up my pen,
just to Tell You, that Mr. Hosmer and some others owe Me a Letter
and that Our people [at the] Camp, are not careful to write Us the
particulars of their Situation. If their whole attention is taken up in
guarding against the Enemy I rejoice for they may depend they have
an Argos to deal with in General Burgoigne.
RC (CtHi).
^Probably the committee to draft rules and regulations for the army, to which
Deane was appointed June 14. /CC, 2:90.
^ See Deane to Philip Schuyler, July 3, 1775.
Silas Deane to Joseph Trumbull
Dear Sir Sunday AfterNoon June 18th. 1775
General Washington will be with You soon, possibly by the Time,
You receive This. His Election was Unaminous, his acceptance of
the high Trust, modest and polite; his Character I need not enlarge
on but will only say to his honor, that he is said To be as fixed and
resolute in having his Orders on all Occasions executed as he is cool
& deliberate in giving them. Immediately on his Appointment I took
the Liberty which I thought our Acquaintance might Justify of rec¬
ommending You, to him, as his Secretary, for which an handsome
Appointment is made by Congress. He told Me he was wholly disen¬
gaged, & should pursue one rule of Conduct invariably — To prefer so
farr as in his power only those equall to the Post to be filled — That if
You were desirous of it, and my recommendation was agreeable else¬
where (Viz) to the province he will be in, it would suit him. Col.
Dyer & self have since applied to the Massachusetts Delegates who
appear willing to second the proposal.^ I hope to write you further
by the Time the General setts off, meantime am Dr Sir Your most
Obedt. & Very Hume. Servt^ S Deane
RC (Ct) . Addressed: “To Joseph Trumbull Esqr. Commissary of the Connecticut
Forces at Cambridge.”
June 18, 1775
507
^See Eliphalet Dyer to Joseph Trumbull, June 17 and 20, 1775.
“For the remainder of this letter, see Deane to Trumbull, June 22, 1775.
John Hancock to Elbridge Gerry
Dear Sir, Sunday Morning, June 18, 1775.
I have but a moment’s time left to tell you, that your order for the
duck, &c. cannot be complied with, there being not enough here to
make it worth while to think of sending; and indeed they are in want
of the same articles here. 1 cannot inform you of the doings of con¬
gress in general, being under an injunction; but I am thus far in¬
dulged to mention, but by no means to be put in the newspaper at
present, colonel Washington is appointed commander in chief of the
continental army; 1 shall sign his commission tomorrow, and he will
depart in a few days. He is a fine man. You will judge of the proprie¬
ty of the mode of his reception. Ten companies of fine riflemen from
this province, Maryland, and Virginia, are ordered to proceed imme¬
diately to your army; these are clever fellows. The committee of the
whole congress have agreed upon a report for the immediate emis¬
sion of two millions of dollars upon the faith of the continent. Re¬
member me to Mr. Gill, Pitts, Cooper, and all friends.
Adieu, I am almost worn out. 1 am your real friend,
John Hancock.
MS not found; reprinted from Austin, Life of Gerry, 1:82-83.
John Hancock to Joseph Warren
My Dear Sir, Sunday Morng. 18 June 1775. Philada.
I intended writing you^ a long Letter, but am prevented, by my
Attention to the orders of Congress in Dispatching an Express &
writing to Govr Trumbull on matters of infinite Importance, in short
from my Scituation in Congress I have great Duty to Do, but 1 will
persevere even to the Destruction of my Constitution. I am under a
strict Injunction not to Communicate the Doings of Congress, but
two or three Circumstances having Taken place in Congress which
Affected our Army, induc’d me to Ask Leave to mention them,
which I obtain’d, with this positive Direction, that at present they be
not mention’d in the News papers, which you will please to observe.
The Congress have Appointed George Washington Esqr. General
& Commander in Chief of the Continental Army, his Commission is
made out, 8c I shall Sign it tomorrow, he is a Gentn. you will all like.
508
June 18, 1775
I Submit to you the propriety of providing a suitable place for his
Residence, 8c the mode of his Reception. Pray tell Genl. Ward of this
with my Respects, & that we all Expect to hear that the Military
Movements of the Day of his Arrival will be such as to do him & the
Commandr in Chief great honour. General Ward is appointed Sec¬
ond in Command & am sure you will approve this. General Lee is ap¬
pointed third in Command, but have not his Answer. As to the last
Appointment I hope it will Turn out well. I Say no more on that
head. Genl Washington will set out in a few Days. Would it not be
proper to have a Troop at the Entrance of our Province to Escort
him down, 8c then the Foot ready to Receive him. Pray do him every
honour, by all means have his Commission Read at the head of the
whole Forces. I can’t write Genl. Ward, do mention to him my hurry,
8c lay your plans well.
The Congress have also order’d Ten Companies of Rifle Men
from this Province, Maryland 8c Virginia of 68 Men each properly
officer’d to proceed immediately to Join the Army near Boston. This
is a good Step 8c will be an excellent Additional Strength to our
Army, these are the finest Marksmen in the world, they do Execu¬
tions with their Rifle Guns at an Amazing Distance. The Congress
have also Determin’d upon 15000 Men as a Continental Army. The
Committee of the whole Congress have Agreed to Report that Two
Million of Dollars be emitted in Bills for the Use of the Continent to
pay Troops 8cc. This is all I am allow’d to mention.
I have Sent you the orders for a Fast thro’ the Continent, which
please to make publick.
The Inclos’d Letters please to Deliver. Remember me to Genl
Ward, Heath Dr Cooper 8c all Friends particularly to my good Friend
J Pitts. I have supplied Fessenden with Twenty pounds Lawful
Mony. wch. I could ill spare. You will order it Return’d me here, in¬
clos’d is his Rec [eip] t.
Do write me. We know nothing of our Friends in Boston. How is
Gill.
Adieu, I am in great haste Yours without Reserve
John Hancock
[P.S.] I Send you Copy of a Letter from London. What Rascalls
they are there.
We will do for them.
RC (MHi) .
Joseph Warren was killed on June 17, 1775, at the Battle of Bunker Hill.
James Warren received the letter as Joseph’s successor to the presidency of the
Massachusetts Provincial Congress.
June 18, 1775
509
Robert Treat Paine to Artemas Ward
Hond. & beloved Sr Philada June 18 1775
I could not omitt this opportunity of Congratulating you on yr. ap¬
pointment to the second Command in the American Army^ 8c of the
heroic & amiable General Washington to the first Command. He will
be with you soon I expect, to strengthen yr. hands & rejoice your
hearts. Mean while I dare say you will keep a good look out against
Surprizes.
It has given us great Greif that We have heard so Seldom, if at all
particularly from the Camp. I think we have exerted our utmost at¬
tention to yr. Welfare, the perticulars of which we are not yet pre¬
pared to express. We have no perticular news — but by our Presidents
Letters you may Learn Some matters which it is needless for me to
repeat.
Remember me to my many friends in Camp. Wishing you health &
prosperity I subscribe yr friend 8c Sevt R T Paine
RC (OClWHi) .
^ Artemas Ward (1727-1800) , a storekeeper in Shrewsbury, Mass., and a leader
of patriots in the General Court, commanded the American army at Cambridge,
and was appointed first major general and second in command of the Continental
Army on June 17, 1775. DAB; and Shipton, Harvard Graduates, 12:326-48.
George Washington to Martha Washington
My Dearest, Philadelphia, June 18th 1775
I am now set down to write to you on a subject which fills me with
inexpressible concern — and this concern is greatly aggravated and
Increased when I reflect upon the uneasiness I know it will give you.
It has been determined in Congress, that the whole army raised for
the defence of the American Cause shall be put under my care, and
that it is necessary for me to proceed immediately to Boston to take
upon me the Command of it. You may believe me my dear Patsy,
when I assure you in the most solemn manner, that, so far from seek¬
ing this appointment, I have used every endeavor in my power to
avoid it, not only from my unwillingness to part with you and the
Family, but from a consciousness of its being a trust too great for my
capacity and that I should enjoy more real happiness and felicity in
one month with you, at home, that I have the most distant prospect
of reaping abroad, if my stay were to be seven times seven years. But
as it has been a kind of destiny, that has thrown me upon this serv¬
ice, I shall hope that my undertaking of it is designed to answer some
good purpose. You might, and I suppose did perceive, from the Ten-
510
June 18, 1775
or of my letters, that I was apprehensive I could not avoid this ap¬
pointment, as I did not even pretend to intimate when I should re¬
turn — that was the case — it was utterly out of my power to refuse
this appointment without exposing my Character to such censures as
would have reflected dishonor upon myself, and given pain to my
friends. This, I am sure, could not, and ought not to be pleasing to
you, and must have lessened me considerably in my own esteem. I
shall rely therefore, confidently, on That Providence which has here¬
tofore preserved, and been bountiful to me, not doubting but that I
shall return safe to you in the fall. I shall feel no pain from the Toil
or the danger of the Campaign. My unhappiness will flow, from the
uneasiness I know you will feel from being left alone. I therefore beg
of you to summon your whole fortitude and Resolution, and pass
your time as agreeably as possible — nothing will give me so much
sincere satisfaction as to hear this, and to hear it from your own Pen.
If it should be your desire to remove into Alexandria (as you once
mentioned upon an occasion of this sort) I am quite pleased that you
should put it in practice, and Lund Washington may be directed by
you, to build a Kitchen and other Houses there proper for your re¬
ception^ — if on the other hand you should rather Incline to spend
good part of your time among your Friends below, I wish you to do
so. In short, my earnest, and ardent desire is that you would pursue
any Plan that is most likely to produce content, and a tolerable de¬
gree of tranquillity as it must add greatly to my uneasy feelings to
hear that you are dissatisfied, and complaining at what I really could
not avoid.
As Life is always uncertain, and common prudence dictates to ev¬
ery Man the necessity of settling his temporal concerns while it is in
his power — and while the mind is calm and undisturbed, I have,
since I came to this place (for I had not time to do it before I left
home) got Colonel Pendleton to Draft a Will for me by the direc¬
tions which I gave him, which Will I now inclose. The Provision
made for you, in case of my death, will, I hope, be agreeable; I have
included the Money for which I sold my own land (to Doct’r. Mer¬
cer) in the Sum given you, as also all other Debts. What I owe my¬
self is very trifling — Cary’s Debt excepted, and that would not have
been much if the Bank stock had been applied without such difficul¬
ties as he made in the Transference.
I shall add nothing more at present as I have several Letters to
write, but to desire you will remember me to Milly and all Friends,
and to assure you that I am, with the most unfeigned regard, my dear
Patsy, Yr Affect. George Washington
P.S. Since writing the above I have received your Letter of the 15th,
and have got two suits of what I was told was the prettiest Muslin. 1
wish it may please you — it cost 50/. a suit that is 20/. a yard.
June 19, 1775
511
RC (Armistead Peter III, Washington, D. C., 1974) . Reprinted from Armistead
Peter III, Tudor Place (Georgetown: Privately printed, 1969) , pp. 44-45.
New Jersey Delegates to Unknown
Sir Philadelphia 19 June 1775
We have delivered your Letter with the papers inclosed to the
President of the Congress; ^ but from the extreme Urgency of the
Business now before them we cannot think they will have Leisure to
take the Subject matter of the Letter into Consideration for some
days to come: and indeed we conceive that as the Difficulty you
complain of, is the aversion of many to sign the form of the Associa¬
tion recommended by the Provincial Congress, the Application
would be more regular to them. We are Sir your most humble Sevts.
Wil. Livingston
J Kinsey
RC (NjMoHP) . Written by William Livingston and signed by Livingston and
Kinsey.
^The intended recipient of this letter cannot be identified with any certainty,
and neither the letter nor the enclosures referred to in it are mentioned in the
journals of Congress. Livingston and Kinsey may have been writing to Samuel
Tucker, president of the New Jersey Provincial Congress, but it appears more
likely that they were addressing the chairman of one of the local committees in
New Jersey charged with enforcing the colony’s own association. This association,
which the New Jersey Provincial Congress had approved on June 1, 1775, was
supposed to be entered into by any town or county in the province which had not
yet assented to the one adopted by Congress in 1774. Under the terms of this
instrument, signatories bound themselves to support whatever measures Congress
and the Provincial Congress deemed necessary “for defending our Constitution”
and to execute the orders of the local committees responsible for its enforcement.
The response to efforts to implement this measure has been discussed by Larry R.
Gerlach, “Revolution or Independence? New Jersey, 1760-1776” (Ph.D. diss., Rut¬
gers University, 1968) , p. 604.
North Carolina Delegates to the
North Carolina Committees
Philadelphia, June 19, 1775.
To the COMMITTEES of the several Towns and Counties of the
Province of NORTH-CAROLINA, appointed for the purpose of
carrying into execution the Resolves of the Continental Congress;
Gentlemen,
When the liberties of a people are invaded, and men in authority
512
June 19, 1775
are labouring to raise a structure of arbitrary power upon the ruins of
a free constitution, when the first minister of Britain exerts every in¬
fluence that private address or public violence can give him, to shake
the barriers of personal security and private projjerty, it is natural for
us, inhabitants of America deeply interested in the event of his de¬
signs, to be anxious for our approaching fate and to look up to the
sources which God and the constitution furnish, to ward off or alle¬
viate the impending calamity.
Thus circumstanced, the inhabitants of the united American Colo¬
nies by their representatives, met in Congress at Philadelphia in Sep
tember last, devised a plan of commercial opposition as a peaceful
expedient to bring about a reconciliation with the Parent State, upon
terms constitutional and honourable to us both; a most humble and
dutiful petition to the throne accompanied it, the first of these has not
had sufficient time to work the effect proposed by it, the latter how¬
ever flattered with a gracious reception upon the first introduction to
the throne, was afterwards buried in a mass of useless papers upon
the table of the House of Commons, and shared the common fate of
American remonstrances and petitions, to be rejected and forgot.
To the woeful catalogue of oppressions recited in the proceedings
of the late Congress, are now superadded bills passed in Parliament
for prohibiting the fishery of the New-England Colonies and restrain¬
ing the trade of other Colonies to Great Britain, Ireland and the Brit¬
ish West-Indies. The minister still continues to pour troops into the
town of Boston, some have lately arrived and many more are hourly
expected, thus reducing that once flourishing city to a garrison, deal¬
ing out from thence his instruments of tyranny and oppression to
overawe and enslave the other Colonies: his designs have hitherto
proved unsuccessful, heaven seems to have assumed the protection of
the injured, insulted Colonists, and signally to have appeared in their
favour when in the last battle at Lexington, six hundred raw, undis¬
ciplined provincials defeated eighteen hundred regular troops, and
pursued them into their camp.
No engagements are sufficiently sacred to secure the performance
of them, when the fears or expectations of the General make it con¬
venient for him to dispense with them; after the most solemn com¬
pacts to the contrary, the inhabitants of the town of Boston are
doomed to suffer the most abject distress from the want of the com¬
mon necessaries of life, confined within the walls of the city, and not
permitted to seek a refuge amongst their neighbours in the country.
These are the miseries which they suffer for their brave defence of
the common cause of British America; they were destined as a first
victim to ministerial tyranny; but Fellow Subjects, think not that his
schemes are to end here; no, if success should strengthen his hands,
the inhabitants of the Southern Colonies would soon feel the weight
June 19, 1775
513
of his vengeance.
The Provinces of New-Hampshire, Rhode-Island, and Connecti¬
cut, in imitation of their Massachusetts brethren, have enlisted bodies
of troops, preparing for the last extremity, and determined to live
free or not at all. New-York has, to the disgrace of those who would
represent her as inimical to the liberties of America, boldly stood
forth determined to brave every extremity, rather than submit to the
edicts of the minister, or desert the protection of their constitutional
rights and privileges. New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, and the Provinces to
the Southward have taken an honorable share in the line of defence,
armed and equipped to avert the impending calamity, dreading a civ¬
il war as the most awful scourge of heaven, and to plunge their
swords in the breasts of their fellow subjects, as the greatest of all hu¬
man calamities, and the most painful exertions of human fortitude:
but determined at all events, to suffer the excess of human misery
rather than be brought to the feet of an insulting minister.
North-Carolina alone remains an inactive spectator of this general
defensive armament, supine and careless, she seems to forget even
the duty she owes to her own local circumstances and situation; have
you not. Fellow Citizens, a dangerous enemy in your own bosom and
after the measures which the minister has condescended to in order
to carry into execution his darling schemes, do you think he would
hesitate to raise the hand of the servant against the master. Doctor
Johnston, a pensioned tool of the ministry in a pamphlet entitled.
Taxation no Tyranny, speaks the intentions of administration in a
language too plain to leave any thing to doubt: “The slaves should
be set free, an act which the lovers of liberty must surely commend,
if they are furnished with arms for defence and utensils for husband¬
ry, and settled in some simple form of government within the coun¬
try, they may be more honest and grateful than their masters,” are
the words of this prostituted court-favorite.
Have we not been informed that the Canadians are to be embod¬
ied, and the Indians bribed to ravage the frontiers of the Eastern
Colonies? Has not General Carlton already given a specimen of his
power by forming a Canadian Regiment of men inimical to our liber¬
ty and religion? Can you think that your province is the singular ob¬
ject of ministerial favour, and that in the common crush it will stand
secure? Be assured it will not. The bait the minister has thrown out
to you is a delusive one, it leads to distruction. Have you not by var¬
ious public acts declared your resolution not be bound to ministerial
shackles, but that you will live in a free constitution, or perish in the
ruins of it? Do you imagine that after this you are his favourites?
You are not. Do you ask why then you are exempted from the penal¬
ties of the bill restraining trade? The reason is obvious — Britain can¬
not keep up its naval force without you, you supply the very sinews
514
June 19, 1775
of her strength, restrain your naval stores, and all the powers of Eu¬
rope can scarcely supply her; restrain them, and you strengthen the
hands of America in the glorious contention for her liberty; through
you the minister wishes to disunite the whole colonial link; we know
your virtue too well to dread his success; you have the example of
New-York to animate you, she spurns the proffered boon and views
the exemption of that province from the restraining Bill as the smiles
of a minister who looks graciously in her face while he stabs her to
the heart.
It becomes the duty of us, in whom you have deposited the most
sacred trust, to warn you of your danger, and of the most effectual
means to ward it off. It is the right of every English subject to be
prepared with weapons for his defence; we conjure you by the ties of
religion, virtue and love of your country, to follow the example of
your sister colonies, and to form yourselves into a Militia; the elec¬
tion of the officers, and arangement of the men, must depend upon
yourselves; study the art of military with the utmost attention; view it
as the science upon which your future security depends.
Carefully preserve the small quantity of gunpowder which you
have amongst you; it will be the last resource when every other
means of safety fails you; Great-Britain has cut you off from further
supplies; we enjoin you, as you tender the safety of yourselves and
fellow colonists, as you would wish to live and die free, that you
would reserve what ammunition you have as a sacred deposit; he, in
part, betrays his country who sports it away, perhaps in every charge
he fires he gives with it the means of preserving the life of a fellow
being.
We cannot conclude without urging again to you the necessity of
arming and instructing yourselves, to be in readiness to defend your¬
selves against any violence that may be exerted against your persons
and properties. In one word, fellow subjects, the crisis of America is
not at a great distance. If she falls, Britain must go hand in hand with
her to destruction; every thing depends upon your present exertion,
and prudent perseverence; be in a state of readiness to repell every
stroke that through you must wound and endanger her; strengthen
the hands of civil government; by resisting every act of lawless
power; stem tyranny in its commencement; oppose every effort of an
arbitrary minister, and by checking his licentiousness, preserve the
liberty of the constitution, and the honour of your Sovereign; look to
the reigning monarch of Britain as your rightful and lawful Sover¬
eign; dare every danger and difficulty in support of his person, crown
and dignity, and consider every man as a traitor to his King, who,
infringing the rights of his American subjects, attempts to invade
those glorious revolution principles which placed him on the throne,
and must preserve him there.
515
June 19, 1775
We are, Gentlemen, Your most obedient, and very humble Serv¬
ants Wm Hooper
Joseph Hewes
Rd Caswell
RC (NcWsM) . Since this letter was to be distributed to the committees of several
North Carolina towns and counties, it was printed in the manner of a broadside,
and each delegate apparently signed each copy sent. According to Hewes, this
work was a collaborative effort by all three North Carolina delegates. Joseph
Hewes to Samuel Johnston, July 8, 1775.
George Washington to Burwell Bassett
Dear Sir, Philadelphia, June 19, 1775
I am now Imbarkd on a tempestuous ocean from whence perhaps,
no friendly harbour is to be found. I have been called upon by the
unanimous Voice of the Colonies to the Command of the Continental
Army. It is an honour I by no means aspired to — It is an honour I
wished to avoid, as well from an unwillingness to quit the peaceful
enjoyment of my Family as from a thorough conviction of my own
Incapacity & want of experience in the conduct of so momentous a
concern but the partiallity of the Congress added to some political
Motives, left me without a choice. May God grant therefore that my
acceptance of it may be attended with some good to the common
cause & without Injury (from want of knowledge) to my own reputa¬
tion. I can answer but for three things, a firm belief of the justice of
our Cause — close attention in the prosecution of it-— and the strictest
Integrety. If these can not supply the places of Ability 8c Experience
the cause will suffer, 8c more than probably my character along with
it, as reputation derives its principal support from success but it
will be rememberd I hope that no desire, or insinuation of mine,
placed me in this situation. I shall not be deprivd therefore of a com¬
fort in the worst event if I retain a consciousness of having acted to
the best of my judgment. , , u- u
I am at liberty to tell you that the Congress in Committee (which
will, I dare say, be agreed to when Reported) have consented to a
Continental Currency, and have ordered two Million of Dollars to be
struck for payment of tbe Troops, and other expences arising from
our defence— as also that 15,000 Men are voted as a Continental
Army, which will I dare say be augmented as more Troops are Im¬
barkd 8c Imbarking for America than was expected at The time ot
passing that vote. As to other Articles of Intelligence I must refer
you to the Gazettes as the Printers pick up every thing that is stirring
in that way. The other officers in the higher departments are not yet
579-852 0 - 77 - 35 Vol.l
516
June 19, 1775
fixed — therefore I cannot give you their names. I set out tomorrow
for Boston where I shall always be glad to hear from you.i My best
wishes attend Mrs. Bassett — Mrs. Dandridge & all our Relations and
friends. In great haste, as I have many Letters to write, ^ and other
business to do, I remain with the sincerest regard Dr. Sir Yr Most
Obedt. 8c Affectn. Hble Sevt. Go. Washington
P.S. I must Intreat you Sc Mrs. Bassett, if possible, to visit at Mt Ver¬
non as also my wife’s other friends. I could wish you to take her
down, as I have no expectations of returning till winter 8c feel great
uneasiness at her lonesome situation. I have sent my Chariot 8c Hors¬
es back.
RC (ViMtvL) .
^ Burwell Bassett of Eltham, New Kent County, Va., was Washington's brother-
in-law, being married to Martha Washington’s sister Nancy Dandridge. Washing¬
ton, Writings (Fitzpatrick) , 3:114n.
® Washington wrote a similar letter this day to his stepson John Parke Custis.
Ibid., 3:295-96.
John Adams to Joseph Palmer
Dr Sir Phyladelphia June 20th. 1775
We sent you for your Comfort the Generals Washington and Lee
with Commissions for Ward and Putnam: together with a Vote to
Support about twenty thousand Men, for the present, fifteen Thou¬
sands in Mass, and 5000 in New York.^
We have voted to issue Bills of Credit to the amount of two Mil¬
lion Dollars, and must, I suppose, vote to issue a great deal more.
I hope a good Account will be given of Gage, Haldiman, Burgoine,
Clinton and How, before Winter. Such a Wretch as How, with a Stat¬
ue in Honour of his family in Westminster Abby, erected by the
Massachusetts to come over with a Design to cutt the Throats of the
Mass-People, is too much. I most sincerely and cooly, and devoutly
wish that a lucky Ball, or Bayonet may make a Signal Example of
him, for a Warning to Such, unprincipled, unsentimental Miscreants
for the future.2
I think We shall have an ample Variety of able experienced
officers in our Army. Such as may form Soldiers and officers, enough
to keep up a Succession for the Defence of America for Ages. Our
Camp will be an illustrious School of military Virtue and will be re¬
sorted to and frequented, by gentlemen in great Numbers, from the
other Colonies as such. Great Things are in the Womb of Providence
— great Prosperity or Adversity, perhaps both: the latter first per¬
haps.
June 20, 1775
517
My Love and Compliments and Duty, where due, especially to
your Family, Mr Cranch’s and my own. I am your Friend
John Adams
RC (PHC) .
^In his June 18th letter to Elbridge Gerry, Adams had used the figure 15,000 for
the total number of troops voted. The congressional decision on the size of the
army is not recorded in the journals, but the figure 15,000 is used by other
delegates referring to the decision. See Matthew Tilghman to Charles Carroll of
Carrollton, and George Washington to John A. Washington, June 20, 1775.
^Massachusetts had spent £.250 to erect a monument to the memory of Gen.
William Howe’s older brother, George Augustus, third Viscount Howe (c.
1724-58) , who had been killed at Ticonderoga. DAB.
John Adams to William Tudor
Dr Sir Phyladelphia June 20th. 1775
I have lamented excessively the Want of your Correspondence
ever since I have been here. Not a Line from Dr Winthrop, Dr Coop¬
er, Mr Kent, Swift, Tudor, from some or other of whom I was accus¬
tomed the last Fall, to receive Letters every Week. I know not the
state, the Number, the officers of the Army — the Condition of the
poor People of Boston or any Thing else.
I have taken the Liberty to mention you to General Washington,
for his secretary, which is a very genteel Place. My Brothers here
very chearfully and unanimously concurr’d with me in the warmest
Terms. A great Interest is making however for Mr Jos. Trumbull and
for others.! What the General will do I know not. I would have you
wait on him respectfully, and welcome him to the Army, and enquire
after my Health and let him know that I desired you to call upon
him. Invite him to your Fathers, and offer your Service to him. You
will be pleased with him. He is brave, wise, generous and humane.
Our Army will be the best military school in the Empire.
John Adams
RC (MHi) .
^ For the conflicting recommendations offered by various delegates, see Silas
Deane to Joseph Trumbull, June 18, 1775; Eliphalet Dyer to Joseph Trumbull,
June 20, 1775; and Massachusetts Delegates to George Washington, June 22, 1775.
Ultimately, Tudor became advocate general and Joseph Trumbull commissary
general for the Continental Army, and Joseph Reed was appointed Washington’s
secretary.
518
June 20, 1775
John Adams to James Warren
My Friend Phyladelphia June 20. 1775
This Letter will go by the Sage, brave, and amiable General Wash¬
ington, to whom I have taken the Liberty of mentioning your Name.
The Congress has at last voted near twenty thousand Men in Mas¬
sachusetts and New York, and an Emission of a Continental Curren¬
cy to maintain them.
You will have Lee, as third in Command, Ward being the second,
Schuyler of New York the fourth, and Putnam the fifth. Ten Compa¬
nies of Rifle Men too are ordered from Pensylvania, Maryland and
Virginia.
Nothing has given me more Torment, than the Scuffle We have
had in appointing the General officers. We could not obtain a Vote,
upon our Seat for L[ee].^ Sam. and John fought for him, however,
through all the Weapons. Dismal Bugbears were raised, there were
Prejudices enough among the weak and fears enough among the
timid as well as other obstacles from the Cunning: but the great Ne¬
cessity for officers of skill and Experience prevailed.
I have never formed any Friendship or particular Connection with
Lee, but upon the most mature Deliberation I judged him the best
qualified for the Service, and the most likely to cement the Colonies,
and therefore gave him my Vote, and am willing to abide the Conse¬
quences.
I am much obliged to you for yours of June 11. Pray write me a
State of the Army, their Numbers, and a List of the officers and the
Condition of the poor People of Boston. My Heart bleeds for them.
We have a great shew this Morning here. Our great Generals
Washington and Lee review the three Battalions of this City. I be¬
lieve there never was two thousand Soldiers created out of nothing so
suddenly, as in this City. You would be surprised to behold them, all
in LFniforms, and very expert both in the Manual and Maneuvres.
They go through the Wheelings and Firings in sub-divisions, grand
Divisions, and Platoons, with great Exactness. Our accounts from all
Parts of the Continent are very pleasing. The Spirit of the People is
such as you would wish.
I hope to be nearer to you at least, very soon. How does your
Government go on? If We have more bad News from England the
other Colonies will follow your Example.
My Love to all Friends. Yours John Adams
RC (MHi).
^ Adams later recalled this struggle in some detail. Speaking of Lee he wrote
that though I had as high an Opinion of General Lees Learning, general
Information and especially of his Science and experience in War, I could not
June 20, 1775
519
advize General Ward to humiliate himself and his Country so far as to serve
under him. General Ward was elected the second and Lee the third.” Adams,
Diary (Butterfield) , 3:321-24.
Samuel Adams to Joseph Warren
Dear sir Philada June [20,] 1775^
I have but one Moment to inform you that this Congress having as
I before wrote you appointed General Washington to the Command
of all the American Forces, and Majors General Ward Sc Lee, they
yesterday proceeded to the Appointment of two more Majors Gener¬
al viz Schuyler and Putnam. General Lee has accepted of his Ap¬
pointment and will I suppose tomorrow set off with General Wash¬
ington for Cambridge. The Congress seems determined to support
their Army before Boston. They are fully sensible of the Importance
of it & have recommended to the Colonies of Connecticutt R Island
& N Hampr. to send the Troops they have agreed to raise without
Delay to Cambridge, those to remain till further orders (excepting
such as were destind to the several Posts in the Colony of N York) .
You have doubtless been informed by Mr H[ancock] that you
may soon expect ten Companies of Rifle Men to joyn the Army.
I am more 8c more satisfied in the Appointmt of Genl. Lee. He is
certainly an able officer 8c I think deeply embarkd in the American
Cause. The Congress have agreed to indemnify him from any Loss of
Property he may sustain by acting as an officer in the Army,^ but
this I mention only to you at present 8c the small Circle. If any should
be disaffected to his Appointment pray use your utmost Endeavours
to reconcile them to it. I am in great Haste. Your assured friend
S. Adams
RC (MHi) .
^The date of this letter has been inferred from Adams’ opening statement on
the appointment June 19 of Generals Schuyler and Putnam. JCC, 2:99.
“Congress took this action on June 19. JCC, 2:98-99. For the split over Lees
appointment within the Massachusetts delegation, see John Adams to James War¬
ren, June 20, and to Cotton Tufts, June 21, 1775.
Eliphalet Dyer to Jonathan Trumbull, Sr.
Sir Philadelphia June 20th. 1775
The Intelligence we almost Daily receive here being so far Distant
from where the great Operations most likely will be, makes our deci¬
sions somewhat perplexed and in many respects not so readily Ac-
520
June 20, 1775
counted for. I heartily Wish, & have some reasons to hope this Con¬
gress after a few Days will move some where Nearer the Scenes of
Action. We are Continually perplexed with New York. They must be
saved if possable for the good of the whole. A few days ago we had
very good Intelligence that about three Thousand of the Ministerial
Troops were to come to New York.' We then thot it best to desire
your Honor to send forward the Connecticutt forces near their bor¬
der to New York, their Congress then desired it. This Day we have
Intelligence that all the transports some of which were in sight of
New York others at a small Distance were orderd directly to Boston,
which Induces us to suppose a Capital Stroke will soon be given
there, 8c that by this addition, with those expected at Boston to reen¬
force Genl Gage, Will make his Army somewhat formidable, & there¬
fore our whole force ought to be collected near that Place, whereup¬
on the request of this Congress (will Accompany this) to you for
Colo Parsons Regiment Near New London, & indeed that all the
Connecticutt forces Eastward, may be hastned to Boston with all
possable expedition.^ The Provincial Congress at New York upon
Information from some Gent of the Navy there, that the transports
coming into their Harbour were all ordered to Boston, Immediately
as we understand sent Genl Wooster Not to come forward with his
Troops, but this Congress Notwithstanding persist in their resolu¬
tions, that Genl Wooster with our Western forces go forward to New
York as soon as possable as the Transports might just withdraw out
of sight & finding no Provincial at York, return on a Sudden Sc git
footing there; but that is not the only reason. Your Immagination I
dare say will suggest others. We Informed you in our last that Colo
Washington was Appointed General over the Army of the United
Colonies Genl Ward the 2nd in Command Genl Lee the 3d. The two
at this place will sit out in two or three Days to join their Army Near
Boston. The Congress mean to proceed in the Appointment of Gen¬
eral Officers, two More Major Genls. are Yet to be appointed and a
Number Brigadier Genls, one Major General Will doubtless [&e] of
Connecticutt.2 Thus far I may go but no further at Present. You will
Sr now find that we have provided a Continental distination for the
forces we have raised, which will bring them into Continental pay
which was some Additional Motive with us, in Addition to the great¬
er, Which the publick good and safety requireing it, there may be
many things we cannot now explain but when we have the pleasure
of waiting on your Honor in person may give a more perticular satis¬
faction as to many Parts of our Conduct. We resolve in Congress, git
to our Lodgings to dine between 5 & 6 oClock after noon an express
to Dispatch Immediately, a Letter to write when before exhausted
with the fatigues of the Day. This Sr I hope will excuse for Incorrect¬
ness, as we have not time [fo] review or Transcribe We know your
June 20, 1775
521
Candor, and am Sir in Absence of my Colleagues & in their behalf
your Honors most Obedient Humble Servant
Eliphalet Dyer
Tr (Ct) .
^ &e resolution of June 19. JCC, 2:99.
® Dyer curiously neglected toi mention that Israel Putnam had been appointed
major general the previous day, perhaps in hopes that he could also soon report
the appointments of Joseph Spencer and David Wooster as brigadier generals. See
Connecticut Delegates to Jonathan Trumbull, Sr., June 26, 1775.
Eliphalet Dyer to Joseph Trumbull
Sr Philadelphia June 20th 1775
To what part of the world you are removed I know not. I have
wrote to you every week but have not had a line from you for near a
month tho there are posts 8c expresses from your Camp allmost every
day. I wrote you but a few days agoe that Coll Washington of Virgin¬
ia was appointed General 8c Commander in Cheif of the Army of the
United Colonies. I Imagine he will be Very agreable to the Genius 8c
Climate of New England. Genii Ward is appointed first Maj. Genii.
—Genii Lee the 2nd Maj. Genii or 3d in Command. Bridgdr Genii
Putnam is also appointed Majr Genii, the Next in Command to Genii
Lee.i His fame as a Warrior had been so far extended thro the Con¬
tinent that it would be in Vain to Urge any of our Genii officers in
Competition with him 8c he Carried by Universal Voice. Coll Schuy¬
ler of Albany is also appointed Majr Genii in York department to
Sweeten, Add to, 8c keep up the spirit in that Province. One Majr
Gates who has been long an Approved officer in the Regular Service
8c has a large 8: Valuable Interest 8c his whole in America 8c has an
Established Carracter for his strong Attachment to this Country, he
is appointed Agitant Genii. The Brigadier Genlls will soon be ap¬
pointed of which we expect Genii Spencer to be one. Hope he will
not make a point of Putnams preference.^
In my last I wrote you I had made Application to Genii Washing¬
ton in your behalf to be his Secretary. Mr Dean 8c Mr Sherman also
joined with me. I also procured all the Gentn. of the Massachusett
Bay to Confirm our recommendation all which believe will Succeed
for your Appointment unless the Massachusett Gent, behind the Cur¬
tain have made Interest for some Other person which I ought not to
Suspect.3 I Imagined the birth would be agreable to you otherwise
would not have Sollicited for you. The Wages I think are about £20
per month 8c being of the Genlls family you Cannot 1^ at any ex¬
pence for living at the best rate. I hope you will wait on him soon after
his Arrival 8c let him know you was recommended to him by the
522
June 20, 1775
Massachusetts & Connecticutt Delegates or in any manner you see fit.
If it is not agreable & you can avail your self of a more agreable birth
nothing we have said lays you under any obligations but if you like
your present Situation better or it should be more profitable or bene¬
ficial you will Conduct Accordingly. We expect you will soon have a
Trial with Genii Gages reinforced Army. We understand all the
Transports bound to New York are Ordered to Boston. When they
Arrive with those expected for Boston (which has probably hap
pened before this) 8c they are recruited I dare say they will make
their most Violent Effort to disperse the Provincial Army. Coll Par-
son[’s] Regiment is ordered to join you. About 12 hundred with
Genii Wooster are ordered to York for more reasons than one. I
hope & somewhat believe this Congress will soon Move Towards
Connecticutt. If Necessary have wrote a small Introduction, wether it
may be proper to Introduce your self by it or not must leave with you
to determine. If you make use of it you will fold & direct it as proper.
Am Sr. with sincere Esteem Yours Elipht Dyer
[P.S.] I dare say Genlls Putnam & Spencer will befriend you in the
above if you desire them it may have some additional Weight. E D
RC (Ct) .
^ Congress appointed the major generals June 17 and 19. Philip Schuyler preced¬
ed Israel Putnam in order of command. JCC, 2:97, 99.
“Silas Deane apparently supported the appointment of Putnam as major general
although David Wooster and Joseph Spencer, who were commissioned brigadier
generals, outranked Putnam. These appointments divided the Connecticut dele¬
gates and disappointed the contenders. Wooster, Roger Sherman’s favorite, refused
to accept the Continental commission, and Dyer’s friend Joseph Spencer temporari¬
ly left his post. See Silas Deane to Joseph Trumbull, June 22 and July 21; Roger
Sherman to David Wooster, June 23; Deane to Elizabeth Deane, July 15 and 20;
and Sherman to William Williams, July 28, 1775.
®John Adams, doubtless without Dyer’s knowledge, was promoting William
Tudor for the same position. See John Adams to William Tudor, this date.
John Hancock to the
New Hampshire Provincial Congress
Philadelphia June 20th. 1775. Forwards Congress’ resolve of June
19, requesting reinforcements for the Continental Army at Boston
from New Hampshire, Rhode Island, and Connecticut.^
RC (Nh-Ar) . Am. Archives, 4th ser. 2:1034.
^ See JCC, 2:99.
June 20, 1775
523
William Hooper to Mary Hooper
My dear honoured Mother! Philadelphia June 20th 1775
When or whether ever this will reach you I know not. I have ad¬
dressed it to you in Boston because there is a greater probability of
its finding you there than elsewhere tho by no means a certainty. I la¬
ment that Circumstances occurred at a former congress which ren¬
dered it inconvenient to me to pay you a visit in Boston. Difficulties
insurmountable prevent it this [iic] .
I heard from Mrs Inman the other day that you had been indis¬
posed. I sincerely regret it & wish that by any means in my power I
could contribute to lessen the distress of your present Situation. I had
been obliged to Mrs Inman if she had pointed out some means in
which the endeavours of your Children could be made useful to you.
I can answer for them and for myself that there is nothing within the
compass of our poor abilities which you may not command. I should
think it prudent for you to retire to some country farm at a distance
from Boston where you might be in some degree retired from the
bustle of the present day ill adapted to the delicacey of your frame &:
advanced state of life. It is impossible for me to give any consistent
advice at this distance, unacquainted as I am with your present situa¬
tion 8c the possibility of changing it for a better. I must wait till I
hear from you or my Brother John 8c shall immediately give my aid
to carry into Execution any plan which you may think most prudent
for your 8c his Security and convenience.
When I left Home my own little family were very well. Annie
proffered her Complts to you 8c the little ones lisped their tender re¬
gards which I then expected to have born in person to you. Tommy
is married, is married happily, ee’r this has an acquisition to his fami¬
ly. I have had no increase of my family since I wrote you. I have
been much indisposed since my arrival here having had frequent fits
of the fever and ague here, but hop>e to be well enough to leave this
the first Opportunity by Water to No Carolina as I dread the extream
heats of August in this close City 8c with the bad Accomodations
which we find in the lodgings here.
I know nothing I can add but upon a Subject in which my own 8c
the sentiments of my Boston Friends differ so widely in which I am
told I differ from you, that to discuss the Subject would be but irk¬
some to you — I mean politicks.
I wish my friends in Boston may have as little to atone for to God
8c their Consciences as I have, altho your Son Wm may have been
mistaken be assured that he can call upon God to Witness that in his
Conduct he has never taken a step which has not been dictated by
the honesty of his heart 8c a sincere love for the Constitution of G
Britain. Adieu. I expect to hear from you by the first Opportunity. A
524
June 20, 1775
Letter under cover to General Washington for me will come safe to
my hands. My love attends my Brother John & believe me to be Dear
Mother Your Dutiful 8c affectionate Son Wm Hooper
[P.S.] Let the Letter be attended with a line to Genl Washington
begging his Care or Direct it to the Care of Dr Warren.
RC (MHi) .
New Hampshire Delegates to Matthew Thornton
Phila 20th June 1775
Your favor of the 24th May is now before us,i in answer to which
can only say we easily Conceive the “painful sensation” that every
honest man must feel when he sees the unatural Conflict between
Great Britain and these Colonies rising to such a highth. But when
we Consider it, not of our own Seeking, drove by the Sons of Tyrany
and Oppression, to the Sad Alternative of being made Slaves, or ap¬
pealing to the Sword in Defence of our Just liberties, cannot but think
we shall stand Justified, before God and man, in vigorously seizing
the latter.
We are much pleased with the proceedings of New Hampshire,
shewing their Attachment to the Common Cause by raising so large a
Number of men for the Defence of America. We are very Sensable
of the inability of our province to Support them, and the Necessity of
a paper currency.
We are at liberty to inform you that the Committee of the whole
Congress have Agreed to Report a Continental Currency; which no
doubt will be Emited immediately and forwarded for the payment of
the Troops.2
I’he Congress have appointed General Washington to the Com¬
mand of the American forces, who will set out for the Camp to mor¬
row or next day; have also agreed upon a Continental Army. The
other proceedings of Congress are not yet to be made publick, unless
what appears in the prints. It is impossiable to conceive of a greater
unanimity in the Colonies, than that which at present subsists, one
and all being determined to defend our Rights to the last. May the
great Author of all things Bless and Assist us, is the most ardent
prayer of, your Obedient servants, John Sullivan
John Langdon
P.S. Enclosed is an order for a general fast.
RC (Nh-Ar) . Written by Sullivan and signed by Sullivan and Langdon.
June 20, 1775
525
^Apparently the letter printed under the date May 23, 1775, in Am. Archives,
4th ser. 2:695-96, where a second letter of the same date also appears. Matthew
Thornton (1714-1803) , Londonderry, N. H., physician, was president of the New
Hampshire Provincial Congress and chairman of the committee of safety. DAB.
^Formal action by Congress on this measure came on June 22. JCC, 2:103.
Caesar Rodney to Thomas Rodney
Sir Philada. June the 20th 1775
In full expectation that You would be in Town for a Considerable
time past, I have neglected to Write to you, however as you have
now put every Expectation of that sort aside, have taken an oppor¬
tunity by Doctr. Tilton of sending you this. The money you Sent me
by the Doctr. I Reed and if Galloway does not lye Shall Send your
Coat by Banning Who sets out tomorrow morning, if he fails will
send it by the first opportunity. Your Drum went by Morris’s Veshell
the last Trim & suppose you have got it. The Colours are not yet
Ready. I can now let you into a part of our proceedings in Congress.
We have ordered two Millions of Dollars to be Struck here as a Con¬
tinental paper Currency, for the defraying the expenses of Defending
our Constitution Rights and priviledges. The money is to be Sunk by
all the twelve Colonies in Seven Years According to their Quota’s
which are Settled in proportion to the number of Inhabitants in Each
Colony. We have appoint’d Colli. George Whashington General &
Commander in Chief of all the Colony forces. General Ward (now
with the army before Boston) to be major General, Sc Second in
Command, General Lee, a Major General & third in Command,
Colli. Skiler [Schuyler] a Major General 8c fourth in Command, and
Colli. Putnam a Major General 8c fifth in Command. All the Briga¬
dier Generals, Colls., Lieutt. Colls., Majors, 8cc Are Confirmed ac¬
cording to their appointments by the Colonies where the Troops they
command were Raised. General Washington Viewed the Militia of
this place today, and Sets out for Boston Camp next day after tomor¬
row. General Lee will go with him 8c they will have a large Escort
from this City as far as T[r]entown at least.
I am much pleased to hear you have Sold the Sloop and as times
have but a verry Gloomy appearance I wish both the other Veshells
were Sold, provided they were well sold. However you neglected to
let me know what You are to get for the Sloop. I am Glad to hear
that there is like to be a good Crop of Wheat 8c Hay. The Hay we
know how to dispose of, but God knows what we shall do With the
Wheat. There is little or no reason to Expect the Congress will Rise;
Rather think they will Set the whole of this Season, but am in hopes
that a week or fortnight hence the most material Business will be So
526
June 20, 1775
Settled as that I Shall obtain leave of Absence for two weeks, about
two weeks hence you may Expect me down. Your Coat is Calculated
for the light Infantry of the first Battallion, the uniform of the Second
Battalion is to be Brown, 8c white facings. And their infantry Blue, 8c
white faceings. Lieutt. Colli, of the first Battalion is to have an Epelet
on the Right Shoulder and a Strap on the left, the Major an Epelet
on the Left, and a Strap on the Right, of Gold Lace. I heard this af¬
ternoon by Express from Rode Island that a part of the Troops Ex¬
pected at Boston from Ireland are arrived and Landed at Boston,
and that the Remainder are looked for Every day as they Sailed to¬
gether, I mean the first mentioned four Regiments with the Horse.
Some of the Horse are also Come and landed; the above news I Be¬
lieve is true And believe after they have had a few days to recruit
from their Voige We may expect Warm Work, and Warm it will be I
dare Say, for We Just had an Express from our provintials Camp,
who informs of a Truith that we have there Eighteen thousand men
ready to Receive the Regulars, and indeed wishing they may Come
out — provided they intend to persist in their oppression; I Wish our
new Generals were at the Camp. Remember me kindly to our fami¬
ly’s Relations and friends and tell them I Expect to See them in
about two weeks. I am Yrs. Caesar Rodney
RC (PHi) . Recipient identified in Rodney, Letters (Ryden) , pp. 60^61.
Matthew Tilghman to Charles Carroll of Carrollton
Dear Charles. Phila., June 20, 1775
Yours of the 16th received by the post. I am long, and have been
in the same state of uneasiness which you express. I will tell you
some part of our doings which I am at liberty to communicate and
which though you may have probably heard of it may be a satisfac¬
tion to have from me. By a grand Committee of the whole Congress
two Resolutions have been formed, 1st, that 15,000 men be raised
for the Defence and preservation of American Liberty. 10,000 where¬
of to be stationed near Boston and 5,000 in the City province
of New York. 2nd, that two millions of Paper Dollars be struck for
their support, to be sunk in the four last years of Seven by each prov¬
ince according to their respective Quotas which are not yet finally ad¬
justed, and on Friday or Saturday last Coll. Washington was appoint¬
ed General and Commander-in-chief, and will probably set off in
four or five days for the Army. This is as far as I can go, and it may
lead you to conjecture what is become of Lee and Major Gates.
R.G., L. and J.H., have found excuses to go home.^ They talked of
returning, but we do not expect it. I have long flattered myself with
June 20, 1775
527
the hope of pacific measures that might avail something, but that
hope has almost vanished. Some without Doors talk of sending some
Body home. In my judgment ’tis the only step that affords the least
glimmering of peace. It is thought Gen. Gage when the troops all ar¬
rived, will be 11 or 12,000 strong. The Provincials now have about
18,000. It is supposed they will not attack but it is generally thought
that Gage will. Indeed from all circumstances I think it probable, and
dreadful slaughter there will be. I wish I could have entertained you
more agreeably, but I fear this is the subject on which we must speak
and write for some time to come. May Heaven protect us. Pray don’t
fail mentioning the receipt of my letters. You do not in your last.
Give my love to Peggy, and be assured that I remain. Most affection¬
ately yours. Mat. Tilghman.
MS not found; reprinted from The Collector 21 (April 1908) : 63-64.
’^Two of the delegates mentioned are obviously Robert Goldsborough and John
Hall. Since Samuel Chase, Thomas Johnson, and William Paca remained in
Philadelphia, the “L” printed in this document may be a misreading of an "S” in
the MS intended to designate Thomas Stone.
George Washington to the Captains of
Several Independent Companies in Virginia
Gentlemen, Philadelphia, 20 June, 1775.
I am now about to bid adieu to the companies under your respec¬
tive commands, at least for a while. I have launched into a wide and
extensive field, too boundless for my abilities, and far, very far, be¬
yond my experience. I am called, by the unanimous voice of the Col¬
onies, to the command of the Continental army; an honor I did not
aspire to; an honor I was solicitous to avoid, upon a full conviction
of my inadequacy to the importance of the service. The partiality of
the Congress, however, assisted by a political motive, rendered my
reasons, unavailing, and 1 shall to-morrow set out for the camp near
Boston.
I have only to beg of you, therefore, before I go, (especially as
you did me the honor to put your companies under my direction, and
know not how soon you may be called upon in Virginia for an exer¬
tion of your military skill,) by no means to relax in the discipline of
your respective companies.
I have the honor to be, &c.
MS not found; reprinted from George Washington, The Writings of George
Washington, ed. Worthington C. Ford, 14 vols. (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons,
1889-93) , 2:489-90.
528
June 20, 1775
George Washington to John A. Washington
Dear Brother, Philadelphia June 20th 1775
I am now to bid adieu to you, & to every kind of domestick ease,
for a while. I am Imbarked on a wide Ocean, boundless in its pros¬
pect & from whence, perhaps, no safe harbour is to be found. I have
been called upon by the unanimous Voice of the Colonies to take the
Command of the Continental Army — An honour I neither sought
after, nor desired, as I am thoroughly convinced that it requires
greater Abilities, and much more experience, than I am Master of, to
conduct a business so extensive in its nature, and arduous in the exe¬
cution; but the partiallity of the Congress, joind to a political motive,
really left me without a Choice; and I am now Commissioned a Gen-
erl. 8c Commander in Chief of all the Forces now raisd, or to be
raisd, for the defence of the United Colonies. That I may discharge
the Trust to the Satisfaction of my Imployer, is my first wish — that I
shall aim to do it, there remains as little doubt of. How far I may
succeed is another point — but this I am sure of, that in the worst
event I shall have the consolation of knowing (if I act to the best of
my judgment) that the blame ought to lodge upon the appointers, not
the appointed, as it was by no means a thing of my own seeking, or
proceeding from any hint of my friends.
I am at liberty to inform you, that the Congress, in a Committee,
(which will I dare say, be agreed to when reported) have consented
to a Continental Currency — have ordered two Million of Dollars to
be struck for payment of the Troops, See. and have voted 15,000
Men as a Continental Army — which number will be augmented, as
the strength of the British Troops will be greater than was expected
at the time of passing that vote. Genl. Ward, Genl. Lee, Genl. Schy-
ler and Genl. Putnam are appointed Major Genls. under me — the
Brigadier Genls. are not yet appointed — Majr. Gates Adjutant Genl.
I expect to set out tomorrow for Boston & hope to be joind there in a
little time by Ten Companies of Riflemen from this Province, Mary¬
land, & Virginia — for other Articles of Intelligence, I shall refer you
to the Papers, as the Printers are diligent in collecting every thing
that is stirring.
I shall hope that my Friends will visit, & endeavor to keep up the
spirits of my Wife as much as they can, as my departure will, I know,
be a cutting stroke upon her; and on this acet. alone, I have many
very disagreeable sensations. I hope you & my sister (although the
distance is great) will find as much leisure this Summer, as to spend
a little time at Mount Vernon.
My sincere regards attend you both as also the little ones and am
Dr Sir Yr most Affecte. Brother Go Washington
June 21, 1775
RC (DLC).
529
John Adams to Cotton Tufts
Dr Sir Phyladelphia June 21. 1775
Major Mifflin goes in the Character of Aid de Camp to General
Washington. I wish You^ to be acquainted with him, because, he has
great Spirit Activity, and Abilities, both in civil and military Life. He
is a gentleman of Education, Family and Fortune.
C[ushing] and H[ancock] and P[aine] have given us a great
deal of Trouble, in the Election of Lee, and I expect will avail them¬
selves of all the Whims and Prejudices, of our People.^
We are like to have more trouble of the like kind in the choice of
Brigadiers General. Old Pomroy must be the first. P[aine], to do
him Justice, has renounced his Connections in this Instance. He de¬
clares he cant and wont vote for him. I had rather vote for Prebble in
his Bed.
I expect our People when they come to know the Pay of the gener¬
al officers and others, will grumble. Adams, Paine and I fought
against it totis viribus — But in vain. It is amazingly high. But the
Southern Genius’s think it vastly too low.® Farewell,
John Adams
RC (NHi) .
^ Cotton Tufts (1732-1815) , Weymouth, Mass., physician, was first cousin and
uncle of Abigail Adams. Adams, Family Correspondence (Butterfield) , 1:14.
®For more information on the division within the Massachusetts delegation, see
John Adams to James Warren, and Samuel Adams to Joseph Warren, June 20,
1775.
® The pay schedules for general officers are in JCC, 2:93-94.
John Adams to Joseph Warren
Dr Sir, Phyldelphia June 21. 1775
This Letter I presume will be delivered into your own Hand by the
General.
He proposes to set out, tomorrow, for your Camp. God Speed
him. Lee is Second Major General, Schuyler, who is to command at
N. York is the third and Putnam the fourth. How many Brigadiers
general we shall have, whether five. Seven or Eight, is not deter¬
mined, nor who they shall be. One from N. Hampshire, one from R.
Island, two from Connecticutt, one from N. York, and three from
Massachusetts, perhaps.
I am almost impatient to be at Cambridge. We shall maintain a
530
June 21, 1775
good Army for you. I expect to hear of Grumbletonians, some from
parsimonious and others from Superstitious Prejudices. But We do
the best we can, and leave the Event.
How do you like your Government? Does it make or remove Dif¬
ficulties? I wish We were nearer to you.
The Tories lie very low both here and at New York. The latter
will very Soon be as deep as any Colony.
We have Major Skeene a Prisoner, enlarged a little on his Parol. A
very great Tool. I hope Govr Tryon, will be taken care of — but We
find a great many Bundles of weak Nerves. We are obliged to be as
delicate and soft and modest and humble as possible.
Pray Stir up every Man, who has a Quill to write me. We want to
know the Number of your Army — a list of your officers — a State of
your Government — the Distresses of Boston — the Conditions of the
Enemy &c. I am. Dr sir your Friend John Adams
[P.S.] We have all recommended Billy Tuder for a Secretary to the
General. Will he make a good one?
This moment informed of Powder arrived here, 500 Blls they say.
We must send it along to you.
RC (MHi).
Thomas Cushing to James Bowdoin, Sr.
Dear Sir, Philadelphia, June 21, 1775.
You^ will doubtless have been informed that the Congress have
unanimously appointed George Washington, Esqr, General & Com¬
mander in Chief of the American forces. I beg leave to recommend
him to your respectful notice. He is a compleat gentleman. He is sin-
sible, amiable, virtuous, modest, & brave. I promise myself that your
acquaintance with him will afford you great pleasure, and I doubt
not his agreable behaviour 8c good conduct will give great satisfaction
to our people of all denominations. General Lee accompanies him as
Major General; I hope his appointment will be agreable to our peo¬
ple, 8c that he will be received with all due respect.
I am, with great regard. Your most humble servt.
Thomas Cushing
RC (MHi) ; reprinted from “The Bowdoin and Temple Papers,’’ Collections of the
Massachusetts Historical Society, 6th ser. 9 (1897) : 384-85.
^ James Bowdoin, Sr. (1726—90), Boston merchant, member of the Massachusetts
Assembly, 1753-57, and Council, 1757-76, was later governor of Massachusetts,
1785-87. He was elected to the First Continental Congress but did not attend.
Shipton, Harvard Graduates, 11:514-50; and DAB.
June 22, 1775
531
John Hancock to Dorothy Quincy
Congress Room 21st June 1275. Notes the receipt of her letter,
and wants to know if his gifts have suited her. Continues: “I verily
think now we shall Adjourn to Connecticutt, as the Seriousness of
the Times seems to Call for it. I shall let you know in Time, I hearti¬
ly wish for it. ... I am greatly hurried, have Five hundred Com¬
missions to Sign for the Officers of our Army. I am now going to
Sign General Washington’s Commission. He will pass thro’ Fairfield
in 4 or 5 days.”
RC (CtY) .
Stephen Hopkins to Ruth Hopkins
Philadelphia June 21, 1775. Reveals that since his arrival in Phila¬
delphia in the middle of May “I have had an ill turn and two or three
fits of the fever and ague, but am now well,” and expresses concern
for his wife, who “has not been very well for several days and is now
quite poorly.”! Concludes: “Col. Washington will set out from here
in a day or two for New England, to take the command of the Conti¬
nental army, of which he is appointed Commander-in-Chief. He will
be accompanied by Gen. Lee, who also has a command in that army,
which is taken into the pay of all America.”
MS not found; abstracted from Essex Institute Historical Collections 2 (1860) : 118.
^ Nearly a month later Hopkins again reported that they were “still unwell."
Hopkins to Ruth Hopkins, July 16, 1775. NN.
Samuel Adams to James Warren
My dear Sir Phila June 22 1775
Our patriotick General Washington will deliver this Letter to you.
The Massachusetts Delegates have joyntly given to him a List of the
Names of certain Gentlemen in whom he may place the greatest
Confidence.! Among these you are one.^ We have assurd him that
he may rely upon such others as you may recommend to him. Excuse
my writing to you so short a Letter and believe me to be Your affec¬
tionate friend Sami Adams
[P.S.] Major General Lee and Major Mifflin accompany the Gener¬
al — A Triumvirate you will be pleasd with. Cannot our friend Joseph
Greenleaf be employd to his own & his Countrys Benefit?
<
579-852 0 - 77 - 36 Vol. 1
532
June 22, 1775
RC (InU) .
'See Massachusetts Delegates to George Washington, June 22, 1775.
“Adams wrote a similar letter to Elbridge Gerry, this date. Adams, Writings
(Cushing) ,3:218-19.
Silas Deane’s Diary
Thursday June 22d. [1775]
At Congress, wrote Letters to Mrs. Deane, B. Deane, Joseph
Trumbull, Genl Putnam, Sami. Webb, Joseph Webb 8cc, to Thaddeus
Burr, Benja. Douglass & Peirpoint Edwards.
Reed, a Letter from Peter Vandervoort inclosing an Acet. of an
Action at Bunkers hill.^
MS (CtHi) . CHS Bulletin 29 (July 1964) : 89, 93.
'For contemporary accounts of this battle of June 17, see Am. Archives^ 4th ser.
2:1018, 1039, 1060, and 1062.
Silas Deane to Elizabeth Deane
My Dear Philadelphia June 22d 1775
This will be handed you by his Excellency General Washington, in
Co with General Lee & retinue. Should they lodge a Night in Weth-
ersfeild. You will accommodate their Horses Servants 8cc in the best
Manner at the Taverns, and their Retinue will likely go on to Hart¬
ford. We this Moment received Advice of a Battle at Bunkers Hill,
but the Account is very Confused, it is said to have happened on
Saturday last, and the News arrived here this Morning. I have wrote
you so lately and so particularly, that I have nothing in the small
Way to add, and on Business I dare not think other than what is be¬
fore Me. May God preserve Us. I am my Dear Yours &c
S. Deane
[P.S.] Mr. Mifflin of whom I have often spoke is a Major in the Mi¬
litia here, & is Aid de Camp as I hear to the General. He is my par¬
ticular Ereind, & am happy in the Thought that you will be able to
return some of the many Civilities I have received from him in this
City.
If ever there was true Spirit & patriotism in Man he possesses
them.
Inclosed is more of North Carolina composition. I gave your Com-
plimts to them, & told them of your Opinion of Cesar at which We
Laughed Very heartily.
RC (CtHi).
June 22, 1775
533
Silas Deane to Joseph Trumbull
June 22d. [1775]
[P.S.] Since writing the above other Appointments have been made
8c among them Genl. Putnam is appointed a Major General of the
Army of the United Colonies without one dissenting Vote, an honor
peculiar to him and the Commander in Cheif tho’ We have been well
United in all of themd I hope You will obtain the above office and
as You are acquainted with CTenl Putnam I wish You to Second [the'\
Recommendation of mine in favor of Mr. Webb Lieut, of Capt.
Chesters Company for one of his Aid De Camps.^ I would not ask it
butt I know the worth & Activity of the Young Man, and that he will
suit Genl Putnam he being equally capable. I have some little right to
pleade as I was the Generals Freind in the Assembly, 8c have not
been idle here of which I make no Merit, &: only wish I may not be
censured by certain persons.^
RC (Ct) . A continuation of Deane to Trumbull, June 18, 1775.
^ See the resolution of June 19. JCC, 2:99.
^Samuel B. Webb (1753-1807), Deane’s stepson, was appointed Israel Putnam’s
first aide-de-camp on July 22, 1775. Webb, Correspondence (Ford) , 1:73,
3:251-396. Deane simultaneously wrote to Webb explaining that he had recom¬
mended him to Putnam’s favor and advising him “to apply instantly on the
Receipt of this in person.’’ Deane to Samuel Webb, June 22, 1775, ibid., 1:71-72.
® See Eliphalet Dyer to Joseph Trumbull, June 20, 1775.
John Hancock to Artemas Ward
Honble Sir, Congress Room, Philada. June 22d. 1775.
In my last I inform’d you that this Congress had Appointed
George Washington Esqr. General & Commander in Chief of all the
Forces Rais’d or to be Rais’d by the United Colonies; that Gentle¬
man takes his Departure tomorrow morning from this City in order
to Enter upon his Command, I the rather mention the Circumstance
of his Departure, that you may Direct your Movements for his Re¬
ception.
I have the Honor to Transmitt you a Commission from this Con¬
gress appointing you Fitst Major General 8c Second in Command of
the Forces of the United Colonies, you will please to acknowledge
the Receipt of it.^
I wish you the Divine protection, & Success in all your undertak¬
ings, & am with Respect, Sir Your most Obedt Servt.
John Hancock, Presidt.
RC (MHi).
534
June 22, 1775
^At 6 p.m. on this date Hancock wrote a second letter to Ward giving a list of
the major generals and brigadier generals by seniority and concluding with a note
on the Battle of Bunker Hill. “We have just a Report of a Battle, & that Coll
Gardiner is mortally wounded. We are anxious. No Express. God send us a good
account. I am now signing the Commissions for your whole army." Massachusetts
Historical Society Proceedings 12 (1871) : 122.
Massachusetts Delegates to George Washington
Sir Phyladelphia June 22. 1775
In Complyance with your Request We have considered of what
you proposed to us, and are obliged to give you our Sentiments, very
briefly, and in great Haste.^
In general. Sir, there will be three Committees, either of a Con¬
gress, or of an House of Representatives, which are and will be com¬
posed of our best Men; Such, whose Judgment and Integrity, may be
most rely’d on; the Committee on the State of the Province, the
Committee of Safety, and the Committee of Supplies.
But least this Should be too general. We beg leave to mention par¬
ticularly Messrs. Bowdoin, Sever, Dexter, Greenleaf, Derby, Pitts,
Otis of the late Council — Hon. John Winthrop Esq. L.L.D. Joseph
Hawley Esqr of Northampton, James Warren Esqr of Plymouth Coll
Palmer of Braintree, Coll Orne and Elbridge Gerry Esqr of Marble¬
head, Dr Warren, Dr Church Mr John Pitts all of Boston, Dr Lang-
don President of Harvard Colledge, and Dr Chauncey and Dr Coop¬
er of Boston. Coll Forster of Brookfield.
The Advice and Recommendations of these Gentlemen, and of
Some others whom they may introduce to your Acquaintance may be
depended on.
With great Sincerity, we wish you, an agreable Journey and a glo¬
rious Campaign; and are with much Esteem and Respect, Sir, your
most obedient Servants. Samuel Adams Rob Treat Paine
John Adams John Hancock
Thomas Cushing
RC (DLC) . Written by John Adams, and signed by John Adams, Samuel Adams,
Hancock, Cushing, and Paine.
^John Adams drafted a similar letter to Washington at about the same time,
which he apparently did not send, since that document, bearing Adams’ signature,
remained in Adams’ papers. The first three paragraphs of the tt > letters are
nearly identical, but in his private letter Adams personally recommended to
Washington’s attention William Bant, William Tudor, Jonathan Williams Austin,
and his brother-in-law, William Smith. Adams, Works (Adams) , 9:359-60.
June 22, 1775 535
Edward Rutledge to Charles Cotesworth Pinckney
Dr. Charles June 22d. 1775
I send you a Copy of a Letter we have just received of a Battle be¬
gun at Boston. We have no Express to the Congress, but suppose we
have had as soon as the Battle was Ended one sent off to Us & may
be in town to night. Our Generals go off tomorrow. General Lee is
2d Major General — Genl Ward the first — Colonel Schuyler of New
York the 3d. or rather first in Command in the York Departmt. I
have no time to write more. God bless you. My Love to all Friends
[Tom?] particularly. Yrs affectionately. E. Rutledge
RC (ScC) . Addressed: “To Charles Cotesworth Pinkney, Esqr., or in his Absence
to Thomas Bee, Esqr., Charles Town, S. C.”
Samuel Ward to Henry Ward
My dear Bror. Philadelphia 22d June 1775
Yesterday the famous Mr. Jefferson a Delegate from Virginia in
the Room of Mr. Randolph arrived. I have not been in Company
with him yet, he looks like a very sensible spirited fine Fellow &: by
the Pamphlet which he wrote last Summer he certainly is one.^
I have had the Pleasure of a Letter from you every Week save this
since I have been here. I beg of you not to omit writing by every
Post. I should be glad to know what was done at the last Assembly,
and the Situation of the Colony in every Respect. What became of
my Letter to you I cannot imagine, I have wrote you three before
this 8c have reed, no Acknowledgment of any one of them; We
wrote twice to the Depy. Govr. and have reed, no Answers: I have
wrote to him again 8c for want of Time to write to you fully refer you
to that Letter for all the news from the Congress.
Mr. Hopkins was ill but a few Days 8c is bravely now, but Mrs.
Hopkins was unwell on Tuesday, 8c yesterday kept her Chamber all
Day 8c he was obliged to stay at home with her. I have not seen either
of them this morning.
Dr. Young had inoculated all his Family when I came into the
City that I have seen but very little of him. He is gitting into Business
fast.
The general Estimate, Imports 8cc. which I wrote^ for will be nec¬
essary now as it is agreed to make a Proportion according to the
number of People,^ but the act for raising our Men, Copies of Let¬
ters from the provincial Congress requesting us to raise them 8c the
Acets. of the Comee. of War I still want.
536
June 22, 1775
A Resolution was passed this Week desiring that Conn [ecticu] t
would send what Forces they have (not already employed) to Boston
as soon as possible Sc Rhode Island 8c Newhampshire to send all they
have raised also there. ^ By the best Accts. something of Conse¬
quence must soon be done there. Should We receive a Check all your
Firmness will be necessary to keep up the Spirits of the Colony & I
doubt not but you will exert every Nerve to do it. In no Case whatev¬
er can Submission be thought of, for Slavery is worse than all the Ca¬
lamities of War & Death in any Shape whatever; what innumerable
Losses and Distresses the Dutch suffered for years. Their Firmness
at length prevailed over all Opposition. The same Resolution will
certainly deliver us.
Present my Compliments to Mr. Treasurer, Mr. Greene 8c other
Friends 8c ever remember me as Your very affece. Brother
Sam Ward
23rd. Since writing the above We have an imperfect Acct. that our
Army has reed, a Check at Bunkers Hill, if it be so and should prove
so considerable one as to make it necessary to raise new Levies your
most strenuous Efforts for that Purpose I dare say will not be want¬
ing 8c I hope may prove successful.
The Congress came to a Resolution after the appointment of the
Generalissimo that they would stand by him with their Lives 8c
Fortunes.® To retreat will be certain Destruction 8c ’tho the Road
through which We are to march is rugged a fixed Resolution will sur¬
mount all difficulties 8c land us in the beautiful safe 8c happy Regions
of Liberty.
RC (PHi) .
reference to Thomas Jefferson, A Summary View of the Rights of British
America . . . (Williamsburg: Clementina Rind, 1774) .
^ See Ward to Henry Ward, June 15, 1775.
® This day Congress resolved to emit bills of credit not exceeding the sum of two
million Spanish milled dollars “for the defense of America.” Although a majority
of the delegates at this time apparently favored the redemption of this paper
money by the colonies on the basis of quotas determined by provincial population,
not until July 29, 1775, did Congress pass resolutions to this effect. JCC, 2:103,
221-23.
‘ See JCC, 2:99.
" See JCC, 2:97.
John Adams to Abigail Adams
My Dear Philadelphia June 23. 1775
I have this Morning been out of Town to accompany our Generals
June 23, 1775
537
Washington, Lee, and Schuyler, a little Way, on their Journey to the
American Camp before Boston.
The Three Generals were all mounted, on Horse back, accompa¬
nied by Major Mifflin who is gone in the Character of Aid de Camp.
All the Delegates from the Massachusetts with their Servants, and
Carriages attended. Many others of the Delegates, from the Congress
— a large Troop of Light Horse, in their Uniforms. Many Officers of
Militia besides in theirs. Musick playing &c. See. Such is the Pride
and Pomp of War. I, poor Creature, worn out with scribbling, for my
Bread and my Liberty, low in Spirits and weak in Health, must leave
others to wear the Lawrells which I have sown; others, to eat the
Bread which I have earned. — A Common Case.
We had Yesterday, by the Way of N. York and N. London, a Re¬
port, which distresses us, almost as much as that We had last fall, of
the Cannonade of Boston. A Battle at Bunkers Hill and Dorchester
Point — three Colonels wounded, Gardiner mortally. We wait to hear
more particulars.^ Our Hopes and our Fears are alternately very
strong. If there is any Truth in this Account, you must be in great
Confusion. God Almightys Providence preserve, sustain, and comfort
you. 2
RC Q^Hi) . Pi.d2ims, Family Correspondence (Butterfield) , 1:226-27.
^ Robert Treat Paine’s diary entry for June 24 reads: “Fair Cool. Evening heard
(by Express from Connecticut) of the Battle in Charlestown.” MHi.
^On June 27 Adams added a brief postscript in which he concluded: “I rejoice
that my Countrymen behaved so bravely, tho not so skillfully conducted as I could
wish. I hope this defect will be remedied by the new modelling of the Army.”
Silas Deane to Elizabeth Deane
My Dear Philadelphia June 23d 1775^
I parted with Gen. Washington Yesterday at about Six Miles from
this City, and conclude before you receive this, you will have had the
pleasure of waiting on him. On last Evening Dr. Smith preached a
Sermon to the Second Battallion of this City and a Vast Concourse
of People. I went as I knew the Doctors Ability, though you know I
had none of his principles, and was most agreeably entertained with
a discourse of about Thirty Minutes from Joshua 20th 8c “The Lord
he is God of Gods” 8cc. It will appear in print therefore will say no
more, than this, it exceeded in Stile, 8c Sentiment anything I ever
heard on the Subject. As the Doctor has been called an high Church¬
man, and one that had a Bishopric in expectation, I hope his thus
publicly sounding the Pulpit alarm, on the Subject of Liberty, will be
an example to the Church Clergy elsewhere and bring them off from
538
June 23, 1775
John Sullivan
June 23, 1775
539
the Line of Conduct, which they have hitherto ingloriously pursued.
You will write Me, in your next, the Reception which the Gentlemen
met with in Connecticut, Sc what your Opinion is of them. I may not
add as the post waits. ^ I am your most Affectionate Husband
S Deane
RC (CtHi) .
^ Deane undoubtedly wrote this letter on June 24.
^For the continuation of this letter, see Deane to Elizabeth Deane, June 26-27.
Robert Treat Paine’s Diary
[June 23, 1775]
Early this Morning, General Washington & other officers of the
American Army set out for the Army Escorted by the Light Horse &:
the officers of Foot on Horse Back. I rode 3 miles with him Sc then
turnd of[f] & rode to Point no Point, 7 a.m. Evening Dr. Smith
preach’d to 2d Battallion at Christ’s Church an excellent Sermon,
Evening Rain’d very Cool.
MS (MHi) .
Roger Sherman to David Wooster
Dear Sir Philadelphia June 23d. 1775
The Congress having determined it necessary to keep up an Army
for the Defence of America at the Charge of the United Colonies
have Appointed the following General Officers; George Washington
Esqr. Commander in Chief Majr. Generals Ward, Lee, Schuyler and
Putnam; Brigadier Generals Pomroy, Montgomery, your Self-
Heath, Spencer, Thomas, Majr. Sullivan, of New Hampshire, Sc one
Green of Rhode Island. I am sensible that according to your former
Rank you were intitled to the place of a Major General, and as one
was to be appointed in Connecticut I heartily recommended you to the
Congress.! I informed them of the Arrangment made by our As¬
sembly, which I thought would be Satisfactory to have them continue
in the Same Order, but as General Putnam’s fame was Spread
Abroad and especially his successful enterprise at Noddles Island the
account of which had Just arrived, it gave him a preference in the
opinion of the Delegates in General So that his appoint [ment] was
Unanimous among the Colonies. But from your known Abilities and
firm attachment to the American cause we were very desirous of
your continuance in the Army, and hope You will accept of the ap-
540
June 23, 1775
pointment made by the Congress, I think the pay of a Brigadier is
about 125 Dollars per Month. I Suppose a Commission is Sent to
you by General Washington. We received Intelligence yesterday of
an Engagement at Charlestown but have not had the particulars.
All the Connecticut Troops are now taken into the Continental
Army. I hope proper care will be taken to Secure the Colony against
any Sudden Invasion, which must be at their own expense. I have
nothing further that I am at Liberty to acquaint you with of the
doings of the Congress but what have been made public. I would not
have any thing published in the Papers that I write lest Something
may inadvertantly escape me which ought not to be published. I
Should be Glad if you would write to me every convenient opportu¬
nity & inform me of Such Occurrences, and other matters as you may
think proper and useful for me to be acquainted with. I am with
great esteem Your humble Servant Roger Sherman
P.S. The General Officers were Elected in the Congress not by Nomi¬
nation but by Ballot.
RC (MW A) .
^ In April the Connecticut assembly had commissioned Wooster as major gener¬
al, with Spencer as brigadier general and Putnam as second brigadier general.
Wooster responded to Congress’ appointment by returning the Continental com¬
mission with his reply to Sherman of July 7: “I enclose with this the commission
delivered to me by General Washington. You will see that somehow by mistake it
was never dated. You will be good enough to deliver it to Mr. Hancock with my
best compliments, and desire him not to return it. I have already a commission for
the assembly of Connecticut.” Lewis Henry Boutell, The Life of Roger Sherman
(Chicago: A. C. McClurg and Co., 1896) , p. 88.
Samuel Ward to Samuel Ward, Jr.
My dear Son Philadelphia 23rd June 1775
This is the first Time that I ever wrote to a Person whom I did not
know whether to consider as one of this World or of the next; if
Heaven has spared You, devote your Life to the Service of God &
your Country; if You are wounded or a Prisoner let the Satisfaction
that You are engaged in the Cause of God & Man support You; if
neither let your Heart overflow with Gratitude to the great Preserver
of Men; if You have been successful Humanity will direct the most
generous Treatment of our vanquished Enemies at the same Time
that Wisdom directs the pushing the Victory to the utmost; if You
have met with a Check, Let a firm Reliance in the Justice of your
Cause 8c the divine Protection give fresh Vigour rouse every generous
Sentiment in the Army as far as your little Influence will extend 8c
bravely exert every Nerve in Defence of your Country. We have im-
June 24, 1775
541
mense Resources and nothing will be wanting to make you soon su¬
perior to your Enemies.
Major Mifflin Who does Me the Favor to deliver You this is wor¬
thy of the greatest Regard as a Friend to his Country. I am afraid the
common Cause here will suffer much by his Absence for he is almost
the Soul of the City.
May God of his infinite Mercy preserve You all. Your very affec¬
tionate Father Sam Ward
P.S. Time admits no more.
The Congress has chosen your Brigadier Genl. as a continental
brigadier Genl. & as such he is to be commissd.^ You are all to re-
cive continental Commissions from the General.
RC (RHi) . Addressed: ‘‘To Capt. Samuel Ward of the Rhode Island Forces near
Boston.”
^ Ward is here referring to Nathanael Greene (1742-86) , who at the age of 32
was the Continental Army’s youngest general officer. JCC, 2:103; and DAB.
John Hancock to the New York Provincial Congress
Gentlemen, Philadelphia 24th June 1775.
By Order of the Congress I inclose you certain Resolves passed
Yesterday, respecting those who were concerned in taking and gari-
soning Crown Point and Ticonderoga.^
As the Congress are of Opinion that the Employing the Green
Mountain Boys in the American Army would be advantageous to the
common Cause, as well on account of their Situation as of their Dis¬
position and alertness, they are Desirous you should embody them
among the Troops you shall raise. As it is Represented to the Con¬
gress that they will not Serve under any Officers but such as they
themselves Chuse, you are Desired to consult with General Schuyler,
in whom the Congress are informed those People place a great Con¬
fidence, about the Field Officers to be Set over them.2
1 am Gentlemen Your most Obedient humble Servt.
John Hancock President
RC (N) . Tr (DNA: PCC, item 40) . RC damaged; missing words supplied from Tr.
For these resolves see JCC, 2:104—05.
2 This day Hancock also sent Gen. Philip Schuyler a brief note enclosing copies
of both this letter to the New York Provincial Congress and the congressional
resolves mentioned therein. NN.
542
June 26, 1775
Silas Deane to Elizabeth Deane
Monday June 25th [i.e. 26th]. [Philadelphia June 26-27, 1775]
I miss’d the Opportunity of sending the above. We are at present
in the most uneasy of all Situations that of Suspence. News of a Bat¬
tle is arrived, but The particulars are very Confused. I hear Capt.
Chester was in the hottest part of it, & lost Three Men, write Me I
pray You all the particulars.
Tuesday Morning
Nothing further has arrived. Genl. Sullivan sets off this Day for
the Army. He is appointed a Brigadier, & is of New Hampshire. My
last Lettr. from you was of the 10th inst & it is Now the 26th. My
Complimts. to all Freinds, if my Brother fitts out his Vessel at all he
cannot make too great dispatch.
RC (CtHi) . A continuation of Deane to Elizabeth Deane, June 23, 1775.
Connecticut Delegates to Jonathan Trumbull, Sr.
Sir Philadelphia June 26th 1775
Yours per express, dated the 20th We received and are happy to
find that every Measure within your Power for the Public good has
been Uniformly pursued, while the Advice from the Congress has
been rather as approving than Directing Your. Conduct.^ You will
By this express receive a Letter from the President informing you of
the appointment of General Washington 8c other General Officers,
and by Unanimous Order of the Congress expressing the high sense
they retain of your important Services to the United Colonies, at this
critical period. In the arrangement of General Officers, the Character
of General Putnam commanded every Vote for his Major General
Ship, An Honor peculiar to the Commander in Chief 8c himself. We
hope that his Appointment will give no Umbrage to General Woos¬
ter, or General Spencer as they are honorably provided for. We wish
the prospect of a Supply of one Article was more favorable but from
the large quantities in the West Indies hope for the best. The Article
of Salt Petre is now under Consideration, and shall in a few Days be
able to write at large on the Subject.
The Account brought us by Mr Avery of the Action of the 17th
has given us the greatest possable anxciety, as it leaves us in suspence
8c Uncertainty as to the event of so important an Action, and our re¬
ceiving no further Advices has increased it greatly.
By a Letter from Albany received Yesterday we are informed of
the Defection of the Caughnawaga Indians effected by the presents
June 26, 1775
543
of Governor Carlton who is meditating hostilities. Are not some of
their Children with Doer Wheelock?^ If so may not some Advantage
be taken of that Circumstance? Regulating Sc issuing a Continental
Currancy and providing ways and means for its redemption has tak¬
en up much Time, but the work is in such forwardnss, that we hop>e
soon to have it circulating and that several other important regula¬
tions now under consideration will be compleated and take Place.
We should be happy would our Business admit of greater Dis¬
patch. The Distance from Our Families 8c Friends, 8c from the great
Scene of Action gives us uneasiness, and with respect to adjourning
Nearer which has been repeatedly mentioned though a majority of
Voices might [5e] obtained, yet We conceive it to be too delicate a
Subject for Us to urge on many and various Reasons. It is probable
the Congress after finishing the more important Business before them
will have a recess appointing a Committee of War or Safety to sit in
the meanwhile. This Committee will undoubtedly be directed to re¬
move as near the Scene of Action as Hartford. We are greatly
obliged to Col Williams 8c Capt Trumbull for their Letters but the ex¬
press is in haste and prevents our returning their favors. We are with
the greatest Esteem Your honors most Obedt. 8c very Humble Ser¬
vants. Elipha Dyer
Roger Sherman
[P.S.] Mr Sherman has enjoyed his health well, his not signing per¬
sonally the Letters sent your Honor was owing to his having separate
Lodgings.
Tr (Ct) . The style of this letter suggests that it was written by Dyer. Although
Silas Deane’s name does not appear on the transcript, there is a slightly variant
copy in his hand among the Deane Papers, CtHi.
^'TrumbuH’s letter was read in Congress June 26 and is in PCC, item 66, 1:9-12.
yee, 2:107.
^Eleazar Wheelock (1711-79) was principal of an Indian school at Hanover,
N.H., as well as president of Dartmouth College. DAB. On July 12, 1775, Congress
authorized payment of |500 for support of the Indian youth at his school. JCC,
2:177.
Thomas Jefferson to Francis Eppes
Dear Sir Philadelphia June 26. 1775.
You will before this have heard that the war is now heartily en¬
tered into, without a prospect of accomodation but thro’ the effectual
interposition of arms. General Gage has received considerable rein¬
forcements, tho’ not to the [wh]ole amount of what was expected.
There has lately been an action at the outlet of the town of Boston.
The particulars we have not yet been able to get with certainty. The
544
June 26, 1775
event however was considerably in our favor as to the numbers
killed. Our account sais we had between 40 and 70 killed and 140.
wounded. The enemy had certainly 500. wounded and the same ac¬
count supposes that number killed; but judging from the proportion
of wounded and slain on our part, they should not have perhaps
above [200 killed. This] happened on Saturd[ay, and] on Monday
when the express came away the provincials had began to make an¬
other attack. Washington set out from here on Friday last as Gener¬
alissimo of all the Provincial troops in North-America. Ward and
Lee are appointed major Generals, and Gates Adjutant. We are
exceedingly anxious till we hear of their arrival at Boston, as it is evi¬
dent to every one that the provincial encampment is the most injudi¬
cious that can possibly be conceived. For the sole purpose of cover¬
ing two small towns near Boston they have encamf)ed so near the line
of the ministerial army that the centries may converse. Gage too
being well fortified is in little danger of an attack from them, while
their situation is such that he may attack them when he pleases, and
if he is unsuccesful they cannot pursue him a foot scarcely, on ac¬
count of the ships and floating batteries bearing on the neck of Bos¬
ton. If no evil arises from this till General Washington arrives we
may expect to hear of his withdrawing the provincial troops to a
greater distance. The Congress have directed 20,000 men to be
ra[ised] and hope by a vigorous campaign to dispose our enemies to
treaty. Governor Carleton has been spiriting up the Canadian Indians
to fall on our back settlements but this we hope will be prevented.
Governor Skeene appointed [to] take charge of the fortresses on
[the] lakes was intercepted here, and as we had already taken poses-
[sion] of those fortifications and provided a governor there was no oc¬
casion for him to proceed. He is now therefore our prisoner. My best
affections attend Mrs. Eppes and family, and am Dr. Sir Your friend
& servt, Th: Jefferson
RC (NjMoHP) . Jefferson, Papers (Boyd) , 1:174-75.
^Francis Eppes (1747-1808), of Chesterfield County, Va., was married to Eliza¬
beth Wayles, Mrs. Jefferson’s half-sister. Ibid., p. 87.
John Adams to James Warren
My dear Friend Phyladelphia June 27. 1775
I am extreamly obliged to you for your Favour of the 20th of
June. The last Fall, I had a great many Friends who kept me contin¬
ually well informed of every Event as it occurred. But, this Time, I
have lost all my Friends, excepting Coll Warren of Plymouth and
Coll Palmer of Braintree, and my Wife.
June 27, 1775
545
Our dear Warren has fallen, with Laurills on his Brows, as fresh
and blooming, as ever graced an Hero.
I have Suffered infinitely this Time, from ill Health, and blind
Eyes at a Time when, a vast Variety of great objects were crouding
upon my Mind, and when my dear Country was suffering all the Ca¬
lamities of Famine, Pestilence, Fire, and Sword at once.
At this Congress We do as well as we can. I must leave it to some
future opportunity, which I have a charming Confidence will certain¬
ly come, to inform you fully of the History of our Debates and Reso¬
lutions.
Last Saturday night at Eleven O Clock, an express arrived from
the worthy Govr. Trumbull, informing of the Battle of Charlestown.
An hundred Gentlemen flocked to our Lodgings to hear the News.
At one O Clock Mr H[ancock] Mr A [dams] and myself went out
to inquire after the Committee of this City, in order to beg some
Powder. We found Some of them, and these with great Politeness, and
Sympathy for their brave Brethern in the Mass, agreed, to go that
night and send forward about Ninety Quarter Casks, and before
Morning it was in Motion. Between two and three O Clock I got to
bed.
We are contriving every Way we can think of to get you Powder.
We have a Number of Plans for making Salt Petre and Gentlemen
here are very confident, that We shall be able to furnish Salt Petre
and Powder of our own Manufacture, and that very soon. A Method
of making it, will be published very soon by one of our Committees. ^
Before this reaches you, Gen. Washington, Lee. Sec will arrive
among you. I wish to god, you had been appointed a General officer,
in the Room of some others. Adams and Adams strove to get it
done. But, Notions, narrow Notions prevented it — not dislike to you,
but fear of disobliging Pomroy, and his Friends.
Your Govt, was the best We could obtain for you. We have passed
some Resolutions concerning North Carolina, which will do a great
deal of good. We have allowed them to raise 1000 Men, and to take
Care of Trayters, if necessary. This must be kept Secret.^
W^e are sending you. Ten Companies of Rifle Men. These, if the
Gentlemen of the Southern Colonies are not very partial and much
mistaken, are very fine fellows. They are the most accurate Marks¬
men in the World: they kill with great Exactness at 200 Yards Dis¬
tance: they have Sworn certain Death to the ministerial officers. May
they perform their oath.
You will soon find that the Continental Congress are in deep
enough. The Commissions to the officers of the Army; the Vote for
your Government; the Votes about North Carolina; and a Multitude
of other Votes which you will soon hear of will convince you.
I have inclosed you an Hint about Salt Petre. Germans and others
546
June 2.1, 1775
here have an opinion that every stable. Dove house, Cellar, Vault &c
is a Mine of Salt Petre. The inclosed Proclamation coincides with
this opinion. The Mould under Stables &c may be boiled soon into
salt Petre, it is said. Numbers are about it here.
RC (MHi) . In Adams’ hand, though not signed.
^ Several Methods of Making Salt-Petre: [By fV. Shewell?] Recommended to
the Inhabitants of the United Colonies by their Representatives in Congress.
(Philadelphia: W. and T. Bradford, 1775) . It was reprinted by Benjamin Edes in
Watertown, Mass.
^ North Carolina was authorized to raise a force of 1,000 men, and Congress
resolved to "consider them as an American army, and provide for their pay.” JCC,
2:107.
Benjamin Franklin to John Sargent
Dear Sir Philada. June 27. 1775.
I have written to Messrs Browns and Collinson to pay the Ballance
of my Acct to you;i and I beg you to take the Trouble of receiving &
keeping it for me, or my Children. It may possibly soon be all I shall
have left: as my American Property consists chiefly of Houses in our
Seaport Towns, which your Ministry have begun to burn, and I sup¬
pose are wicked enough to burn them all. It now requires great Wis¬
dom on your Side the Water to prevent a total Separation; I hope it
will be found among you. We shall give you one Opportunity more
of recovering our Aflfections and retaining the Connection; and that
I fear will be the last. My Love to Mrs Sargent and your Sons. My
best Wishes attend you all; being ever, with sincere Esteem, and the
most grateful Sense of your long continu’d Friendship, Dear Sir,
Your affectionate humle Servt.^ B Franklin
FC (PPAmP) .
John Sargent (1715-91) , London draper, former MP, and director of the Bank
of England, had been a friend, business associate, and correspondent of Franklin
since c. 1757. Lewis Namier and John Brooke, The House of Commons, 1754-1790,
3 vols. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1964) , 3:404-5.
At the bottom of this MS is Franklin’s brief note to Messrs. Browns and
Collinson: "Pay the Ballance of my Account to John Sargent Esqr. whose Receipt
shall be your Discharge.”
^Conditions brought on by the onset of the war led Franklin three weeks later
to advise Margaret Stevenson, his friend and former landlady in London, against
completing plans for investing funds in America which she had entrusted to him.
Returning a large sum to her, he also advised against purchase of English stocks in
anticipation that the war with the colonies would be a long one and might
possibly become a wider conflict drawing in "some European Power.” See Franklin
to Margaret Stevenson, July 17, 1775, Franklin, Writings (Smyth) , 6:411-12.
June 27, 1775
547
John Hancock to Certain Colonies
Gentlemen Philadelphia June 27. 1775
By the Unanimous Vote of this Congress I am Directed to Assure
you that they have a high Sense of your Services in the common
Cause of the United Colonies, and to Inform you of the Appointment
of the several General Officers to Command the Continental Forces,
a List of whom I now Inclose you, the Subordinate Officers to be
Recommended by the Provincial Congresses to the General, to whom
Commissions from this Congress are Sent to be fill’d up agreeable to
such Recommendation. 1 I am Gentlemen Your most Obedt Servt.
John Hancock President
RC (NjMoHP) . Addressed: “Honl Lieut Govr. & Assembly of Rhode Island.”
Identical copies of this letter, with one exception noted below, were sent by
Hancock to the provincial congresses of New York (N) , Massachusetts (M-Ar) ,
and New Hampshire (Nh-Ar) .
Hancock’s letter to the Massachusetts Provincial Congress contains the follow¬
ing postcript: “Your Letter by Fessenden the Express just Come to hand, &
Communicated to Congress, as soon as any Resolutions are pass’d they shall be
immediately Transmitted. The Inclos’d Letters for New Hampshire & Rhode
Island I pray you will immediately forward by Express.”
John Hancock to Jonathan Trumbull, Sr.
Honble Sir Philadelphia 27th June 1775
By the unanimous Vote of this Congress I am Directed to Assure
you of the high & grateful Sence they have of your Wisdom Assiduity
and Zeal in the Common Cause of the United Colonies, and inform
you of the Appointment of a Commander in Chief & other General
Officers over the forces that are or may be Raised for the Defence of
American Liberty a List of whom you have inclosed, the subordinate
Officers of your troops to be Recommend [ed] by your Assembly or
Provincial Congress to the General, to whom Commissions from this
Congress are Sent to be filled up agreeable to such Recommendation.
I am also Directed by this Congress to Acquaint you that General
Schuyler is ordered upon an important Service, in the prosecution of
which, they have Resolved, that if he should have Occasion for a
larger Quantity of Ready Money 8c Ammunition than he can in con¬
venient time procure from the provincial Convention of the Colony
of New York, he do in such case Apply to you for such Supplies of
both as can be furnished by your Colony, and, you are Directed to
afford him both Money 8c Ammunition, and this Congress will make
provision for Reimbursing the same.^
I am likewise to informe you that this Congress have this Day
579-852 0 - 77 - 37 Vol. 1
548
June 27, 1775
come to a Resolution that Major Skene an Officer lately arrived from
England, & who has for some Days been kept in this City by their
Order, and suffered to be abroad upon his Parole, be sent under a
proper Guard to you, to be Retained at Hartford untill further Order
of this Congress.^
Wishing you the Enjoyment of Health and every other personal
Blessing, and that our Country may long be happy in the continuance
of your Important Services, I am Honble Sir Your most Obedt Hum¬
ble Servant John Hancock President
[P.S.] You will please at present to keep these matters as Secret as
the nature of them will admit.
Tr (Ct) . FC (Paul Mellon Collection, Upperville, Va., 1975) .
^ In response to a letter from the Albany Committee of Correspondence alleging
that Governor Carleton was inciting the Caughnawaga Indians to make an incursion
into northern New York, Congress on June 26 reversed its June 1 resolve against
an invasion of Canada and gave Gen. Philip Schuyler discretionary authority to
take possession of St. Johns, Montreal, and any other parts of the country, and
pursue any other measures in Canada ... to promote the peace and security of
these Colonies." JCC, 2:75, 109-10; Am. Archives, 4th ser. 2:1048; and John
Hancock to Philip Schuyler, June 28, 1775.
* At this point in the FC Hancock deleted the following sentence: “The Resolve
will be Deliver’d you by the Officer who brings Major Skeene.”
Richard Henry Lee’s Draft Address to the
People of Great Britain
[June 27? 1775]!
To the people of Great Britain from the Delegates appointed by
the several English Colonies of New Hampshire Massachusetts Bay
Rhode Island and Providence plantations Connecticut New York
New Jersey Pennsylvania The lower Counties on Delaware Maryland
Virginia North Carolina South Carolina and the Parish of St. Johns
in Georgia to meet in Philadelphia May 1775.
It is with the deepest concern that we find ourselves compelled by
the persevering and increased violence of administration again to
appeal to your reason and justice upon a subject of the last impor¬
tance to the safety, happiness, and wellfare of the British empire. It is
well known that the original cause of our present unhappy difference
is the lately assumed right and practise of Parliament, to raise reve¬
nue on the subject in America, contrary to the clearest principles of
justice and the English constitution, which exempt from payment of
Tax, Tallage, Aid or other like charge not set by common consent.
That British America is not represented in the British Parliament,
June 27, 1775
549
and consequently its consent not involved in the Acts of that Assem¬
bly, is too true to admit of doubt, too certain to be contested. But to
obviate this argument Administration say, many in England are not
represented and yet they are bound by Acts of the British Parliament
concluding that because the representation of England is imperfect
therefore the people of America must not be represented at all and
by fallacious kind of logic, reasoning from the existence to the infinite
extention of evil.
In prosecution of this new scheme of taxation a system of Statutes
and regulations has taken place by which the trial by Jury is abol¬
ished; the oppressive powers of excise extended to all cases of reve¬
nue; the sanctuary of private houses exposed to violation at the plea¬
sure of every Officer and Servant of the customs; the dispensation of
justice corrupted by making Judges totally dependant on the Crown;
life and liberty rendered precarious by supposed Offenders being lia¬
ble to be transported over the Ocean to be tried for treason or felony,
whereby the condemnation of the most innocent may follow from
distance, want of evidence, money and friends; the profligate encour¬
aged to shed the blood of the people by a mode of trial offering in¬
demnity to the murderer; the Capital of one Colony condemned
without being heard to most unequal punishment, involving with
unexampled rigor the innocent and the guilty in the same undistin¬
guished ruin; that great palladium of English liberty the Habeas Cor¬
pus Act suppressed; Charterd rights taken away without forfeiture
proved and a new form of government established to prevent legal
efforts against the despotism of wicked Rulers; the antient limits of
Canada extended over immense regions bordering on the frontiers of
all the Colonies and Arbitrary government created there, as well by
immediate exertions as by future efforts to banish liberty with all its
attendant virtues from this great Continent; and finally a fleet and
army sent to execute these oppresive edicts. In this state of unpar-
alled abuse the people of America, by their Representatives in Con¬
gress Septemr 1774 presented a petition to his Majesty so full of
duty, loyalty, and affection; so full of humble desires “of peace liber¬
ty and safety” as malice itself could not except against. The world
will judge, what more could be done on this side the Atlantic to soft¬
en the rigor of authority and appease the rage of despotic Ministers,
unless we had tamely surrendered our lives, liberty, and property into
the hands of Administration, thereby rendering ourselves unworthy
of the British Ancestry and undeserving the rights of men, by betray¬
ing the dignity of human nature. The duty of a British Minister
should lead him to protect the just rights of the Subject in every part
of the Empire, but the present Administration at variance with free¬
dom in every Clime equal foes to British and American rights, under
the fatal guidance of a Favorite at enmity with the glorious constitu-
550
June 27, 1775
tion of England, that work of Ages and admiration of surrounding
nations instead of redressing grievances of such magnitude and so
justly complained against, proceed to bitter declarations of rebellion,
determination to subdue by force and increasing Armies in North
America have at length drawn the Sword of violence to ravage this
Country, burn houses, and destroy his Majesties faithful American
subjects. When Ministry charge millions of p>eople with cowardice
faction and rebellion, it necessarily leads to reflect how extensive
must be the abuse, and how different the present from former ad¬
ministrations, which has worked so wonderful a change in a whole
nation, acknowledged frequently by the parent State, to be a brave,
loyal, and useful people. Equally unjust is the charge of refusing to
support civil government and the administration of justice, and deny¬
ing contribution to the necessary expence of protection and defence.
We have already declared “that such provision has been and will be
made for defraying the two first articles, as has been and shall be
judged, by the Legislatures of the several colonies just and suitable to
their respective circumstances.” And the journals of Parliament shew
that in time of war our Aids have been admitted to transcend our
abilities. In times of peace justice and magnanimity will be content
with the immense profits derived from our confined commerce, es¬
tablishing so grievious a monopoly of our imports, and of our great
staple commodities of exportation, as to impoverish us in proportion
as it enriches Great Britain. A Monopoly that annually fixes so large
a ballance against these Colonies, as to preclude, without great op¬
pression the payment of fixt revenue, added to the necessary support
of our respective civil establishments, and other large contingent ex-
pences. Whenever it shall be thought proper to indulge us with a
Trade a[s] extensive as you our fellow subjects possess, we shall
then, provided with the means of procuring wealth, freely contribute
at all tim[es] our full proportion to the expences of the Empire. The
injurious and unaccommodating intentions of our Ministerial enemies
are fully manifested by a plan of conciliation (as it is called) so in¬
consistent with its avowed design, as to be incapable of deceiving the
most unthinking; for when the Americans, upon constitutional
ground, claim a right of being concerned in the disposal of their own
property; Administration after various and violent attempts to de¬
stroy this claim, propose to conciliate, by [retaining?] a power of
controuling both the sum and its application; leaving the injured
American the wretched choice of payment, or of punishment in case
of refusal. Unprejudiced Men will determine whether this plan is in¬
tended to conciliate, or by insulting the understanding to convert dis¬
satisfaction into despair. It appears by the conduct of Administration
upon our humble petition for peace presented unto his Majesty and
the demands they make; that the design which hath for sometime
June 27, 1775
551
been carried on to alter the frame and constitution of these Colonies,
is now come to ripeness; and the Contrivers of it conceive themselves
arrived to that condition of strength, that they shall be able to put it
into present execution. For what else can be signified by an unpro¬
voked declaration of rebellion by the Commander of the British
forces, after having converted the large and flourishing Town of Bos¬
ton into a Military Garrison, marching into the Country, slautering
the inhabitants, burning their houses, and ravaging all before him?
Necessity hath therefore brought on this Congress and possessed it
with the power of acting with more vigor and resolution than former
Congresses had done, nor do the principles of Self preservation long¬
er permit us to neglect providing a proper defence to prevent the per¬
nicious practices of wicked men and evil Counsellors, alike enemies
to the religion, laws, rights, and liberties of England and America.
How necessary this was to be done, is sufficiently manifest from the
designs and attempts of the despotic Governor of Canada to march
an army of Canadians and Savages into these Colonies. Great cause
therefore hath all good men to bless God, who put it into the heads
and hearts of our Countrymen to possess themselves of the fortresses
of Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and to make themselves Masters
of those Lakes that cover the frontiers of many Colonies, and secure
them from such cruel and wicked designs. For were these bad Minis¬
ters to succeed in their evil intentions and put North America in slav¬
ery, it is not difficult to foresee with what ease they might afterwards
master the liberties of Great Britain. In this state of extreme danger
to the British Empire, we have once more implored our common
Sovereign to save the whole from the meditated ruin of his Ministers,
and by redressing the unmerited grievances of his faithful American
Subjects, restore peace to his afflicted people. We call God to wit¬
ness, that it is the earnest wish of our hearts to be firmly united with
you on the broad basis of civil and religious liberty equally extended
to all the subjects of this great empire. And we earnestly entreat your
powerful aid may be interposed to calm the distractions, and quiet
the apprehensions, by removing the grievances of British America.
We shall then with joy behold the return of those halcyon days, when
peace, happiness, and flourishing Commerce, established the glory,
strength, and safety of the British empire.
MS (MH) . In the hand of Richard Henry Lee.
^ Congress agreed to present a second address to the people of Great Britain on
June 3, 1775, and appointed Richard Henry Lee, Robert R. Livingston, and
Edmund Pendleton as a committee to prepare a draft. On June 27 the committee
reported a draft, which was read but not considered further until July 6, when it
was debated and recommitted. The committee reported again on the seventh, and
on the eighth the address was debated and approved. JCC, 2:80, 110, 127, 157, 162.
The Lee draft does not appear to have been utilized in drafting the final version
of the address. There is marked contrast in the organization and style of the two
552
June 27, 1775
documents, but apparently no other drafts of the address survive. The Lee draft
does however represent the views of a committee member and may have been the
draft submitted to Congress June 27. Nothing is known about the work of the
committee after the address was recommitted, and the authorship of the final draft
has not been established. A contemporary printed text is reprinted in JCC,
2:163-70. See also JCC, 3:509-10.
Samuel Adams to Elizabeth Adams
My dearest Betsy Philada June 28 1775
Yesterday I received Letters from some of our Friends at the
Camp informing me of the Engagement between the American
Troops and the Rebel Army, in Charles town. I cannot but be greatly
rejoyced at the tryed Valor of our Countrymen, who by all Accounts
behavd with an Intrepidity becoming those who fought for their Lib¬
erties against the mercenary Soldiers of a Tyrant. It is painful to me
to reflect upon the Terror I must suppose you were under on hearing
the Noise of War so near you. Favor me, my dear, with an Account
of your Apprehensions at that time, under your own hand. I pray
God to cover the heads of our Countrymen in every day of Battle,
and ever to protect you from Injury in these distracted Times. The
Death of our truly amiable and worthy Friend Dr Warren is greatly
afflicting. The Language of Friendship is, how shall we resign him!
But it is our Duty to submit to the Dispensations of Heaven, “Whose
Ways are ever gracious, ever just.” He fell in the glorious Struggle
for the publick Liberty.
Mr Pitts and Dr. Church inform me that my dear Son has at
length escapd from the Prison of Boston. I have inclosd a Letter to
him, which I desire you would seal and deliver to him, or send it to
him if he is not with you.
Remember me to my dear Hannah and Sister Polly and to all
Friends. Let me know where good old Surry is.
Gage has made me respectable by naming me first among those
who are to receive no favor from him.
I thoroughly despise him and his Proclamation. ^ It is the Subject
of Ridicule here, as you may see by the inclosd which I have taken
from this days paper. I am in good health and Spirits. Pray my dear
let me have your Letters more frequently — by every Opportunity.
The Clock is now striking twelve. I therefore wish you a good Night.
Yours most affectionately S Adams
RC (NN) .
^ That is. General Gage’s proclamation of June 12, 1775, offering pardon to all
people in rebellion except Samuel Adams and John Hancock. Am. Archives, 4th
ser. 2:968-70.
June 28, 1775
553
Samuel Adams to James Warren
My dear Sir Philadelphia June 28 1775
I have received your Letter of the 21 Instant and am beyond
Measure rejoycd at the tryed Bravery of the American Troops in
Charles town. I hope speedily to receive a particular & exact Account
of the killed and wounded on both sides. If the List on the side of the
ministerial Army comes near to 1000, as seems to be the general
opinion it may cool the Courage of the three Generals lately arrivd;
of the Courage of Gage I have been taught to entertain no opinion.
I find by the Letters from our Friends that a Suspicion prevails of
the Courage Activity or military Knowledge of some of our Generals.
But my dear Sir take Care lest Suspicions be carried to a dangerous
Length. Our Army have behaved valiantly. There may have been an
Error, but that Error may have proceeded not from a Want of Spirit
but a Want of Judgment. We have appointed the Generals you ask
for. Preserve that Union upon which every thing we wish for depends.
The Experience of Washington 8c Lee may make good all Deficiencies.
Why should any of our Friends hesitate about the propriety of giving
a Command to Genl Lee? He was not born an American, but he has
heartily espousd the Cause of America and abhors the oppressive
Measures of the British Government against America. Prince En¬
gine, if I mistake not was a Frenchman but he was a Scourge to
France, and Marshall Saxe would have been equally, perhaps more
so, if Great Britain had not foolishly slighted his offerd Service. Ad¬
mitting his Integrity, of which I cannot doubt, I think the sound Poli¬
cy of appointing General Lee is evident. Other English officers may
from hence be assurd that if they will afford a sufficient Pledge of
their Merit they may have the opportunity of distinguishing their Val¬
or in the Cause of Liberty in America. So desirous was the Congress,
that this Country should avail it self of the Abilities of Lee, that they
have voted to indemnify him for the Loss of property he may incurr
by engaging in this Service to the amount of £11000 Sterling, being
the Estimate of his Estate in England, as soon as it shall be made to
appear that such Loss or any part of it hath happened.^ This I think
interrests him strongly, and I mention it, by no means that it should
be made publick, for I think that would be imprudent, but to induce
our Circle of Friends with the greater Chearfulness to reconcile his
Appointment to any, if such there be, who have any Scruples about
it.
I sincerely lament the Loss of our truly amiable 8c worthy Friend
Dr Warren. There has scarcely if ever been a Cause so evidently just
as that in which he fell so gloriously.
Pray write to me by every opportunity. I have not time to enlarge
554
June 28, 1775
or even to correct what I have written. Adieu my Friend
S Adams
[P.S.] The two inclosd Letters to Mrs Hooper and Mrs Inman are
from Wm Hooper Esqr one of the Delegates from No Carolina who
desires me to recommend them to your Care.
RC (MHi) .
^ Adams was a member of the committee appointed to confer with Lee on June
19, but the specific sum of indemnification was not recorded in the journals. JCC,
2:98-99.
John Hancock to Philip Schuyler
Sir Philadelphia June 28th. 1775.
By Direction of this Congress I transmit you several Resolutions
which pass’d Yesterday the Importance of which you will readily see,
and the Necessity of your immediate attention to the Execution of
them.i The Alteration of the Sentiments of the Congress since your
Departure relative to making an Impression into Canada was occa¬
sioned by a Letter they received from the Committee of Albany, a
Copy of which you have inclosed.^
I have by Order of Congress, wrote to Governor Trumbull upon
the Subject of Money and Ammunition. The Congress have directed
you to make Application to him, for which Letter is forwarded by
Express, and you will please to give him as early Notice as possible,
of what Supplies of both you may have occasion for.
I have not Time to add, but to desire you will acknowledge the
Receipt of the Resolutions. I am Sir Your most obedt. Servant
John Hancock President
[P.S.] You will observe as much Secrecy as the Nature of the Serv¬
ice will admit.
Tr (NN) .
^See JCC, 2:109-10.
^See Am. Archives, 4th ser. 2:1048.
John Hancock to George Washington
Sir Philadelphia June 28. 1775
By Direction of the Congress I now Transmitt you severall Reso¬
lutions pass’d yesterday, by which you will Observe they have Direct¬
ed Major General Schuyler to Examine into the State of the Posts at
June 28, 1775
555
Ticonderoga & Crown Point, and of the Troops Station’d there, as
also to Enquire into the Disposition of the Canadians and Indians.
You will likewise find they have Directed him to Take or destroy all
Vessells, Boats or Floating Batteries prepar’d by Governor Carlton
on or near the Waters of the Lakes, and to Take possession of St
Johns & Montreal if he finds it practicable, 8c not Disagreeable to the
Canadians. The Alteration of the Sentiments of Congress since your
Departure relative to making an Impression into Canada was Occa¬
sion’d by a Letter they Receiv’d from the Committee of Albany, a
Copy of which you have Inclos’d. They gave their Directions upon
these important matters directly to Major General Schuyler, as he
would be near the Posts above mention’d, and as their being Sent to
you would Occasion such Delay as might prove Detrimental to the
Service.
I Send you the Remainder of the Commissions Sign’d, should you
have Occasion for more, please to Acquaint me, 8c they shall be im¬
mediately Transmitted you.
Brigr. G^nl. Gates not yet Arriv’d in the City, I Expect him to
morrow, and shall Deliver him his Commissions, and promote his
Joining you as soon as possible. Inclos’d is a Letter from him.
With my best wishes for every personal Happiness, and Success in
all your undertakings, I have the Honor to be. Sir Your most Obedt
Huml. serv. John Hancock President
RC (DLC).
Roger Sherman to Jonathan Trumbull, Sr.
Hond. Sir Philadelphia 28 June 1775
Yesterday the Congress ordered Major Skeen (who has some time
been Confined here within certain limits) to be sent to Hartford and
confined to the limits of that Town on his parole of honor, not to de¬
part nor hold correspondence with our Enemies, or Meddle in politi¬
cal Affairs. Also a resolve was passed to request your Honor on be¬
half of the Colony to Supply General Schuyler with such sums of
Money, and Quantities of Ammunition as he may apply for, and can
be furnished by the Colony.^ It is supposed that he wont have occa¬
sion for more than £^20,000 in Bills of Credit of our Colony, if so
much, to be repaid by the Continent. We were not able to Inform
what some of Money was in our Treasury but thought it probable he
might be furnished with what is necessary. I am most of all con¬
cerned about a Supply of Gun Powder our Colony have taken Such
an Active part, that I should not think it strange if Some Attack
should be made upon it, and it wont be safe to be destitute of Am-
556
June 28, 1775
munition. I am afTraid that our stores are two much exhausted al¬
ready. Care has been taken by our Enemies to prevent our being
supplyed [5y] the Dutch or Danes, in the West Indies. It is probable
General Schuyler may indertake some important enterprise which I
wish to have the Colony afford him all possable Assistance.
I wish to be informed of the arrival of any Supplies of Powder in
any of the New England Governments. I dont know whither your
Honr has been informed who are appointed General Officers in the
Continental Army. All Officers below the rank of a Brigadier are left
to the appointment of the Several Colonies but their Commissions to
be signed by the President of this Congress. The Congress have ap¬
pointed four Major Generals viz, Artemus Ward, Charles Lee, Philip
Schuyler and Israel Putnam; and Eight Brigadiers viz Colo Pomroy
Colo Montgomery of New York, General Wooster, Colo Heath, Colo
Spencer, Colo Thomas of Massachusetts, Major Sullivan of New
Hampshire, Mr Green Rhode Island. They were Elected by Ballot in
the order above.
We informed who were appointed in Connecticut and in what Or¬
der, and the Rank they had before Sustained in the Army, but Gen¬
eral Putnam had rendred himself famous by his Intrepidity and espe¬
cially in the late Action at Noddle’s Island so that the Election was
unanimous. An Ajutant General is appointed from Virginia. I forget
his Name. The Chief General is allowed 3 Aid De Camps and each
Major General 2. Their pay is 33 Dollars per Month, the Persons to
be appointed by the Generals respectively. I have not seen all the
Letters wrote by Colo Dyer & Mr Dean to your Honour. As I lodge at
some Distance from them we have but little leisure to confer togath-
The Congress sits from 9 in the Morning to 4 or 5 and sometimes
6 in the Afternoon. I have not been absent when the Congress were
on Business So much as ten Minutes during the Session. The contro¬
versy between Great Britain and the Colonies has been carried to
greater extremity than I expected but I have now no expectation that
the Ministry will relax their Measures unless they are convinced that
they cannot carry them into Execution. The Salvation of the Colonies
under Divine Providence depends upon their united and Vigorous
application to Arms, that is the only conciliatory Plan that appears to
me likely to prove Successful, or at least without which no other will
have any effect. I am Your Honors Most Obedient humble Servant
Roger Sherman
Tr (Ct) .
VCC, 2:108, 110.
June 29, 1775
557
Silas Deane to Elizabeth Deane
My Dear Philadelphia June 29th. 1775
I hope before this, You have seen Genl. Washington, & Friends,
on their Way, in health, & spirit. The Bearer of this is General Gates
of Virginia a Gentleman, of great experience in Warr, and who
leaves an affluent, & independant situation for the Service of these
Colonies.! If he calls on You, you will receive him with the respect
due to his Character. He is appointed Adjutant General to rank as
Brigadier General. I have no Time To Write Mr. Webb a particular
Letter, Wrote him last Night on Business. My respects to him & the
whole of both Families. You will introduce him to the General, and
ask him to give him directions on the road & assist as farr as possible
in forwarding his Journey. I am my dear your’s S Deane
[P.S.] The Generals name is Horatio Gates — an Englishman served
as a Major in the Regular Army thro’ last Warr.
Anecdote.
The Rifle Men are raising fast. A Commission is given to one Mr.
Cresop to command from Virginia. He being absent when it Arrived,
his Father the brave old Colonel Cresop,^ Now Ninety Two years of
Age took the Command, and determines to join the Army, at their
head, if his Son, should not arrive in Season. I saw a Lettr. from him
this Morning which exceeded any thing I ever read. I will if possible
get a Copy.
Remember my Caution as to my Lettrs.
RC (CtHi).
^ Gates was also the bearer of a personal letter Deane wrote this day to his
stepson, Samuel B. Webb, who was in the Second Regiment of Connecticut troops
at Cambridge. Webb, Correspondence (Ford), 1:72-73.
^This may have been in reference to Col. Thomas Cresap (1702-90) , pioneer of
western Maryland, and his son Michael (1742-75) . The latter was commissioned
captain of the 1st company of Maryland Rifles, June 21, 1775, but died of a
chronic illness a few months later. DAB.
Delaware Delegates to George Washington
Sir, Philadelphia June 29th. 1775.
The Bearer hereof, Mr. John Parke, has taken his degrees of
Bachelor and Master of Arts in the College in this City, and studied
the law under one of us (Mr. McKean) for almost four years.! He is
an Ensign, in the 2d. Battalion of the Militia here, and is desirous of
serving his country as a Volunteer under you. He has frequently
drawn his pen and is now resolved to draw his sword in support of
558
June 29, 1775
the American cause. We therefore beg leave to recommend him par¬
ticularly to your countenance and favor and hope you will distinguish
him agreeable to his merit as soon as an oppertunity of promotion
presents.^
We wish you health, success, happiness and every blessing Heaven
can bestow, and are. Sir, Your most obedient humble servants
Caesar Rodney
Tho McKean
RC (DLC) . Written by Rodney and signed by McKean and Rodney.
^ John Parke (1754-89) , lawyer and poet from Kent County, Del., was appointed
assistant quartermaster general of the army at Cambridge in August 1775. DAB.
letter recommending Parke was also written by John Hancock to Elbridge
Gerry. Hancock described Parke as "a gentleman of reputation here and firmly
attached to the American cause,” and urged Gerry to “introduce him to the
connection of our friends; you know who I mean.” Hancock to Elbridge Gerry,
June 29, 1775, Magazine of American History 12 (July-December 1884) : 460.
Richard Henry Lee to George Washington
Dear Sir, Philadelphia 29th June 1775
Nothing material has occurred since you left this place, except the
imperfect accounts we have of the Charlestown battle, which upon
the whole seems to have nothing unfavorable to our great cause, but
the loss of Dr. Warren. To an infant Country, it is loss indeed, to be
deprived of wise, virtuous, and brave Citizens. I hope however, still
to hear, that our Enemies have lost Characters very useful to them.
We received the account of this engagement late on Saturday evening
last, and a few of us immediately applied to, and prevailed with the
Committee of this City, to dispatch 90 odd quarter Casks of powder
to the Camp, which I hope will arrive safe and in good time.
We are this day informed in Congress that the six Nations and
Canada Indians are firmly disposed to observe a strick neutrality,
and I think we shall endeavor to cultivate their friendship. The Con¬
gress has been engaged these two days about the mutiny and military
regulations, and at last we shall adopt those of Massachusetts with
very few alterations. ^ You will see that we have again taken up the
business of entering Canada, and have left the propriety of it to
Gener. Schuyler. If it can be done, in a manner agreeable to the Cana¬
dians, it will certainly shut the door against dangerous tampering
with the Indians on all our Western frontiers. Nothing has yet been
done about a Military Hospital,^ and I suppose we shall wait for
your return of the state of the Army. Dr. Shippen says that three
young Gentlemen here perfectly compitent, will be ready when called
on, to serve in the capacity of Surgeons.
June 30, 1775
559
I have only to assure you, that it will always make me happy to
hear from you, and that I am, with great regard, dear Sir, Your Affect,
and obedient servant. Richard Henry Lee
RC (DLC) .
iSee JCC, 2:111-22.
® A committee “to report the method of establishing an hospital” was not
appointed until July 19. Congress approved the establishment of a hospital and
elected Benjamin Church director and chief physician on July 27. JCC, 2:191,
209-11.
Caesar Rodney to Thomas Rodney
Sir Philada. June 29th 1775
Since I wrote you last there has been a Verry Considerable En¬
gagement between our Troops and the Regulars upon Bunkers Hill a
little Back of Charles Town, an accot. of Which you’l have in Yester¬
days paper — as full as we have had it as Yet. But Expect further Ac¬
counts of it Every day. I have Sent You by Capn. Henry Bell a Book
for your further improvement in the Military Art. A gun for Caesar,
and for Betsey, Sally and their friends 16 or 17 fine Pine-apples. I
Expect without fail to Set out for Kent Next Tuesday Morning.
Should have Set out Saturday afternoon but Mr. Read prevailed on
me to let him go home this Week on promise to Return by next
Monday Dinner. He is then to Attend till I Return which is to be in
two weeks from the time I leave this. I hope you are all well. Yrs.
Caesar Rodney.
P.S. We have Just heard that the Company of Light Horse belonging
to this City are gone on With the General to the Camp near Boston.
RC (CtY) .
New York Delegates to the
New York Provincial Congress
Gentlemen Philadelphia 30 June 1775
We have reed your Letter of the 23d inst. & are sorry to be in¬
formed of your being retarded by any Difficulties in completing your
levies.
It would be extremely imprudent to suggest the least hint of your
objections to the Congress. Be assured that the Northern & some oth¬
er Colonies are ready to raise Men almost on any terms & would be
560 June 30, 1775
happy in an opportunity of furnishing Troops without any Allowance
for Bounty or Cloaths.
Permit us earnestly to recommend to you to proceed in this Busi¬
ness with Alacrity Sc Dispatch. The Honor as well as the Interest of
the Province is much concerned in the Success of this Measure. Your
Neighbours of Connecticut boast of their having raised their Men in
ten Days Time. Endeavour not to be behind Hand with them.
We have the Pleasure to acquaint you that a continental Currency
is forming, and when compleated, you will be immediately supplied
with a Sum adequate to your Exigencies.
If Forces cannot be raised without Bounties, we beg Leave to sub¬
mit it to your Consideration, whether it would not be better to do it
at the Expence of the Province, or by advancing it on the Credit of
their Pay, than lose the Opportunity of signalizing your Attachment
to the Cause Sc provide for a great Number of your Poor.
From the Intelligence we have receivd of the State of Ammunition
in your City Sc Province, we are apprehensive that you are so desti¬
tute of powder as to be exposed to very iminent danger in case of an
attack, against which we think it extremely necessary that Provision
be speedily made.
We fear there are too many in New York who flatter themselves
with Safety and Security from the Removal of the troops. For our
Parts we consider it as a mere temporary suspension of Danger, and
that this opportunity of putting the Country in a Posture of Defence,
is very fortunate and by all Means to be improved.
We are Gentlemen with the greatest Respect your most obedt. 8c
hble Servts. Phil. Livingston John Jay
John Alsop Wm Floyd
Robt. R. Livingston Junr
P.S. Since writing the above the Congress has requested the Com-
[mitte]e of Philadelphia immediately to send forward 50 qu[arter]
Casks of Powder.i It set out this Day Consigned to the Com-
[mitteje at Elizabeth Town who will send it to Dobbs Ferry. You are
requested to provide for its being immediately taken from thence Sc
carried to Albany for the Use of The Troops at Ticonderogat 8c
Crown point 8cc.
RC (N) . Written by Jay and signed by Jay, Alsop, Floyd, Philip Livingston, and
Robert R. Livingston. Journals of N.Y. Prov. Cong., 2:16. RC damaged; missing
words supplied from Tr.
^ Congress resolved on June 26 to ask the Philadelphia Committee for gunpow¬
der, but the powder was not actually shipped until June 30. JCC, 2:108; and John
Hancock to Philip Schuyler, July 1, 1775. Congress made a follow-up appeal to the
committee on the 30th for an immediate shipment, which led Burnett to the
curious conclusion that Jay actually wrote the body of this letter on June 26 and
added the postscript on June 30. Burnett, Letters, i:148n.4.
June 1775
561
Virginia Delegate to Unknown
[Philadelphia, June 30, 1775]
You will see that our enemies had little to boast of, for being able
to force our troops from Bunker’s hill. It is no wonder they did so,
with superior numbers, ships of war, floating batteries, and field artil¬
lery. Their loss has certainly been very great, and now they dare not
go from under protection of their ships cannon. Our army now be¬
fore Boston amounts to about 15,000 effective men, commanded by
generals Washington, Ward, Lee, Putnam, Gates of Berkeley, with
several brigadiers. In New York, we have now about 4000; and they
are to be increased to 5000, under the immediate command of gener¬
al Schuyler. The Canadians absolutely refuse to join Carleton, and
the Indians assure us they will observe a strict neutrality. Thus, we
seem to be well secured in the north against ministerial madness. A
faithful observance of the association with us will surely rouse the
sleeping lion ere long, and bring exemplary punishment on the most
abandoned ministry that ever abused mankind and disgraced human
nature. Sir William Meredith has cheated the Liverpool-men, and
they are sending out goods as usual; but all their ships, yet arrived,
have been sent back. It will be necessary, however, to keep a good
look-out, to prevent their slipping in through other doors less atten¬
tively watched than this place, and Charlestown in South-Carolina.
We are here confined to a constant and painful attendance on
business, from 9 in the morning, to 4, 5, and sometimes 6, in the af¬
ternoon; and, what is more, have not the most distant prospect of ris¬
ing yet.
We have sent to Virginia and Maryland for two companies of ri¬
fle-men from each province, and six from this, to join the army be¬
fore Boston. Two millions of dollars are ordered to be struck, upon
the faith of the twelve united colonies, for the payment of the conti¬
nental army.
MS not found; reprinted from the Virginia Gazette (Purdie) , July 21, 1775,
"Supplement.” Printed under the heading: “Extract of a letter from one of the
Virginia delegates, dated Philadelphia, June 30."
Benjamin Franklin’s Vindication
[June-July ? 1775]^
Forasmuch as the enemies of America in the Parliament of Great
Britain, to render us odious to the nation, and give an ill impression
of us in the minds of other European powers, have represented us as
unjust and ungrateful in the highest degree; asserting, on every occa-
562
June 1775
sion, that the colonies were settled at the expense of Britain; that
they were, at the expense of the same, protected in their infancy; that
they now ungratefully and unjustly refuse to contribute to their own
protection, and the common defence of the nation; that they aim at
independence; that they intend an abolition of the Navigation Acts;
and that they are fradulent in their commercial dealings, and purpose
to cheat their creditors in Britain, by avoiding the payment of their
just debts;
And, as by frequent repetition these groundless assertions and ma¬
licious calumnies may, if not contradicted and refuted, obtain further
credit, and be injurious throughout Europe to the reputation and in¬
terest of the confederate colonies, it seems proper and necessary to
examine them in our own just vindication.
With regard to the first, that the colonies were settled at the ex¬
pense of Britain, it is a known fact, that none of the twelve united
colonies were settled, or even discovered, at the expense of England.
Henry the Seventh, indeed, granted Commission to Sebastian Cabot,
a Venetian, and his sons, to sail into the western seas for the dis¬
covery of new countries; but it was to be “suis eorum propriis
sumptihus et expensis,” at their oxvn costs and charges.* They dis¬
covered, but soon slighted and neglected these northern territories;
which were, after more than a hundred years’ dereliction, purchased
of the natives, and settled at the charge and by the labor of private
men and bodies of men, our ancestors, who came over hither for that
purpose. But our adversaries have never been able to produce any
record, that ever the Parliament or government of England was at
the smallest expense on these accounts; on the contrary, there exists
on the journals of Parliament a solemn declaration in 1642, (only
twenty-two years after the first settlement of the Massachusetts,
when, if such expense had ever been incurred, some of the members
must have known and remembered it,) “That these colonies had
been planted and established without any expense to the state^f
New York is the only colony in the founding of which England can
pretend to have been at any expense; and that was only the charge of
a small armament to take it from the Dutch, who planted it. But to
retain this colony at the peace, another at that time full as valuable,
planted by private countrymen of ours, was given up by the crown to
the Dutch in exchange, viz. Surinam, now a wealthy sugar colony in
•See the Commission in the Appendix to Pownall’s Administration of the Colonies.
Edition 1775.
t“ Veneris, March 10th, 1642. Whereas, the plantations in New England have,
by the blessing of the Almighty, had good and prosperous success, without any
public charge to this state, and are now likely to prove very happy for the propa¬
gation of the Gospel in those parts, and very beneficial and commodious to this
kingdom and nation; the Commons now assembled in Parliament, &:c. &c. 8cc.”
June 1775
563
Guiana, and which, but for that cession, might still have remained in
our possession. Of late, indeed, Britain has been at some expense in
planting two colonies, Georgia and Nova Scotia; but those are not in
our confederacy; and the expense she has been at in their name has
chiefly been in grants of sums unnecessarily large, by way of salaries
to officers sent from England, and in jobs to friends, whereby depen¬
dants might be provided for; those excessive grants not being requi¬
site to the welfare and good government of the colonies, which good
government (as experience in many instances of other colonies has
taught us) may be much more frugally, and full as effectually, pro¬
vided for and supported.
With regard to the second assertion, that these colonies were pro¬
tected in their infant state by England, it is a notorious fact, that, in
none of the many wars with the Indian natives, sustained by our
infant settlements for a century after our first arrival, were ever any
troops or forces of any kind sent from England to assist us; nor were
any forts built at her expense, to secure our seaports from foreign in¬
vaders; nor any ships of war sent to protect our trade, till many years
after our first settlement, when our commerce became an object of
revenue, or of advantage to British merchants; and then it was
thought necessary to have a frigate in some of our ports, during
peace, to give weight to the authority of custom-house officers, who
were to restrain that commerce for the benefit of England. Our own
arms, with our poverty, and the care of a kind Providence, were all
this time our only protection; while we were neglected by the English
government; which either thought us not worth its care, or, having no
good will to some of us, on account of our different sentiments in re¬
ligion and politics, was indifferent what became of us.
On the other hand, the colonies have not been wanting to do what
they could in every war for annoying the enemies of Britain. They
formerly assisted her in the conquest of Nova Scotia. In the war be¬
fore last they took Louisburg and put it into her hands. She made her
peace with that strong fortress, by restoring it to France, greatly to
their detriment. In the last war, it is true, Britain sent a fleet and
army, who acted with an equal army of ours, in the reduction of
Canada; and perhaps thereby did more for us, than we in the preced¬
ing wars had done for her. Let it be remembered, however, that she
rejected the plan we formed in the Congress at Albany, in 1754, for
our own defence, by a union of the colonies; a union she was jealous
of, and therefore chose to send her own forces; otherwise her aid to
protect us was not wanted. And from our first settlement to that time,
her military operations in our favor were small, compared with the
advantages she drew from her exclusive commerce with us. We are,
however, willing to give full weight to this obligation; and, as we are
daily growing stronger, and our assistance to her becomes of more
579-852 0 - 77 - 38 Vol. 1
564 June 1775
importance, we should with pleasure embrace the first opportunity of
showing our gratitude by returning the favor in kind.
But, when Britain values herself as affording us protection, we de¬
sire it may be considered, that we have followed her in all her wars,
and joined with her at our own expense against all she thought fit to
quarrel with. This she has required of us; and would never permit us
to keep peace with any power she declared her enemy; though by
separate treaties we might well have done it. Under such circum¬
stances, when at her instance we made nations our enemies, whom
we might otherwise have retained our friends, we submit it to the
common sense of mankind, whether her protection of us in these
wars was not our just due, and to be claimed of right, instead of
being received as a favor? And whether, when all the parts of an em¬
pire exert themselves to the utmost in their common defence, and in
annoying the common enemy, it is not as well the parts that protect
the whole, as the whole that protects the parts? The protection then
has been proportionably mutual. And, whenever the time shall come,
that our abilities may as far exceed hers, as hers have exceeded ours,
we hope we shall be reasonable enough to rest satisfied with her pro¬
portionable exertions, and not think we do too much for a part of the
empire, when that part does as much as it can for the whole.
The charge against us, that we refuse to contribute to our own
protection, appears from the above to be groundless; but we farther
declare it to be absolutely false; for it is well known, that we ever
held it as our duty to grant aids to the crown, upon requisition, to¬
wards carrying on its wars; which duty we have cheerfully complied
with, to the utmost of our abilities; insomuch that frequent and grate¬
ful acknowledgements thereof, by King and Parliament, appear on
the records.* But, as Britain has enjoyed a most gainful monopoly of
our commerce; the same, with our maintaining the dignity of the
King’s representative in each colony, and all our own separate estab¬
lishments of government, civil and military; has ever hitherto been
deemed an equivalent for such aids as might otherwise be expected
from us in time of peace. And we hereby declare, that on a reconcili¬
ation with Britain, we shall not only continue to grant aids in time of
war, as aforesaid; but, whenever she shall think fit to abolish her mo¬
nopoly, and give us the same privileges of trade as Scotland received
at the union, and allow us a free commerce with all the rest of the
world; we shall willingly agree (and we doubt not it will be ratified
•Supposed to allude to certain passages in the journals of the House of Commons
on the 4th of April, 1748; 28th of January, 1756; 3d of February, 1756; 16th and
19th of May, 1757; 1st of June, 1758; 26th and 30th of April, 1759; 26th and 31st
of March, and 28th of April, 1760; 9th and 20th of January, 1761; 22d and 26th
of January, 1762; and 14th and l7th of March, 1763. B[enjamin] V[aughan].
June 1775
565
by our constituents) to give and pay into the sinking fund [one
hundred thousand pounds] sterling per annum for the term of one
hundred years; which duly, faithfully, and inviolably applied to that
purpose, is demonstrably more than sufficient to extinguish all her
present national debt; since it will in that time amount, at legal Brit¬
ish interest, to more than [two hundred and thirty millions of
pounds.] f
But if Britain does not think fit to accept this proposition, we, in
order to remove her groundless jealousies, that we aim at independ¬
ence, and an abolition of the Navigation Act, (which hath in truth
never been our intention,) and to avoid all future disputes about the
right of making that and other acts of regulating our commerce, do
hereby declare ourselves ready and willing to enter into a covenant
with Britain, that she shall fully possess, enjoy, and exercise that
right, for an hundred years to come; the same being bond fide used
for the common benefit; and, in case of such agreement, that every
Assembly be advised by us to confirm it solemnly by laws of their
own, which, once made, cannot be repealed without the assent of the
crown.
The last charge, that we are dishonest traders, and aim at defraud¬
ing our creditors in Britain, is sufficiently and authentically refuted
by the solemn declarations of the British merchants to Parliament,
(both at the time of the Stamp Act and in the last session,) who bore
ample testimony to the general good faith and fair dealing of the
Americans, and declared their confidence in our integrity; for which
we refer to their petitions on the journals of the House of Commons.
And we presume we may safely call on the body of the British
tradesmen, who have had experience of both, to say, whether they
have not received much more punctual payment from us, than they
generally have from the members of their own two Houses of Parlia¬
ment.
On the whole of the above it appears, that the charge of ingrati¬
tude towards the mother country, brought with so much confidence
against the colonies, is totally without foundation; and that there is
much more reason for retorting that charge on Britain, who, not only
never contributes any aid, nor affords, by an exclusive commerce,
any advantages to Saxony, her mother country; but no longer since
than in the last war, without the least provocation, subsidized the
King of Prussia while he ravaged that mother country, and carried
fire and sword into its capital, the fine city of Dresden! An example
we hope no provocation will induce us to imitate.
tSee Dr. Price's Appeal on the National Debt. Bfenjamin] V[aughan].
566
June 1775
MS not found; reprinted from Benjamin Franklin, The Works of Benjamin Frank¬
lin . . ed. Jared Sparks, 10 vols. (Boston: Hilliard, Gray, and Co., 1836-40) , 5:83-90.
Although this document was identified as the work of Benjamin Franklin when
it was first published by Benjamin Vaughan in the Public Advertiser, July 18,
1777, its purpose and origin remain obscure. Vaughan asserted that “it was drawn
up in a Committee of Congress, June 25th, 1775, but does not appear on their
Minutes: a severe act of Parliament, which arrived about that time, having
determined them not to give the sum proposed.’’ And Jared Sparks, who reprinted
it in 1838, noting that on June 25 “Dr. Franklin was on a Committee for reporting
to Congress a declaration to be published by General Washington, on his arrival in
camp at Cambridge,’’ concluded that “the discussion of that subject in the Com¬
mittee may have suggested these remarks.’’ Ibid., 5:83. However, neither surmise is
convincing, since on the one hand June 25 fell on a Sunday, and on the other, the
substance of the “vindication” bears little relation to the work of the committee
appointed to prepare a statement to be read to the army upon Washington’s
assumption of command at Boston. Edmund C. Burnett suggested that since “the
question of colonial support of the mother country” was “the principal point of
discussion in the Vindication it may have been written in connection with the
preparation of the answer to Lord North’s conciliatory motion.” But since Congress
learned officially on July 20 that Georgia had finally elected delegates who would
soon take their seats, it seems unlikely that Franklin would have continued to refer
to “the twelve united colonies” in composing a document for a committee that was
not appointed until July 22. And Burnett’s final suggestion that “possibly Franklin
composed and circulated the ‘Vindication’ merely for the entertainment or enlight¬
enment of his friends” is likewise flawed, because it rests upon a passage from an
undated letter of Peter Collinson to Franklin once calendared under the date 1775
but obviously written several years earlier, as Collinson died in 1768. Burnett,
Letters, l:185n; and I. Minis Hays, ed.. Calendar of the Papers of Benjamin
Franklin in the Library of the American Philosophical Society, 5 vols. (Philadel¬
phia: Printed for the American Philosophical Society, 1908) , 4:402.
Although the specific occasion for its composition remains unknown, there is no
reason to doubt that it is the work of Franklin and represents the common concern
that the American cause would be injured by unanswered allegations that Ameri¬
cans ignored their reciprocal obligations within the empire, were dishonest traders,
and evaded the legitimate costs of their defense. Surely it was written before July
20, 1775, and may well have been stimulated by fears that Lord North’s conciliato¬
ry proposals of February 20— which had been submitted to some colonial assemblies
early in May and were formally laid before Congress on May 26— would find a
favorable reception in the colonies. But it seems as much directed to a British as to
an American audience and may well have been composed in consequence of the
discussions that led Congress on June 3 to appoint committees to draft a petition
to the king, an address to the people of Great Britain, an address to the people of
Ireland, and a letter to the inhabitants of Jamaica. See JCC, 2:61-63, 79-80. For
Franklin’s early view of North’s proposals, see his letter of February 25, 1775, to
Joseph Galloway. Franklin, Writings (Smyth) , 6:313-14. For evidence that Congress
continued to be concerned about the impact of ministerial charges directed against
American leaders, see JCC, 3:353, 392, 409-12, 455, 513.
Silas Deane to Elizabeth Deane
My Dear, Phila. 1st July 1775
I wrote you yesterday by Genl. Gates on his Way To join the
July 1, 1775
567
Army. Received Yours of the 26th inst. but have not Time to be par¬
ticular as the Bearer Major Morgan is in haste to join the Army,
only that Col. Schuyler has left Us to take Command of the Forces in
New York Government, & whither Our Scheme will be carried into
execution or Not is at present uncertain.^ On this rely, I shall ever be
mindful of you, my Freinds Sc my Country 8c labor to serve them.
Doer. Franklin is with Us but he is not a Speaker tho’ We have I
think his hearty Approbation of 8c assent To every Measure. But, my
Dear, Times like these call up Genius, which slept before, and stimu¬
late it in action to a degree, that eclipses what might before have
been fixed as a Standard. The Warr will not last Seven Years if I
have any Judgment in Matters, and as to powder I hope the Meas¬
ures we are taking will procure a supply, but I do not approve of
wasting it on Batteries, Shipps 8cc, however much, I approve of 8c ap¬
plaud the Bravery of Our Men. I hope Genl. Washington answered
the Character I gave of him, I only wish he had a better regulated 8c
provided Army to Command, but hope for the best, if We can worry
them thro’ this Campaign, resources will be procured or relief ob¬
tained. I have the fullest assurance that These Colonies will rise
triumphant, 8c shine to the latest posterity, tho’ trying Scenes are be¬
fore Us which Our Wise Father is in Mercy exercising Us with at this
Day. Towns wrapt in Flames, Garments roll’d in Blood, The Feilds
of the husbandman loaded with Military preparation, 8c parade, 8c
parents. Wives, Children, in anxious 8c soul torturing expectation for
or weeping over the Fate of their dear Connections these are Scenes
distressing, but they are Necessary for the good of the Whole, and it
is for Us to encounter them with Chearfulness, 8c Alacrity. For my
own part, I believe the Cabinet will be my Station, but am equally
free to take the Feild if occasion call for Me. Parson Jarvis may be
expected to sp)eak what he wishes for but thank God, he 8c other
Wretches of his Stamp will be disappointed — the Congress Unani¬
mously resolving to stand by the General, with their Lives 8c
Fortunes.2
You must tell J Webb I cannot write him. I sent him 4 Doz. Gun-
locks yesterday, & can send him more, if he wants. The Rifle Men
are part of them on their March and I wish Our Troops would imi¬
tate their Uniform as it is cheap, 8c light. I am with Love to all, of
both Families, 8c a kind remembrance of Neighbours Your most Af¬
fectionate Husband S- Deane
[P.S.] Tell my Brother to get his Vessel away as quick as possible
somewhere or other, if he send her at all, this is what the Merchts are
doing here. Whither the ports will be stopp’d before September is
quite Uncertain, but his Vessel can do No good here, unless he make
a privateer of her, 8c indeed I hop>e to see Vessels of Warr on Our
side soon.
568
July 1, 1775
RC (CtHi).
^See Deane to Philip Schuyler, July 3, 1775.
» See JCC, 2:97.
John Hancock to Philip Schuyler
Sir Philadela. July 1st. 1775
I duly Rec’d your Letters of 29 Sc 30th ulto. (that Refer’d to by
you of 28th not yet come to hand) and immediately laid them before
the Congress, in Consequence of wch. I have their Directions to
Transmitt you their Resolution, whereby you will observe that Genl
Wooster is order’d with the Troops under his Command to Remain
at New York, and that you Raise as many of the Green Mountain
Boys & others in the Vicinity of Ticonda. as will be necessary to Exe¬
cute the Resolutions of Congress I heretofore Transmitted you.^ You
will please particularly to Notice that altho’ the Congress have given
you peremptory Instructions to Take or Destroy all the Boats Ves-
sells See preparing by Gov Carlton on or near the Lake, yet with re¬
spect to your proceedg. to Montreal 8c Quebeck such Circumstances
are pointed out by their Resolution which they Expect you [to\ be
fully possess’d of previous to your undertakg the prosecution of that
Expedition.
I inclose you the Arrangement of the officers with their pay so far
as has been determin’d by Congress, as soon as the whole is Settled
you shall be made Acquainted; as to the Allowance of provisions,
that at present must be left to your Discretion, untill you hear further
from this Congress or the General on that Subject.
I am to inform you that besides the Quantity of powder Sent from
Connectict. to Ticonderoga, the Committee of this City by Desire of
Congress yesterday Sent forward 50 quarter Casks of Powder to that
place.
Any Resolutions of Congress that take place respectg you I shall
be Carefull immediately to transmitt you. I am Sir Your most Obedt.
Servant. John Hancock president.
[P.S.] If you are in Want of any more Commissions, let me know 8c
they shall be sent, none are to be issued, but such as go from this
Congress.
RC (PHC) . Tr (NN) . RC incomplete; signature and postscript supplied from Tr.
iSee JCC, 2.123-24.
July 1, 1775
569
Richard Henry Lee to Robert Carter
Dear Sir: Philadelphia, 1 July, 1775.
We had the news of Williamsburg by Mr Jefferson. It seems in¬
deed as if Lord Dunmore was taking true pains to incur the censure
of the whole reasonable world, conceiving, I suppose, that it is the
most likely way to please his masters in the administration. The en¬
closed printed hand-bill will give you an account of a very bloody en¬
gagement between a detachment of the continental army and the
ministerial forces from Boston. ^ Our enemies are compelled to re¬
main under cover of their ship’s cannon. Should they come out we
have 15,000 men under command of Generals Washington, Ward,
Lee, Putnam and others, ready to give a good account of them. The
ministerial plan against New York we shall oppose with 5,000 men,
under the immediate command of Gen. Schuyler. The Canadians
(20 noblesse excepted) have peremptorily refused to join Gov. Car-
leton, and when he has warmly solicited the Indians to take up the
hatchet against us, they tell him it is buried too deep, they cannot
find it. To us they promise a strict neutrality. Things being thus se¬
cured where our enemies proposed to make the deepest impression, it
remains with us in the middle and southern colonies to take care that
the association be faithfully observed, attend to military discipline, to
the making of salt-petre for future supplies. These things, with the
necessary application to manufactures, will prevent the powers of
darkness from prevailing against us. . . .
We just hear that thirteen transports are arrived at New York with
about 2,000 soldiers and on their being ordered round to Boston,
they meet and swear they will not go there to fight against their
friends. Gen. Howe, who commanded the ministerial troops in the
late battle, we have our accounts, is since dead of his wounds. He
was, by much, the best officer they had. He came on this business
much against his judgment, and died fighting against the country,
that in honor of his brother’s virtue, erected a splendid monument to
his memory in Westminster Abbey.
The Congress, I fear, will sit a great part of the summer. Business
crowds, fast upon us, and the public here seems unwilling we should
get up before it is known how the battle of Lexington was received
in England. Yours obediently, Richard Henry Lee.
MS not found; reprinted from extract in The Collector 2 (September 1888) : 9.
Recipient identified in Stan V. Henkels Catalog, no. 663 (April 1891) , item 940.
^Perhaps Elijah Hide’s account of the June 17 battle at Charlestown that was
printed in broadside form by Francis Bailey of Lancaster, Pa., on June 26, 1775.
Charles Evans, American Bibliography, 12 vols. (Chicago; Privately printed,
1903-34) , no. 13857; and Am. Archives, 4th ser 2:1018-19.
570
July 1, 1775
South Carolina Delegates to the
Charleston Secret Committee
Gentlemen Philadelphia July 1. 1775
By Directions of the continental Congress, we have sent the vessell
by which this goes, to procure from you a Quantity of Gun-Powder
for the Use of the Armies actually in the Field for the Service of
America.^ The frequent & severe Skirmishg in the Neighbourhood of
Boston have so exhausted their Magazines that an immediate Supply
is absolutely necessary.
We entreat you to purchase all that can be bought in Town, Sc to
dispatch this Vessel with it for this Place as soon as possible. Togeth¬
er with as much as can be spared out of the Public Stock without
Danger to your own Safety.
Shoud there be any damaged Powder on Hand, please send it also,
as it may be recovered here.
By one of the Resolutions inclosed to the General Committee yoii’l
see that it is recommended to the Southern Colonies to secure all the
Salt Petre that can be got as well from the Stores as from private Per¬
sons, which, as you have no Powder Mills erected or Persons skilful
in making Gun Powder, we woud advise may be sent to be manufac¬
tured here.
Shoud you be able to send more than four Thousand Weight of
Powder we woud wish the overplus may be sent by some other Oper-
tunity.
In order to prevent Suspicion we have sent [ ]2 Bushells of
Indian Corn in this Vessell which may be sold or exchanged for
Rice, in which the Casks of Powder may be concealed so perhaps as
to prevent suspicion shoud she unhappily be unable to avoid being
overtaken by a Cruizer.
The utmost Secrecy and Dispatch are absolutely necessary.
As large Quantities of Powder will be wanted we strongly recom¬
mend that you continue to import all that you can, and think it prob¬
able that large Quantitys might be got from the government of the
Havana as we can find no application there from any of these Colo¬
nies. We are. Gentlemen, Your most Obedt Servants
Henry Middleton Chris Gadsden
Tho Lynch J. Rutledge
E. Rutledge
RC (PHC) . Written by Lynch and signed by Lynch, Gadsden, Middleton, Edward
Rutledge and John Rutledge.
^ Upon receipt of this letter the committee communicated it to the South
Carolina Council of Safety, which decided to apply to the Georgia Provincial
July 2, 1775
571
Congress for the gunpowder requested by the delegates, Georgia having recently
acquired more than six tons from a captured British schooner. To this end the
Council of Safety sent William Henry Drayton and Miles Brewton to Savannah,
where they succeeded in persuading the Provincial Congress to provide them with
five thousand pounds of gunpowder, which they dispatched by ship to Philadel¬
phia on July 21. On August 1 payment of $293 to the South Carolina delegates for
gunpowder was approved “by order of Congress.” JCC, 2:237; William Bell Clark
et al., eds.. Naval Documents of the American Revolution (Washington: Depart¬
ment of the Navy, 1964- ) , 1:856, 931-32; and John Drayton, ed.. Memoirs of the
American Revolution, from its Commencement to the Year 1776, Inclusive; as
Relating to the State of South-Carolina: and Occasionally Refering to the States of
North-Carolina and Georgia, 2 vols. (Charleston, S. C.: A. E. Miller, 1821) ,
1:271-73.
“ MS blank.
Samuel Adams to James Warren
My dear Sir Philada July 2 1775.
The Messrs. Hall of Maryland are just now arrivd here from Cam¬
bridge which place they left the 22 Ult. They have brot us but one
Letter, viz from our good Friend Coll Palmer. I am glad to hear that
the Number of killed 8c wounded on the side of the Enemy amounts
to so many more than 1000. I dare say you would not grudge them
every last Hill near you upon the same Terms. A Gentleman of New
York the Son of Mr. Phillip Livingston one of the Delegates from
that place writes him that the Pilot who brot in the Nautil[us] Ship
of War lately from Boston reports that he heard the officers on board
frequently lament the Death of General Howe. If this be true I re-
joyce in it, for that Man deservd to die for his Ingratitude.
Indeed my Friend, your Cause here suffers by our not receiving
more frequent and particular Accounts from you. The Delegates
from the other three Colonies have better Intelligence of what is
doing near Boston than your own. We know Nothing of the Disposi¬
tion of the Army, not even who commanded in the late important
Engagement. I know your hands are full of Business, but may not a
Committee be appointed to collect and send to us material Intelli¬
gence. There is a regular Post but we hardly think it worth while to
send a Servant to the office for Letters.
I have a thousand things to say to you which I cannot write. Did I
not flatter my self that we were doing essential Service to the com¬
mon Cause, I would not tarry here a Moment. Some Matters are
agreed to and many more talkd of which I know you will be pleasd
with— but let me tell you that were you here your Patience wd be
tried. It is not in the Power of Man to create Events. Our Business is
to foresee as far as we are able prepare for and improve them. It is
my opinion that great ones will be produced in a short time. Perhaps
572
July 2, 1775
I may not be sufferd to live to enjoy them — for I find I have the
honour of being publickly proscribd by an infamous Traitor. I can
not express to you my Contempt of him and his proclamation.^ It is
my fate to be always in a hurry. Adieu.
[P.S.] My Love to the Circle.
RC (MHi) . In Adams’ hand, though not signed. Endorsed by Warren: “Mr. S.
Adams, 2 July 75.”
1 General Gage had issued a proclamation on June 12, 1775, offering pardon to
everyone in rebellion except Samuel Adams and John Hancock. Am Archives, 4th
ser. 2:968-70.
John Alsop to the New York Provincial Congress
Gent. Philadelphia, 3rd July, 1775.
Your favour of 28th ult. I received, respecting some blankets. In
answer, a friend of mine has a quantity at Maryland with some
strands and other Indian goods, which he chooses to sell altogether.
They are ordered here as soon as they arrive. He will give the in¬
voice, which I shall lay before the Congress, as I suppose they will
purchase the whole. Shall inform them of number of blankets wanted
by you; but I fear there is not so many as you stand in need of. I am,
with respect, gent. Your very hble. servt. John Alsop
MS not found; reprinted from Journals of N.Y. Prov. Cong., 2:60.
Silas Deane to Elizabeth Deane
My Dear July 3d 1775
I write not meerly because I cannot let slip any Oppy but to ask
after Your health of which You have said Nothing, since I left home,
but left Me to judge by Your Letters. What think You of coming to
Philadelphia, unless We adjourn this Week We shall tarry here Two
Mo[nths] longer. If you can get Company to New York, will meet
you there. Sc wait on you to this City. The Weather is not more se¬
vere, for heat than with you, and you may have the Satisfaction of
seeing this part of the Continent. You will perhaps think Me wild,
but think how severe it is to be detained here for Th[ree or] Four
Months together absent from family & from You. [Thin]k on the
Subject and write Me whither you think S[uch a] Journey would not
be of Service to your health. [You] may expect to see Governor
Skene in person in [a] few Days with you, who will Visit Hartford
July 3, 1775
573
as a place where he will have less Business on hand than what he is
ambitious of engaging in here.
How are all Freinds at New London. I have had no Time to write
them. Remember Me to Jose & Family, are there signs of increase.
Have wrote Barn [aba] s & am in haste My Dear Your Affectionate
Husband S. Deane
P.S. My Love to Jesse 8c Sally. Tell my Brother to fix away his Ves¬
sel quick, if he intend it at all this Year. Do not fear as to my taking
an Active part in Military matters, I have not as yet Vanity enough
to engage where so many must be my Superiors, but will readily do
it, when I can serve my Country, no better, some other Way. Your
Next I expect will give Me some Acct. of the Generals passing you.
Yesterday [I] heard Mr. Dushay, 8c Mr. Duffill [hit a?] high Lib¬
erty key. They woidcl have pleased you.
RC (CtHi) . Collections of the Connecticut Historical Society 23 (1930): 6-7. RC
damaged; missing words supplied from Tr.
Silas Deane to Philip Schuyler
Sir Philadelphia 3d July 1775
I have wrote You twice since Your leaving Us and am not a little
impatient, for a reply, in which I wish You to be as particular as pos¬
sible for you in Your complication of Business of importance.
You know the Two great Objects I ever had in View the Coup du
Main at N. York, 8c to the Northward. I hope you have had Time to
think a little of the former and if practicable, to leave Your Instruc¬
tions with some faithful, resolute, and determined persons to
execute.^ I say again were my presence Necessary I would chearfully
venture my Life in the [Action] . As to matters to the Northward, I
pray You may have patience, equall to Your Resolution, 8c Zeal for I
apprehend You may have many obstacles to encounter, but am con¬
fident, if it can be effected You will Succeed. I am in haste Dear Sir
Your most Obedt. 8c very huml Servt S Deane
^Schuyler’s letter to Deane of June [i.e. July] 3, 1775, suggests that they had
planned the capture of a British warship, possibly the Asia, which was then
anchored at New York. Schuyler reported that the ship was alert to possible attack
and concluded: “I fear an attempt to possess her would be fruitless, and all
circumstances considered I believe destroying her would answer no good purposes,
against which they have also taken precaution.” Collections of the Connecticut
Historical Society 2 (1870) : 251-52. Deane also wrote to Captain Isaac Sears this
day, and Sears’ reply of July 8 apparently refers to this same scheme. Ibid., pp.
278-80. See also Deane to Elizabeth Deane, June 18 and July 1, 1775.
574
July 3, 1775
John Langdon to Matthew Thornton
Sr. Philadelphia 3d July 1775
No doubt before this comes to hand General Sullivan (who set out
for home last Tuesday) ^ will have waited on you, or the Committee
of the Province, to whom I beg leave to Refer for Particulars. Since
his Departure, we hear that Several Companies of expert Rifle men
have marched from Virginia and Mariland; Six Companies from this
Colony will march this week, to Join the Army before Boston. I have
also the pleasure to inform you that the powder Mills are going on
fast, haveing been Supplied with several Tons of salt petre, the Man-
ufactureing of which Article is like to meet with great Success, here,
as also in Virginia and without doubt, in two or three months, will be
able to furnish large quantities.
We hear from South Carolina, that a Considerable quantity of
powder was Arrived there, some of which will be immediately for¬
warded to Boston; this may be depended on. There has been within a
few days, a Considerable quantity sent from this place to our Armies
before Boston and Ticonderoga. Every method has been taken, and
will Continue to be taken, for the importation of large supplies of
that Necessary Article of powder, some of which hope will arrive
soon. It is not likely that I shall be able to get Powder to send to our
Province, as the whole will be in the hands of the Committee, to be
sent from time to time to our army; therefore if any should be want¬
ing for the Common Cause, no doubt it may be had from the [ormy]
thence. I would here beg leave to Suggest, that we should not by any
means, at Present, make use of Cannon, if it’s Possable to avoid it,
untill we are more fully suppli’d.
The Assembly of this Province have voted to raise four thousand
five hundred minute men; every measure seems to be takeing to de¬
fend our Just rights to the last extremity. The general voice of the
people here is, that our Cause is Just and Righteous and that God is
on our side as has most evidently appeared.
The low, base, and wanton Cruelty of the Ministerial Sons of Tyr¬
anny, in burning the once pleasant and populous Town of Charles¬
town, Beggers all Description.^ This does not look like the fight of
those who have so long been Friends, and would hope to be Friends
again, but Rather of a Most Cruel enemy, but we shall not wonder
when we Reflect, that it is the infernal hand of Tyranny which always
has and ever will Delluge that part of the World (which it lays hold
of) in Blood.
I am in some hopes that the Congress will rise in abt a fortnight,
but this is meer Conjecture, as it will depend on what news we Re¬
ceive from our Army, and some other matters.
I am very sorry to be alone, in so great and important a business
July 3, 1775
575
as that of Representing a whole Colony, which no one man is equal
to, but how to avoid it, I know not; whether it will be tho’t worth
while (at this uncertainty) to send me any Assistance, our Honbl
Convention will be Judges.
I shall endeavour (as far as my poor abilities will admit of) to
render every service, to my Country, in my Power. I am with great
Respect, your most Obt Servt. John Langdon
RC (Nh-Ar) .
^Congress appointed John Sullivan a brigadier general of the Continental Army
on June 22. His departure June 27 left Langdon as New Hampshire’s sole delegate.
JCC, 2:103.
“The burning of Charlestown occurred June 17 during the Battle of Bunker
Hill.
North Carolina Delegates to the
Presbyterian Ministers of Philadelphia
Gentlemen [July 3-8? 1775] ^
The Delegates for the province of North Carolina request of the
Presbyterian Ministers of the City of Philadelphia that they would
use their pastoral Influence to work a change in the disposition of the
pteople of that province who by the Artifices of wicked and designing
men have been led astray from the path of duty 8c taught to believe
that the contest which at present subsists betwixt America 8c the par¬
ent State, owes its origin to factious 8c seditious men in these Colonies
who aim at Independence of Great Britain 8c are desirous to establish
a system of democracy in America, thereby to rise into power 8c to
build up themselves upon the ruin of the British Constitution.
These Chimerical opinions have been propagated by the Rulers of
that Colony, 8c have gained too ready a belief with men, who are not
accustomed to speculate politically, or to look forward to what must
be the necessary consequence if Great Britain should be able to en¬
force her Slavish tenets.
The Men who have been most the dupes to the designs of Admin¬
istration are the Inhabitants of the back parts of that Colony, a labo¬
rious hardy set of people who become formidable from that as well
as their numbers, 8c should Govt have influence enough to draw them
into action, might endanger [t/ie] liberties of North Carolina 8c go
far to defeat the plan of Opposition devised by the Continental Con¬
gress. Such a struggle would be productive of bloodshed 8c. therefore
loudly calls for the kind offices of the ministers of peace to prevent
its baneful Consequences.
The Pastoral Letter from the Synod of New York^ speaks a Ian-
576
July 3, 1775
guage that will find a ready access to their hearts, and if accompa¬
nied with a letter stating more at large the nature of the continental
opposition urging them to take an active share in behalf of America,
& to submit themselves to these Regulations which the present un¬
hinged state of the usual forms of Govt have rendered necessary sub¬
stitutes for provincial Assemblie’s, will effectually produce those
happy purposes which it is the intention of this Application to obtain.
We wish that much stress may be laid upon the Attempt of the
British Park, to take their money without their Consent. This will
touch their pockets & make them feel the earnings of a laborious
honest Industry to be at the discretion of any body of Men to take
from them without their having any share in the appointment of
those who are to order it will affect them deeply. We are Gentlemen
With great Respect your most Obed Humb Sert
FC (NcU: Hayes Collection microfilm) . Written by Joseph Hewes and intended
for the signatures of Hewes and William Hooper, Richard Caswell having left
Congress and returned to North Carolina at the end of June. See Joseph Hewes to
Samuel Johnston, July 8, 1775.
^The North Carolina delegates were prompted to compose this letter as a result
of the reception in Congress on July 3 of an intercepted letter of Gen. Thomas
Gage to North Carolina Governor Josiah Martin, dated April 12, 1775, forwarded
by the New York Provincial Congress pursuant to an order of June 27. Gage’s
letter, containing a promise to provide Martin with a supply of gunpowder “by
way of New-York” to bolster the position of North Carolina loyalists, had been
sent to the New York Provincial Congress on June 6 by the South Carolina
Committee of Intelligence, which charged Martin’s agents with attempting to
arouse former Regulators in the South Carolina backcountry to oppose the patriot
party in that province. Apparently Hewes and Hooper inferred from this accusa¬
tion that Governor Martin was pursuing the same tactics among the Regulators in
the North Carolina backcountry and thought to frustrate this design by inducing a
group of Presbyterian ministers in Philadelphia to address a plea for support of
the measures of Congress to their co-religionists in the Carolina backcountry. In
any event, Hewes and Hooper dispatched this letter no later than July 8, and this
in turn led to the publication of a pamphlet dated July 10, 1775, and signed by
Revs. Francis Alison, James Sproat, George Duffield, and Robert Davidson, entitled
An Address of the Presbyterian Ministers, of the City of Philadelphia, to the
Ministers and Presbyterian Congregations, in the County of in North-Caro-
lina (Philadelphia, 1775) . Joseph Hewes to Samuel Johnston, July 8, 1775; JCC,
2:124; and Am. Archives, 4th ser. 2:317-18, 1323-24.
^ Presbyterian Church, Synod of New York and Philadelphia, A Pastoral Letter
from the Synod of New-York and Philadelphia to the Congregations under their
Care; to be Read from the Pulpits . . . June 29, 1775 . . . (New York: Shober and
Loudon, 1775) . Written by John Witherspoon. See also John Adams to Abigail Adams,
June 11, 1775.
July 3, 1775
577
Joseph Hewes
578 July 3, 1775
Pennsylvania Delegates to the Philadelphia Committee
Philada. July 3. 1775.
By order of the Continental Congress The Committee of the City
of Philada. are earnestly recommended Immediately to Convey Ma¬
jor Philip Skeene Sc Mr. Lundy & deliver them to the Committee of
New York who are requested to Convey them to Hartford in Con¬
necticut There to Deliver them & the Order of Congress to the Com¬
mittee of that Town and that this be done in the most Effectual
Manner and the utmost care taken that [they do] not Escape.^
The Expences Will be paid by Congress.
B. Franklin John Dickinson
Geo. Ross James Wilson
RC (PHi) . Written by Ross, dated by Franklin, and signed by Franklin, Ross,
Dickinson, and Wilson.
^See resolve and order of June 27, JCC, 2:108-9. A second resolution on the
subject was adopted on July 5, JCC, 2:126-27.
Caesar Rodney to Thomas Rodney
Sir, Phila. Monday. July 3rd. 1775.
I wrote by Capt. Bell that I should set out for Dover as of to-mor¬
row morning. I now have to tell you that the business of the Congress
will not admit of my going till Sunday Morng. Therefore, if alive 8c
well, you may expect me at Dover on the P.M. of Monday next.
Since I wrote last, we have had some further accts. of the battle at
Bunkers Hill in a letter signed by one Burr, who is a man much to be
confided in. This letter is published in this day’s paper, which I have
enclosed you. By private intelligence rec’d the day before yesterday,
Genl. Howe, about 3 days after the Engagement died in Boston of
his wounds rec’d at Bunker’s hill. The nine Compys. of Rifle-men for
Penna. are nearly completed 8c are to be headed by Capt. Thomson
as Col. 8c you may tell Mr. Magaw that his brother is appointed 8c
going Major. They will be ready to march for the Camp near Boston
by the latter end of this week. This comes by [Ang. Marlone?] , who
I expect will find you pretty much engaged in my Harvest. I am. Sir,
Yours 8cc. Cesar Rodney
Tr (DLC) . Rodney, Letters (Ryden) , 62-63.
July 4, 1775
579
John Adams to Abigail Adams
My dear Phyladelphia July 4. 1775
This Letter is to go by my worthy Friend Mr. Stephen Collins of
this City. This Gentleman is of Figure and Eminence as well as For¬
tune in this Place. He is of the Perswasion of the Friends, but not
stiff nor rigid. He is a Native of Lynn in New England, a Brother of
Ezra Collins in Boston, a Nephew of Friend Collins the Apothecary
in Boston. I have been treated by him in this City, both in the forrner
Congress and the present, with unbounded Civility, and Friendship.
His House is open to every New Englandman. I never knew a more
agreable Instance of Hospitality.
I beg, my dear, that he may be treated with every Expression of
Gratitude, Affection and Esteem. Perswade him to go to Weymouth
to see your Father and Dr. Tufts, if you can, and your Unkle Quincy.
A certain Mr. John Kaighn, (they pronounce his Name Cain) an¬
other Quaker of liberal sentiments is in Company with Mr. Collins.
This Mr. Kaighn has been a principal Cause of the Prevalence of the
Principles of Liberty among the Quakers, and of forming a Company
of Light Infantry, composed entirely of Gentlemen of that Perswa¬
sion, who appear constantly in neat uniforms and perform very well.
I have lost all my Friends in the Massachusetts Bay, excepting my
Wife, Coll. Warren and Coll. Palmer. From each of these I have re¬
ceived two or three Letters and no more. Not a scratch of a Pen have
I been able to obtain from any Body else. We are constantly obliged
to go to the Delegates from Connecticutt and Rhode Island for Intel¬
ligence of what is passing at Boston, Charlestown, Cambridge, Rox-
bury and Watertown. I am, my dear ever yours, John Adams
RC (MHi) . Adams, Family Correspondence (Butterfield) , 1:238.
George Clinton to George Washington
[Philadelphia?] 4th July 1775. Recommends for Washington’s
consideration “Mr. White,i the Son of Anthony White Esq’r of New
Jersey,” who, “Inspired with Love for our much injured Country
now vissits your Camp to offer his Service as a Vollenteer in the
Army under your Command.”
MS not found; abstracted from Hugh Hastings and J. A. Holden, eds., Pu&bc
Papers of George Clinton . . ., 10 vols. (New York and Albany: Wynkoop Hallen-
beck Crawford Co. et al., 1899-1914) , 1:208-9. • j v,
1 Anthony Walton White (1750^1803) was subsequently appointed by Congress
lieutenant colonel of the Third New Jersey Battalion on February 9, 1776. ]CC,
4:123.
579-852 0 - 77 - 39 Vol. 1
580
July 4, 1775
Silas Deane’s Diary
[July 4, 1775]
Tuesday July 3d [i.e. 4th]. All Day at Congress wording on Peti¬
tion &C.1
MS (CtHi) . CHS Bulletin 29 (July 1964) : 93.
^The second petition to the king, which was approved the next day. JCC, 2:127.
John Hancock to the
Massachusetts Committee of Safety
Gentlemen Philadelphia July 4. 1775
Being so peculiarly Engag’d in Dispatching an Express to General
Washington by order of Congress, Gives me only Leisure to Inclose
you Invoice of what of the Medicines &c wrote for in Mr Gerry Sc
Doctor Churche’s Letter, that could be procurd in this City, 8c as
there was no possibility of Conveying them safely to any port by Wa¬
ter, considering the Service of the Medicines, I have hired a Waggon
with Two persons to proceed by Land with all cautious Speed. They
have a Certifficate from me to obtain any assistance on the Road in
the course of their Journey. I have us’d the utmost Dispatch 8c Dili¬
gence in procuring 8c Sending off the Articles, 8c hope they will meet
your Approbation.
The Gentleman Mr Robt Erving of whom I hir’d the Waggon does
not go himself, he is a fine fellow, 8c Says if you want to improve his
Horses, Waggon 8c Men they are at your Service. If his Men should
want a little Money to bring them back, you will let them have it; I
will Settle with the Owner of the Waggon for the Hire.
I must Close. When I can get a Leisure hour I will write you 8c all
my Eriends. Doer Church knows how I was hurried, 8c it still Contin¬
ues. He must Apologize to my Eriends for my not writing. God give
you Success. I am Gentn. Your most Obed Svt John Hancock
RC (M-Ar) . Addressed: “On the Service of the United Colonies, To Elbridge
Gerry Esqr., Doer. Benj Church, Moses Gill Esqr., or any of the Gentlemen of the
Committee of Safety or Supplies at Cambridge or Watertown, Massachusetts Bay.”
Thomas Jefferson to Francis Eppes
Dear Sir Philadelphia, July 4th, 1775.
Since my last, nothing new has happened. Our accounts of the bat-
581
July 4, 1775
tie of Charleston have become clear, and greatly to our satisfaction.
Contrary to what usually happens, the first accounts were below
truth; it is now certain that the regulars have had between 1200 and
1400 killed and wounded in that engagement, and that of these 500
are killed. Major Pitcairn is among the slain, at which everybody re¬
joices, as he was the commanding officer at Lexington, was the first
who fired his own piece there and gave the command to fire. On our
part were killed between 60 and 70, and about 150 wounded.
Among those killed was a Dr. Warren, a man who seems to have
been immensely valued in the North. The New Englanders are fitting
out light vessels of war, by which it is hoped we shall not only clear
the seas and bays here of everything below the size of a ship of
but that they will visit the coasts of Europe and distress the British
trade in every part of the world. The adventurous genius and intre¬
pidity of those people is amazing. They are now intent on burning
Boston as a hive which gives cover to regulars; and none are more
bent on it than the very people who come out of it and whose whole
prosperity lies there. This however, if done at all, it is thought better
to defer till the cold season is coming on, as it would then lay them
under irremediable distress. Powder seems now to be our only diffi¬
culty, and towards getting plenty of that nothing is wanting but salt¬
petre. If we can weather out this campaign, I hope that we shall be
able to have a plenty made for another. Nothing is requisite but to
set about it, as every colony has materials, but more especially Vir¬
ginia and Maryland. My compliments most affectionately to Mrs.
Eppes. Mr. and Mrs. Skipwith, I expect, have left you. Adieu.
Th. Jefferson
MS not found; reprinted from Jefferson, Papers (Boyd) , 1:184-85.
Edmund Pendleton to William Woodford
My Dear Sir Philadelphia, July 4, 1775
I was yesterday favored with yours of the 27th of June and was
much obliged by your account of how the Assembly ended, as 1 be¬
lieve the Trap guns have destroyed all the fingers in Williamsburg,
none of Us having received a line from thence, nor do we even get a
paper. Wronghead^ will probably solicit Troops to be sent Us, but
other circumstances may overrule his Application by the time it
reaches London; Independant of that I do not believe you will have
any It is I fancy, their plan was to have struck a bold stroak at Bos¬
ton and as they vainly supposed freightened them out of all resist¬
ance, and then to have dispersed part of their Generals with Troops
to other parts to diffuse terror through the Continent, but the scene
582
July 4, 1775
is changed, they find all their force little enough to defend themselves
at Boston and have accordingly ordered several transports which
have arrived at New York, to proceed directly with their Cargoes to
Boston, and I doubt not the like orders are lodged at other places.
My last account of the Enemie’s loss seems so far confirmed — that
all now fix it between 12 and 1400 and we have little doubt, but that
General How[e] is now among the slain. Ours remains under 200.
I was afraid after so much time had elapsed to send your things to
the head of the Elk, imagining Mr Johnston’s Vessel had sailed.
They are now in Mr. Griffin’s Warehouse, whose storekeeper sets out
this week for Rappahannock and will land them either at Hobb’s
Hole [Tappahannock] or at Port Royal, from either you will easily
get them. Gentlemen here generally agree there will be no danger ’til
the 20th of July, in passing by Water. Your Marquie is a grand one,
and affords us as Comfortable Lodgings as any brick House in
Town, I am sure you’l be pleased with it, if ’tis not too heavy a Car¬
riage. I have received your three Bills for 15. 3. 1 Sterling. Johnny
Taylor is at present on a Visit to New York and is to return tomor¬
row. I am obliged to you for forwarding his and my letters. I doubt
we shall have a dull Market for our Crop of wheat unless something
fav[orabl]e should turn up, however I am glad to hear ’tis a good
one: I will not again say when I hope to se Virginia, there is no time
but I most ardently Wish it. My compliments to Colonel Taylor and
all friends. I am as Usual, Yours, Edmd Pendleton
MS not found; reprinted from Edmund Pendleton, The Letters and Papers of
Edmund Pendleton 1734-1803 , ed. David J. Mays, 2 vols. (Charlottesville: Universi¬
ty Press of Virginia, 1967) , 1:113-14.
^ A reference to Lord Dunmore.
Charles Thomson to the
New York Provincial Congress
Gentlemen Philada. 4 July 1775
The enclosed was yesterday intercepted by the Committee of this
City & laid before the Congress, who have recommended that it be
forwarded to you.^
I am Gentlemen Your most humble servant,
Chas Thomson
In behalf of the Comrnittee of Philadelphia
RC (N) . Journals of N. Y. Prov. Cong., 1:68. RC damaged; missing words supplied
from Tr.
The enclosure in question was a June 13 letter from North Carolina Governor
July 5, 1775
583
Josiah Martin to Henry White, a New York provincial councilor who acted as
Martin’s business agent in that colony, requesting White to send him a royal
standard and other supplies. Upon receiving this enclosure the New York Provin¬
cial Congress appointed a committee to investigate White, in consequence of which
he satisfied the committee that he had refused to send Governor Martin the items
that he had requested. Am. Archives, 4th ser. 2:1343—47. See also North Carolina
Delegates to the New York Provincial Congress, July 8, 1775.
John Adams to Joseph Palmer
Philadelphia, June [i.e. July] 5, 1775
The bearers of this letter, Mr. Stephen Collins and Mr. John
Kaign, are of the peaceable society called Quakers or Friends, yet
they are possessed of liberal sentiments, and are very far from being
enemies to American principles or practices. They are warm, zealous
friends of America, and hearty well wishers to her councils and arms,
and have contributed much to promote both in this province.
We have an infernal scoundrel here, a certain Col. S - who
comes over full of plans and machinations of mischief. He has had
the most unreserved and unlimited confidence of Lord Dartmouth,
during the whole of the past winter, and it seems for some time be¬
fore; and together with a contemptible puppy of a parson, V
has been contriving to debauch, seduce, and corrupt New- York. The
ministry have given him a commission in the woods as surveyor,
and another to be governor of Ticonderoga and Crown Point. He is
permitted to roam about, upon his parole of honour not to transgress
certain limits, but is doing mischief.
The colonies are not yet ripe to assume the whole government,
legislative and executive. They dread the introduction of anarchy, as
they call it.
In this province, indeed in this city, there are three persons, a Mr.
W - , who is very rich and very timid;^ the provost of the col¬
lege, who is supposed to be distracted between a strong passion for
lawn sleeves and a stronger passion for popularity, which is very nec¬
essary to support the reputation of his Episcopal college;^ and an
j _ p - , who is at the head of the Quaker interest.® these
three make an interest here which is lukewarm; but are all obliged to
lie low for the present.
I am greatly obliged to you for your letters, which contain the
most exact accounts we have been able yet to obtain. We are to the
last degree anxious to learn even the most minute particulars of every
engagement. .
I want an exact list of all the officers in our army, if it can possibly
be obtained.
I wish I could know exactly what powder you have. We are trying
584
July 5, 1775
our possibles to get it; but one would not have conceived it possible
that the colonies should have been so supine as they have been.
A large building is setting up here to make saltpetre, and we are
about trying what can be done in the tobacco works in Virginia.
This day has been spent in debating a manifesto setting forth the
causes of our taking arms. There is some spunk in it. It is ordered to
be printed, but will not be done soon enough to be enclosed in this
letter.
MS not found; reprinted from T he New York Review, and A theneum Magazine 2
(1826) : 220-21. Although dated June 5, this letter contains several passages which
clearly indicate that it was written in early July.
^ On July 5, 1775, Congress recommended that Philip Skene be imprisoned in
Hartford, Conn. JCC, 2:126.
^For a further description of Vardill, see John Jay to John Vardill, September
24, 1774.
® Thomas Willing (1731-1821), Philadelphia merchant and partner of Robert
Morris, was a member of the Continental Congress, 1775-76. DAB. For a similar
view, see John Adams to Abigail Adams, July 23, 1775.
* William Smith (1727-1803), Anglican minister, teacher and provost of the
College, Academy and Charitable School of Philadelphia, assiduously but unsuc¬
cessfully sought the post of American bishop. DAB.
° Israel Pemberton (1715-79) , Philadelphia merchant and Quaker leader, was
later imprisoned as a loyalist. DAB. Pemberton’s aggressive role towards Massachu¬
setts during the confrontation between Baptist leaders and the New England
delegates to Congress on October 14, 1774, had angered Adams. Adams, Diary
(Butterfield) , 2:152-54.
John Hancock to George Washington
Sir Philadelphia July 5th. 1775
Since my last to you by Alexander the Express nothing has Taken
place in Congress that particularly Respects your Department.
By Direction of the Congress I now Transmitt you by Mr. Fessen¬
den our Return Express, the Rules &: Articles pass’d by Congress for
the Government of the Troops under your Command, ^ I wish them
safe to hand.
I have not Time to add, but that I am with much Respect, Sir
Your most Obedt hum servt. John Hancock President
[P.S.] Should you have Occasion for a further Supply of Commis¬
sions, please to Inform me & they shall be immediately Transmitted
you.
RC (DLC) .
^ On June 30, Congress approved and ordered published a detailed list of “Rules
and Regulations’’ for the Continental Army, which was subsequently printed under
the title Rules and Articles, for the better Government of the Troops Raised, or to
585
July 5, 1775
be raised, and kept in pay by and at the joint Expence of the Twelve united
English Colonies of North- America (Philadelphia; William and Thomas Bradford,
1775) . JCC, 2:111-23.
Thomas Jefferson to George Gilmer
[July 5, 1775]
The battle of Charlestown I expect you have heard, but perhaps
not so as you may depend on. The provincials sustained two attacks
in their trenches, and twice repulsed the ministerial forces, with im¬
mense slaughter. The third attack, however, being made with fixed
bayonets, the provincials gave ground, retired a little way, and rallied
ready for their enemy; but they, having been pretty roughly handled,
did not choose to pursue. We lost between 60 and 70 killed, and
about 150 wounded. The enemy had 1400 killed and wounded, of
whom were about 500 killed. Major Pitcairn was among the slain, an
event at which every one rejoices, as he was the commanding-officer
at Lexington, first fired his own piece, and gave command to fire. On
our side doctor Warren fell, a man immensely valued to the north.
The New Englanders are fitting out privateers, with which they p-
pect to be able to scour the seas and bays of every thing below ships
of war; and may probably go to the European coasts, to distress the
British trade there. The enterprising genius and intrepidity of these
people are amazing. They are now intent on burning Boston, in order
to oust the regulars; and none are more eager for it than those who
have escaped out, and who have left their whole property in it: So
that, their rage has got the better of every interested principle. ^
Nobody now entertains a doubt but that we are able to cope wit
the whole force of Great Britain, if we are but willing to exert our¬
selves. It will indeed be expensive, extremely expensive; but people
must lay aside views of building up fortunes during these troubles,
and set apart a good proportion of their income to secure the resL As
our enemies have found we can reason like men, so now let us show
them we can fight like men also. The government of Pennsylvania
have raised £35,000 to put their country in a posture of defence.
There appear to be as many soldiers here as men. Powder is the great
want, and towards having plenty of that nothing is wanting but salt-
^^The Congress have directed 20,000 men to be raised immediately,
the greater part of which is already raised. Two millions of dollars
also are voted. This is all I am at liberty to tell of their proceedings.
As to the time of their rising, it is totally beyond conjecture, express¬
es after expresses daily coming from the northward; and the machina¬
tions of the people in office, on other parts of the continent, keep us
586
July 5, 1775
from making any progress in the main business. At the same time,
such an impatience for home seems to possess us all, that nothing
keeps the Congress together but the visible certainty that, till our mil¬
itary proceedings are got into a good train, their separation would
endanger the common cause greatly. If things cannot be got into such
a state soon as they may be left, we must petition to be exchanged,
for fresh hands, that we may return to our families.
P.S. After folding up my letter, we received an account, from an
undoubted hand, that the mortality among the wounded regulars has
been so great, that the killed on the spot, and those who have died of
their wounds, make up 1000. The reason of this is, that they have
been long confined to salt provisions, having not so much as a vege¬
table, a drop of milk, or even any fresh meat.
MS not found; reprinted from Jefferson, Papers (Boyd), 1:185-86, where the
recipient and the reply to this letter are also discussed.
Virginia Delegate to Unknown
[Philadelphia, July 5, 1775]
The last accounts from Boston, and which are pretty Authentick,
inform us, that Gage lost in the late battle, of killed upon the spot,
and since dead of their wounds, 1000 men, and that 500 are ill in the
hospital of their wounds. General Howe is not killed, as was sup
posed; but there is the greatest reason to believe General Burgoyne is
among the slain, as he has certainly not been seen since the battle. In
Boston, they give out, that he is gone home.
Another battle is soon expected; and our people say, they are
ready to give a good account of the enemy. We have not the smallest
appearance yet of the Congress rising. On the contrary, business mul¬
tiplies on us every day; And many insist, that we shall not rise whilst
the armies keep the field.
MS not found; reprinted from the Virginia Gazette (Purdie) , July 21, 1775,
“Supplement.” The extract follows another unidentified Virginia delegate letter,
dated June 30, 1775, and appears under the heading: ‘‘Extract of another letter,
from the same gentleman, dated Philadelphia, July J."
John Adams to William Tudor
Dear Sir Phyladelphia July 6. 1775
I have at last the Pleasure of acknowledging your Favour of the 26
June. I have mourned, week after week, the loss of all my old Corre-
587
July 6, 1775
spondents, in a Course of Time when they were of more Conse¬
quence to me and to my Errand, than ever. What is become of Tu¬
dor? Where is Tudor? Is he gone to England? Is he sick? Is he afraid
to write? Is he gone into the Army, and become so intent on War
with his Enemies, as to forget his Eriends? These were Questions
very often in our Mouths.
But the Past shall be forgiven upon Condition, that you keep an
exact Journal of occurrencies from day to day for the future and
transmit it to me by every oppertunity.
We have Spent this whole Day in debating Paragraph by Para¬
graph, a Manifesto as some call it, or a Declaration of the Causes
and Necessity of our taking up Arms.i It will be printed Tomorrow,
and shall be transmitted as Soon as possible. It has Some Mercury in
it, and is pretty frank, plain, and clear. If Lord North dont compli¬
ment every Mothers Son of us, with a Bill of Attainder, in Exchange
for it, I shall think it owing to Fear.
Surely, upon the Same Principle that he has ordered or suffered
Gage, to proclaim Adams and Hancock unpardonable, he must order
all of Us to be declared so — for all have now gone further than they
ever did.
The military Spirit in this City, would a^eably Surprise you. It
breaks out into a great Variety of Forms — Rifle Men, Indians, Light
Infantry, light Horse, Highlanders, with their Plaid and Bag Pipes,
and German Hussars.
This Morning a Person came to the Door of the State House
where the Congress Sitts, in all his Pontificalibus. I went out to see
him. His Errand was to shew us the Dress, and Armour of a German
Hussar. A Stout Man, with an high large Cap on his Head, wuh a
Streamer flowing from it down to his Waistband: a deaths Head
painted on the Front of it. A large Hussar Cloak, ornamented with
gold Cord, Lace, and Fringe. A Scarlet Waist coat underneath, with
gold Button holes and yellow Mettal Buttons, double breasted— a
light Musquet, Slung over his shoulder, and a Turkish Sabre or Scyme-
tar by his side, longer, better fortified and more conveniently shaped
than our Highland broad Sword. His Horse, well bridled. Saddled-—
Pistals in gold Holsters. An active Fellow, Slinging his Musket and
Sabre about and mounting with great agility — taken all together the
most formidable military Figure, I ever Saw. , tt
It Seems he has a great Inclination to See, Burgoines, light Horse.
He tells us, he can inlist immediately 50 or 60, German Veterans
who have long Served in Germany, and are as desirous of going in
the Character of Hussars, or Troopers, as he is.^
This would Set before our New England People, a fine Example
for their Imitation: But what is of more Moment, it would engage
the Affections of the Germans, of whom there are many in N. York,
588
July 6, 1775
Pensylvania, Maryland and other Colonies, more intensely in the
Cause of America. What will be done, I know not. I.^t me intreat
you, as you love your Country, and your Friend write me by every
oppertunity. My Compliments to your Father and Mother and all
Friends. John Adams
RC (MHi).
^See JCC, 2:127-57. The authorship and the evolution of the text of the
“Declaration” has been discussed at length in Julian P. Boyd, “The Disputed
Authorship of the Declaration on the Causes and Necessity for Taking Up Arms,
1775,” PMHB 74 (January 1950) : 51-73; and Jefferson, Papers (Boyd), 1:187-219.
^For further comments on this incident, see Adams’ second letter to James
Warren this date.
John Adams to James Warren
Dear Sir Phyladelphia June [i.e. July] 6th. 1775
Every Line I receive from you, gives me great Pleasure, and is of
vast Use to me in the public Cause. Your Letters were very usefull to
me last Fall. Your Character became thus known, as much esteemed.
The few Letters I have reed from you this Time, have increased the
Desire of more, and Some other Gientlemen who happened to know
you, particularly Governor Hopkins and Ward of Rhode Island have
confirmed every good opinion which had been formed. I must intreat
you to omit no opportunity of Writing and to be as particular as pos¬
sible.
Want of frequent Communication and particular Intelligence led
us into the unfortunate Arrangement of General officers, which is
likely to do so much Hurt. We never reed the most distant Intimation
of any Design to new model your Army; and indeed Some of Us,
were obliged to give up our own Judgments meerly from Respect to
what We took to be the Arrangement of our provincial Congress. I
have made it my Business ever Since I heard of this Error, to wait
upon Gentn. of the Congress at their Lodgings, and else where to let
them into the secret and contrive a Way to get out of the Difficulty,
which I hope we shall effect. ^
I rejoice to hear of the great military Virtues and Abilities of Gen¬
eral Thomas.
Alas poor Warren I Dulce et decorum est pro Patria mori. Yet I
regret his Appointment to such a Command. For God Sake my
Friend let us be upon Guard, against too much Admiration of our
greatest Friends. President of the Congress, Chairman of the Com¬
mittee of Safety, Major General and Chief Surgeon of the Army, was
too much for Mortal, and This accumulation of Admiration upon
one Gentleman, which among the Hebrews was called Idolatry, has
July 6, 1775
589
deprivd us forever of the Services of one of our best and ablest Men.
We have not a sufficient Number of such Men left to be prodigal of
their Lives in future.
Every Brain is at Work to get Powder and salt Petre. I hope We
shall Succeed; but We must be very Oeconomical of that Article. We
must not use large Cannon, if We can possibly avoid it.
This Letter will go by two fighting Quakers. Mr Stephen Collins
[and John] Kaighn. The first is the most hospitable benevolent
[man] alive. He is a Native of Lynn — a Brother of Ezra Collins of
Boston, Sc — is rich, and usefull here. The last has been the Instru¬
ment of raising a Quaker Company in this City, who behave well,
and look beautifully in their Uniforms.
My Love, Duty, Respect 8cc where due. Adieu John Adams
[P.S.] Secret and confidential, as the Saying is.^
The Congress is not yet So much alarmed as it ought to be. There
are Still hopes, that Ministry and Parliament will immediately receed
as Soon as they hear of the Battle of Lexington, the Spirit of New
York Sc Phyladelphia, the Permanency of the Union of the Colonies
&c: I think they are much deceived and that We shall have nothing
but Deceit and Hostility, Fire, Famine, Pestilence and Sword, from
Administration and Parliament. Yet the Colonies like all Bodies of
Men must and will have their Way and their Humour, and even their
Whims. j u- 1 •
These opinions of Some Colonies which are founded I think in
their Wishes and Passions, their Hopes and Fears, rather than in
Reason and Evidence will give a whimsical Cast to the Proceedings
of this Congress. You will see a Strange Oscilation between Love and
Hatred, between War and Peace. Preparations for War, and Nego-
ciations for Peace. We must have a Petition to the King and a deli¬
cate Proposal of Negociation See. This Negociation I dread like
Death. But it must be proposed. We cant avoid it. Discord and total
Disunion would be the certain Effect of a resolute Refusal to petition
and negociate.3 My Hopes are that Ministry will be afraid of Nego¬
ciation as well as We, and therefore refuse it. If they agree to it, We
shall have occasion for all our Wit, Vigilance and Virtue to avoid
being deceived, wheedled, threatened or bribed out of our Freedom.
If we Strenously insist upon our Liberties, as I hope and am pretty
sure We shall, however, a Negotiation, if agreed to, will termmate in
Nothing. It will effect nothing. We may possibly gain Time and Pow¬
der and Arms. „ . . .u
You will see an Address to the People of G. Britain, another to
those of Ireland, and another to Jamaica.
You will also see a Spirited Manifesto. We ought immediately to
dissolve all Ministerial Tyrannies, and Custom houses, set up Gov¬
ernments of our own, like that of Connecticutt in all the Colonies,
590
July 6, 1775
and confederate together like an indissoluble Band, for mutual de¬
fence and open our Ports to all Nations immediately. This is the sys¬
tem that your Friend has aimed at promoting from first to last; But
the Colonies are not yet ripe for it. A Bill of Attainder, fee may soon
ripen them.
RC (MHi) . Adams had mistakenly written June in the dateline, but the contents
of the letter indicate that it was written in July.
^John Thomas (1724-76) threatened to resign when William Heath, his junior
in the Massachusetts service, was ranked above him in the brigadier generals’ list.
On July 19, Congress promoted Thomas to Seth Pomeroy’s spot as first brigadier
general. JCC, 2:191; Allen French, The First Year of the American Revolution
(Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1934) , pp. 295, 304-6, 753-54; and
DAB.
^ Adams wrote this postscript in a small hand, in a narrow column of a separate
sheet of paper, and enclosed it with the larger letter to Warren.
® Adams recalled these divisions in his autobiography, where his most bitter
comments centered on the Petition to the King. “This Measure of Imbecility, the
second Petition to the King embarrassed every Exertion of Congpress: it occasioned
Motions and debates without End for appointing Committees to draw up a
declaration of the Causes, Motives, and Objects of taking Arms, with a view to
obtain decisive declarations against Independence &c. In the Mean time the New
England Army investing Boston, the New England Legislatures, Congresses and
Conventions, and the whole Body of the People, were left, without Munitions of
War, without Arms, Cloathing, Pay or even Countenance and Encouragement.’’
Adams, Diary (Butterfield) , 3:321.
John Adams to James Warren
Dr sir Phyladelphia June [i.e. July] 6th 1775
I have this Moment Sealed a Letter to you which is to go by my
hospitable, honest, benevolent Friend Stephen Collins. But, I have
several Particulars to mention to you, which are omitted in that Let¬
ter. Ten Companies of exp>ert Riflemen have been ordered already,
from the 3 Colonies of P [ennsylvania] , M[aryland], fe V[irginia].
Some of them have marched, under excellent officers. We are told by
Gentlemen here that these Riflemen are Men of Property and Fami¬
ly, some of them of independent Fortunes, who go from the purest
Motives of Patriotism and Benevolence into this service. I hop>e they
will have Justice done them and Respect shewn them by our People
of every Rank and order. I hope also that our People will learn from
them the Use of that excellent Weapon a Rifled barrell’d Gun.
A few Minutes past, a curious Phenomenon appeared at the Door
of our Congress. A German Hussar, a veteran in the Wars of Ger¬
many, in his Uniform, and on Horse back, a forlorn Cap upon his
Head, with a Streamer waiving from it half down to his Waistband,
with a Deaths Head painted in Front a beautiful Hussar Cloak orna-
591
July 6, 1775
merited with Lace and Fringe and Cord of Gold, a Scarlet Waist
coat under it, with shining yellow metal Buttons — a Light Gun strung
over his shoulder — and a Turkish Sabre, much Superiour to an high
Land broad Sword, very large and excellently fortifyed by his side
Holsters and Pistols upon his Horse — In short the most warlike and
formidable Figure, I ever saw.
He says he has fifty Such Men ready to inlist under him immedi¬
ately who have been all used to the service as Hussars in Germany,
and desirious to ride to Boston immediately in order to see Bur-
goignes light Horse. This would have a fine Effect upon the Germans
through the Continent, of whom there are Multitudes. What will be
done is yet uncertain.^ I should not myself be fond of raising many
Soldiers out of N England. But the other Colonies are more fond of
sending Men than I expected. They have their Reasons, Some plausi¬
ble, Some whimsical. They have a Secret Fear, a Jealousy, that New
England will soon be full of Veteran Soldiers, and at length conceive
Designs unfavourable to the other Colonies. This may be justly
thought whimsical. But others Say, that by engaging their own Gen¬
tlemen and Peasants and Germans 8cc they shall rivet their People to
the public Cause. This has more weight in it. But that it may have
this Effect it is necessary that all who shall be sent, be respectfully
treated.
RC (MHi) . In Adams’ hand, though not signed.
^Warren saw to the publication of Adams’ story of the German Hussar. Boston
Gazette, and Country Journal, July 24, 1775; and Massachusetts Sp (Worcester) ,
August 2 1775. On July 11, Congress authorized the Pennsylvania delegates to
treat with and employ 50 Hussars” but later reconsidered and rescinded their
decision on August 1. JCC, 2:173, 238.
Samuel Adams to Artemas Ward
Dear Sir ,
I beg leave to recommend to your Notice the officers in genera
serving in the Companies of rifle men raising here for the Service of
the Army and particularly Lt Burd, Lt Connor & Lt Scull who are
mentiond to me by Gentlemen upon whose Judgment I can rely as
officers of mine. You are sensible that the Union of the Colonies e-
pends much upon cultivating friendship 8c Harmony between the
Gentl. of the Army 8c their Care of the different Colonies. Wishing
you Health Happiness and a still greater Share of Laurels I am in
great Sincerity yours Affectionately Sami Adams
[P.S.] Pray make my Complimts to General Heath and the rest of
our friends and ask the same favor for me of them.
592
July 6, 1775
RC (MHi) .
Silas Deane’s Diary
[July 6, 1775]
Thursday At Congress, rode up to CJermanTown. Mr. Kirkland
arrived 8c was examined before the Congress.^
MS (CtHi) . CHS Bulletin 29 (July 1964) : 93.
^ Samuel Kirkland (1741-1808) , a missionary among the Oneida Indians, assisted
Congress in preparation for a “talk” with the Six Nations and was later instrumen¬
tal in securing their declaration of neutrality. DAB. See John Adams to James
Warren, July 10, 1775; Connecticut Delegates to Jonathan Trumbull, July 28, 1775;
and JCC, 2:172-73, 186-87. Kirkland’s powerful position among the Oneidas is
discussed in detail in Barbara Graymont, The Iroquois in the American Revolu¬
tion (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1972) , pp. 34-47.
Silas Deane to Titus Hosmer
Sir Philadelphia July 6th 1775
This will be handed you^ by Governor Skene, who is by order of
Congress to reside for the present, at Middletown, or Wethersfield,
with such Liberties as to Governor Trumbull shall apptear proper. ^
At Philadelphia he had Eight Miles allowed him round the City to
take his exercise in at Pleasure.
I think he might be allowed Hartford, Wethersfield, and Middle-
town to choose his residence in. It probably will not be of Long Con¬
tinuance, and I have assured him and the Gentlemen with him, that
they will meet with no personal insult or injury but with every civility
their situation will admit of. Their Expences will be reimbursed by
the Continent. I am with Compliments to all Eriends Dear Sir your
most Obed Huml Servant Silas Deane
Tr (Ct) .
Titus Hosmer (1737-80), Middletown, Conn., lawyer, a member of the Con¬
necticut assembly, 1773—78, and a delegate to Congress in 1778, had been elected
with Deane, Eliphalet Dyer, Roger Sherman, and Jonathan Sturges to represent
Connecticut in Congress in 1775 but did not attend. DAB.
“See John Hancock to Jonathan Trumbull, July 6, 1775; and JCC, 2:126-27.
Silas Deane to Jonathan Trumbull, Sr.
Philadelphia July 6th 1775
Yours inclosing the Onyda Speech We received the 5th and the
593
July 6, 1775
same, together with yours to the President were read in Congress.^
We fondly hope the Arrangement of the General Officers will be
agreeable tho our Colony Orders were broke in upon in consequence
of the heigh Opinion, which the Congress entertained of General
Putnams Service 8c Zeal. The Congress will not proceed further in
appointing Officers, or ordering the exact Number of Men untill they
have the State of the Army laid before them which will be done im¬
mediately on the Generals Arrival.
A Continental Battallion is to Consist of 1 Colonel, 1 Lieut Colo¬
nel, 1 Major, 8 Captains, 16 Lieutenants, 8 Ensigns, 1 Adjutant, 1
Quarter Mastir, 1 Chaplain, 1 Surgeon, 1 Mate, 32 Sergeants, 32
Corporals, 16 Drummers, 8c 554 Privates. In Consequence of this the
Colony will be intituled to a Larger Number of Officers which We
conceive the Assembly should nominate immediately, as General
Washington has with him blank Commissions to fill up according to
the several Nomination [s], of the Assemblies or Congresses, on the
Continent. As to our raising more men. We can give no Advice, un¬
till We hear from the Genl, who has orders, not to Dismiss any of the
Troops now raised untill further Orders.
The President writes to you, on Cover Skeens Acct. who with Mr
Lundy are sent at the expence of the Continent to reside in Connecti¬
cut for the present under your Honors limitations 8c directions. Mr
Skeen is desirous of residing at Wethersfield or Middletown in which
we have told him. Your honor will indulge him as also in permitting
the Servants, he has with him, of going to Labor, on his Estate, if
needed. It is unnecessary at present, to give the particular motives for
sending them Northward. Mr Skeen will be nearer his Estate and
Family 8c his Parole equally binding.
We hope the Continental emission will soon be out, when you will
be refunded the Monies advanced Genl Schuyler.
There are two Powder Mills near this City which when in Stock,
can make about Fifteen hundred per Week 8c the Congress are mak¬
ing the most effectual preparation for supplying the Continent with
every necessary Article for Defence. The sample of Salt Petre was
very good and will inquire as to Sulphur. Experiments are making to
strike out a plan for procuring any requisit Quantity of Salt Petre and
Powder with the progress of which We hope soon to acquaint you,
and with the arrival of a large Supply Daily expected. A Q^ntity has
been sent from this City, by Land, for the Camp and for Ticondero-
ga, at which place, Gen Schuyler will Command. Indian Affairs have
engrossed much of our Attention, and general Regulations will soon
take place, with respect to them. After compleating some of the gen¬
eral Matters now before Us, it is probable there will be an Adjourn¬
ment to New Haven or Hartford.
The Army will soon be recruited by near
One thousand Rifle Men.
594
July 6, 1775
Wheather they will want more, or Not you will be the best Judges
but we fear that the Congress will not think of taking more into pay
from Connecticut than Six Thousand. We should think that a
Draught of Minute Men, to be under immediately on Marching
would be a good Regulation, and what will undoubtedly be agreeable
to the Congress. Those provinces are now at a great exjrence with
their Militia, and this in perticular their Assembly have come into
resolutions (which we will procure, and send you in Our Next) for
putting this Province, into the best possable state of Defence. There
is nothing from London than the 24th of May.
With the greatest truth, and regard. Subscribe for my Self and Col-
leages. Your honors most Obedient and Very humble Servant
Silas Deane
Tr (Ct) .
^ The reading of Trumbull’s letters is not recorded in the journals.
John Hancock to Jonathan Trumbull, Sr.
Philadelphia July 6th, 1775
The Congress have thought proper to Order Philip Skene Esqr.
Lieutenant Govr. of Crown Point and Ticonderoga together with one
Mr. [ ] Lundy who appear to have intentions Inimical to the
Liberty of America, to be sent to Hartford in your Colony, there to
be confined on their Parole within such limits as your honor shall
point out to them.i
The Safety of America requiring that these men Should not be suf¬
fered to go at large the Congress rely on your Honour, that you will
take Measures to have the Orders of Congress Strictly Observed.
It is left to you. Sir to settle what may be allowd for their support
& expences, while they are in confinement for the payment of which
the Congress will provide.
By order Congress I am Sr Your obedient humbbl Servant
John Hancock President
Tr (Ct) .
^See JCC, 2:126-27.
Henry Middleton to Arthur Middleton
My dear Son, Philadelphia July 6th. 1775.
I have just time to acquaint you^ that I have sent under the care of
July 6, 1775
595
Mr. Daniel Tucker, who tells me he shall embark in about an hour in
a Schooner bound to George Town, two packages containing the
Number of pieces of woollens mentioned in the enclosed paper,
which I have bought for cloathing your Uncles Negroes. The Stuffs
are not so good as I could wish them to be; and as they are much
narrower than Negro cloth, will come rather high; but they will make
a very good shift, and I thought it was better to purchase them, than
let the Negroes suffer of want of cloathing. Mr. Tucker will forward
them to Charles Town to Cap Blake, and I beg You will desire him
to send them to Mr. Dupont as soon as he can meet with an Oppor¬
tunity, after they come to hand.
We do not know that any thing material has happened in the Mas-
sachusett since the 17th ultimo. The Regulars suffered almost incred¬
ibly in the Engagement which happened on that day, for I believe it
is pretty certain that they lost in the field of battle not less than thirty
officers, and upwards of six hundred privates; and that they had up¬
wards of fifty Officers and not less than six hundred privates wound¬
ed. General How it is said was amongst the latter and that he is since
dead; but this report seems to want confirmation. General Gage has
received a considerable reinforcement since the Engagement, but as
the regulars have had so severe a drubbing, we are afraid they will
not be prevailed upon to face the provincials again soon.
I purpose to set out on Saturday for New York, in order to see my
friend Mr. Eenwicke, who Mr. Huger tells me is in a confirmed
dropsy and is given over by the physicians, who attend him. I am
really under much concern for poor Mrs. Eenwicke and greatly pity
her Situation. I understand that he knows nothing yet of his Son
Ned’s being married to Miss Stuart; and as he has left him only an
annuity in Case such a match should take place, I intend to break it
to him and try whether I cannot persuade him to make an alteration
in his Will in Ned’s favour; and I hope he will not carry his resent¬
ment to the grave with him.
Mr. Tucker waits and therefore I must conclude my Letter; I need
not tell you that I have wrote it in a hurry. Remember me affection¬
ately to my Daughter and the Children, and to your Brother and Sis¬
ters 8c to Mr. Drayton 8c Mr. Pinckney. I am. Your truly affecn.
Father Henry Middleton
P.S. I have enclosed you the Captain’s receipt for the packages.
RC(ScHi). .
Arthur Middleton (1742-85), South Carolina planter, was at this time a
member of the Charleston Secret Committee and later a delegate to Congress,
1776-77, 1781-82. DAB.
579-852 0 - 77 - 40 Vol. 1
596
July 6, 1775
New York Delegates to the
New York Provincial Congress
Gentlemen Philadelphia, 6 July, 1775
We have the honour of your Favour of the 29th of June accompa¬
nying your Plan and Proceedings respecting an Accommodation with
the parent state.^ Nothing could be more interesting or acceptable to
us than a Communication of the Sentiments and wishes of our wor¬
thy Constituents on this most important Subject: and while we ap¬
plaud the wisdom of your Decisions, we beg you to be assured that
they shall command our most earnest and respectful Attention.
Deeply sensible of the Calamities of a civil war, we have nothing
more at Heart than to be instrumental in compromising this unnatu¬
ral Quarrel between the two Countries, on the solid Basis of mutual
Justice and constitutional Liberty; and the most strenuous Efforts on
our part shall be exerted with unremitting Ardour to accomplish this
salutary Purpose.
We acknowledge with the utmost Gratitude the Deference you are
pleased to pay to our Judgment, and your Delicacy in leaving us un¬
restrained in a point, of all others the most essential to yourselves
and your Posterity, to the Continent of America and the whole Brit¬
ish Empire; and happy shall we esteem ourselves if in the Discharge
of this difficult and arduous trust we shall merit your Approbation
and the Confidence of our Country. We have the Honour to be with
the greatest Respect. Gentlemen Your most obedient huml servants,
Henry Wisner Phil. Livingston
Wm Floyd Jas. Duane
John Jay Robt R Livingston Junr
John Alsop
8th July 1775
P.S. We have unanimously agreed to be silent on that article in the
plan of accommodation which asserts, ‘‘That no earthly legislature or
tribunal ought or can of Right interfere or interpose in any wise how¬
soever in the religious and ecclesiastical Concerns of the Colonies."
As the Inhabitants of the Continent are happily united in a political
Creed, we are of opinion that it would be highly imprudent to run
the Risque of dividing them by the Introduction of Disputes for¬
eign to the present Controversey; especially as the Discussion of
them can be attended with no one single advantage. They are Points
about which Mankind will forever differ and therefore should al¬
ways, and at least in Times like these be kept out of Sight. We are
the more confirmed in these Sentiments by this Circumstance. That
July 6, 1775
597
both this & the former Congress have cautiously avoided the least
Hint on Subjects of this Kind, all the Members concurring in a De¬
sire of hurrying all Disputes on ecclesiastical Points which have for
Ages had no other Tendency than that of banishing Peace & Charity
from the World.
Lewis Morris Henry Wisner
Robt R Livingston junr
John Alsop
Frans. Lewis
Phil. Livingston
Jas. Duane
John Jay
Wm. Floyd
N.B. The other Delegates are absent.
RC (N) . Body of letter written by Duane and signed by Duane, Alsop, Floyd, Jay,
Philip Livingston, Robert R. Livingston, Jr., and Wisner. Postscript written by Jay
and signed, in addition to Jay and the other delegates already mentioned, by
Francis Lewis and Lewis Morris. Journals of N. Y. Prov. Cong., 2:16-17. RC
damaged; missing words supplied from Tr.
^For the texts of the New York Provincial Congress’ plan of accommodation and
its covering letter to the New York delegates, see Am. Archives, 4th ser. 2.1326-27,
1329.
Robert Treat Paine to John Thomas
Qgaj. Si- Philada. July 6th. 1775
Mr. Stephen Collins the Bearer hereof a worthy Citizen here 8c a
freind of mankind, being about to visit your Camp deserves some
Credentials of his great merit, his great kindness to our Country men
8c Zeal in the common Cause recommends him to notice; Mr. John
Kaighn reputable citizen here 8c promoter of military Skill among the
Quakers travels with him.^
I hope your W^elfare 8c Success 8c a full reward for your military
Labors 8c am with great Regard 8c affection your freind 8c hble Servt.
R T Paine
RC (PHC) . Addressed: “To John Thomas, Esq., Major General of the American
Troops near Boston.”
^ Paine wrote similar letters of introduction for Collins and Kaighn to Elbndge
Gerry and to Artemas Ward this date. CtY and MH.
598
July 6, 1775
Pennsylvania Delegates to the
Lancaster County Committee of Correspondence
Philadelphia, 6th July, 1775.
Without a very minute enquiry into the whole it would ill become
us to censure or approve the conduct of any person,^ and therefore
shall not take upon us to do either. We have only to say we doubt not
you will exert your utmost abilities according to the trust reposed in
you to restore and preserve confidence, harmony and affection between
all your people. The Assembly taking into consideration the situation
of many conscientious people of this Province with respect to arms
have on the 30th day of June last, by their recommendation of that
date, given to them as well as others advice which we hope all per¬
sons will most cheerfully follow.^
The Congress and your Assembly greatly to their honour have
taken means for the protection of America and this Colony, and we
would advise you gentlemen to carry into execution the plans recom¬
mended by them, that this colony may unitedly act upon one and the
same principle.^
Those who contribute will put their money into the hands of a
person they shall choose to be paid over to such treasurer as the com¬
mittee shall appoint for the uses recommended by the Assembly.
We are, gentlemen. Your very humble servants,
John Dickinson Cha Humphreys
James Wilson Geo. Ross
Tr (DLC) .
^ A reference to members of several pacifist sects in the county refusing to bear
arms. The letter to which the Pennsylvania delegates are responding has not been
found, but the issue of asking Congress’ advice on permitting pacifists to make
monetary contributions in lieu of bearing arms was discussed at the committee’s
meeting of July 1, 1775. Minutes of the Lancaster County Committee of Corre-
sfKjndence, DLC.
^The Assembly’s resolutions of June 30, designed to prevent ill feeling between
those “conscientiously scrupulous of bearing Arms’’ and “the Associators for the
Defence of their Country,” are in Pa. Archives, 8th ser. 8:7245-49.
^Congress apparently discussed the role of the German clergy of Pennsylvania
on July 4, but Secretary Thomson’s entry in the journals on that subject was
subsequently lined out, and no other evidence is available indicating that the issue
was considered in Congress in 1775. JCC, 2:126.
Pennsylvania Delegates to George Washington
Sir Philadelphia 6th July 1775
We inclose a Resolution of our Assembly authorising us to recom-
July 6, 1775
599
mend proper Officers for the Battalion of Rifflemen to be raised in
this Province,^ and a Letter from the Committee of York County,
where a Company of an hundred Men has been raised.
We therefore beg Leave to recommend Mr Michael Dowdle for
Captain; Mr Henry Miller for first Lieutenant; Mr John Dill for sec¬
ond Lieutenant; and Mr John Matson for third Lieutenant of that
Company.
We are, with the greatest Esteem, Sir Your most obedient Servants
John Dickinson Cha Humphreys
Geo. Ross James Wilson
RC (NN) . Written by Wilson and signed by Wilson, Dickinson, Ross, and Hum¬
phreys.
^ See Pa. Archives, 8th ser. 8:7241.
Roger Sherman to Joseph Trumbull
Dear Sir Philadelphia July 6th. 1775
I am obliged to you for the kind notice You took of my Son in
mentioning to Colo. Dyer that he was well. I have not heard from
him Since the Battle at Charles town. When You write again Should
be glad You would inform whether he was in that Battle and what
Place he Sustains in the Army. I did not know that he was there till
You mentioned it. The Congress are very diligent in making every
needful provision in their power for the Support of the American
Cause at the Same time do not Neglect any probable means for a
reconciliation with Great Britain, tho’ I have no expectation that ad¬
ministration will be reconciled unless the Colonies submit to their
Arbitrary System, or convince them that it is not in their power to
carry it into execution. The latter, 1 hope will soon be done. You
have had a bloody Battle, but I think in every encounter through the
merciful Interposition of Divine Providence the advantage has been
much in our favour. The people here Seem as Spirited in the Cause
as in New England. Many of the Quakers as well as others have
armed themselves and are Training every Day. Majr. Mifflin of this
City who was a very Useful member of this Congress has before now
loyned Your Army as Aid de Camp to General Washington, whom I
would recommend to your Notice as an upright, firm. Spirited and
Active Friend in the Cause of Liberty. The Confess has agreed on
articles for regulating the Army not much differing from those Es¬
tablished by the New England Colonies except the addition of a few,
and a more particular limitation of the discretionary powers given to
Courts Martial.i ships are frequently arriving here from London but
bring no important News. I want to know what measures the ministry
600
July 6, 1775
will take after hearing of the Battle at Concord & Lexington; if they
dont relax, but order reinforcements, I hope every Colony will take
Government fully into their own hands until matters are Settled. I
have nothing to acquaint you with of the doings of the Congress but
what you will hear of before this comes to hand. I Should be glad if
you would write to me when you have leisure. We want as circum¬
stantial an account as may be of occurrences there. When we hear of
numbers wounded we want to know whether dangerously, or Slightly
2cc. Your accounts have been the most particular that I have seen. I
Should be glad if you would mention my sons State of health when
you write to me or Colo. Dyer. I wish this Congress would adjourn
nearer the great Scene of action and am not without Expectations
that it will. I am Sir Your Friend 8c humble Servant.
Roger Sherman
RC (Ct) .
^Congress adopted these articles on June 30. JCC, 2:111-23.
Samuel Ward to Henry Ward
Dear Brother Philadelphia 6th July 1775
Mr. Collins by whom you’l receive this, is a Relation of our Friend
John Collins. He is a Man of Fortune 8c Character 8c most warmly at¬
tached to his Country. 1 therefore recommend him most heartily to
You and the other Gentlemen in Providence.
“Several Gentlemen in this City have Letters from London, of
about the Middle of May; they generally agree that all Petitions, Re¬
monstrances, 8cc. will be to no Purpose. The Congress however have
determined to petition the King once more, under the Idea, that if it
should be rejected, those moderate People who now keep back will,
when they find no Hopes but in the Success of a War, most heartily
unite with Us in prosecuting it eff [ectu] ally. Another Address to the
People of England is also determined upon. It is proposed to send
this by Mr. Richd. Penn, the late Govr. of this Province, who sails
the latter End of this Week. This Gentn. is a sincere Friend to his
Country, a Man of good Sense 8c Firmness, and determined to sp>eak
with the same Freedom at home which he uses here.’’^
You will see in the Papers a Resolution that the fishery 8c restrain¬
ing Acts are unconstitutional 8cc.2 Many were for stoping Trade
20th. July entirely but it was said that as the Merchts. had made
Contracts 8c ordered their affairs so as to carry on Trade to 10 th
Sepr. it would be a greater Damage to this Country to stop Trade im¬
mediately than to G. Britain. Upon this Principle the Resolution was
so formed that those who chuse to continue in Trade to the 10th
July 7, 1775
601
Sepr. may do it.
The Loss sustained by our Troops at Charleston is not so great as
We at first apprehended. I was afraid when I wrote They had re¬
ceived an entire Defeat and thank God it is not so: I find however by
the Depy. Govr. Letter that the Colony is again called upon for Men.
I had the Letter read in Congress. One of the same Import from
Govr. Trumbull was read also But the Petition to the King 8c Address
to the People postponed the Consideration of them but I doubt not
but the Conduct of the Colony will be approved.
We flatter Ourselves here that the Presence of our new Generals
will establish good Order in and give Vigor to the whole Army.
“Some measures have been taken for getting a Supply of Powder, 8c
others are in Contemplation, 8c the Powder Mills are going in Virgin¬
ia, this Province 8c New York. In the first mentioned Province a Mill
makes 100 [. . .] per Week from Salt petre and Sulphur of their
own manufacture, 8c it is expected much larger Quantities will soon
be made.”
I have not had the Pleasure of a Letter from You a long Time. I
know you are not very well 8c are much hurried but if possible do
find Time to write to Me once a Week 8c communicate every Thing
which you think may be of Service to your Country or agreeable to
Your most affectionate Brother.^ Sam Ward
RC (RHi) .
^Ward wrote in the margin, “Set what is marked.” The whole of this and part
of the fifth paragraph, both enclosed in quotation marks, were intended by Ward
for publication in Rhode Island. They appeared in the Newport Mercury, July 17,
1775, under the title “Extract of a Letter from a Gentleman in Philadelphia, dated
July 6,” and subsequently were reprinted in several other American newspapers.
^See/CC, 2:125.
® Ward also wrote personal letters this day to his son Samuel and to his
daughter Mary. Ward, Correspondence (Knollenberg) , pp. 59-62.
John Adams to Abigail Adams
My Dear Philadelphia July 7. 1775
I have received your very agreable Favours of June 22d and 25th.
They contain more particulars than any Letters I had before received
from any Body. j • r
It is not at all surprizing to me that the wanton, cruel, and inta-
mous Conflagration of Charlestown, the Place of your Fathers Nativ¬
ity should afflict him. Let him know that I sincerely condole with
him, on that melancholly Event. It is a Method of conducting War
long since become disreputable among civilized Nations: But every
Year brings us fresh Evidence, that We have nothing to hope tor
602 July 7, 1775
from our loving Mother Country, but Cruelties more abominable than
those which are practiced by the Savage Indians.
The account you give me of the Numbers slain on the side of our
Enemies, is affecting to Humanity, altho it is a glorious Proof of the
Bravery of our Worthy Countrymen. Considering all the Disadvan¬
tages under which they fought, they really exhibited Prodigies of Val¬
our.
Your Description of the Distresses of the worthy Inhabitants of
Boston, and the other Sea Port Towns, is enough to melt an Heart of
stone. Our Consolation must be this, my dear, that Cities may be re¬
built, and a People reduced to Poverty, may acquire fresh Property:
But a Constitution of Government once changed from Freedom, can
never be restored. Liberty once lost is lost forever. When the People
once surrender their share in the Legislature, and their Right of
defending the Limitations upon the Government, and of resisting
every Encroachment upon them, they can never regain it.
The Loss of Mr. Mathers Library, which was a Collection, of
Books and Manuscripts made by himself, his Father, his Grandfa¬
ther, and Greatgrandfather, and was really very curious and valu¬
able, is irreparable.
The Family picture you draw is charming indeed. My dear Nabby,
Johnny, Charly and Tommy, I long to see you, and to share with
your Mamma the Pleasures of your Conversation.
I feel myself much obliged to Mr. Bowdoin, Mr. Wibirt, and the
two Families you mention, for their Civilities to you. My Compli¬
ments to them. Does Mr. Wibirt preach against Oppression, and the
other Cardinal Vices of the Times? Tell him the Clergy here, of ev¬
ery Denomination, not excepting the Episcopalian, thunder and light¬
en every sabbath. They pray for Boston and the Massachusetts —
they thank God most explicitly and fervently for our remarkable Suc¬
cesses — they pray for the American Army. They seem to feel as if
they were among you.
You ask if every Member feels for Us? Every Member says he
does — and most of them really do. But most of them feel more for
themselves. In every Society of Men, in every Clubb, I ever yet saw,
you find some who are timid, their Fears hurry them away upon ev¬
ery Alarm — some who are selfish and avaricious, on whose callous
Hearts nothing but Interest and Money can make Impression. There
are some Persons in New York and Philadelphia, to whom a ship is
dearer than a City, and a few Barrells of flower, than a thousand
Lives — other Mens Lives I mean.
You ask, can they reallize what We suffer? I answer No. They
cant, they dont — and to excuse them as well as I can, I must confess
I should not be able to do it, myself, if I was not more acquainted
with it by Experience than they are.
July 7, 1775
603
I am grieved for Dr. Tufts’s ill Health: but rejoiced exceedingly at
his virtuous Exertions in the Cause of his Country.
I am happy to hear that my Brothers were at Grape Island and be¬
haved well. My Love to them, and Duty to my Mother.
It gives me more Pleasure than I can express to learn that you sus¬
tain with so much Fortitude, the Shocks and Terrors of the Times.
You are really brave, my dear, you are an Heroine. And you have
Reason to be. For the worst that can happen, can do you no Harm.
A soul, as pure, as benevolent, as virtuous and pious as yours has
nothing to fear, but every Thing to hope and expect from the last of
human Evils.
Am glad you have secured an Assylum, tho I hope you will not
have occasion for it.
Love to Brother Cranch and sister and the Children.
There is an amiable, ingenious Hussy, named Betcy Smith, for
whom I have a very great Regard. Be pleased to make my Love ac¬
ceptable to her, and let her know, that her elegant Pen cannot be
more usefully employed than in Writing Letters to her Brother at
Phyladelphia, tho it may more agreably in writing Billet doux to
young Gentlemen.
The other Day, after I had received a Letter of yours, with one or
two others, Mr. William Barrell desired to read them. I put them into
his Hand, and the next Morning had them returned in a large Bundle
packed up with two great Heaps of Pins, with a very polite Card re¬
questing Portias Acceptance of them. I shall bring them with me
[when] I return: But when that will be is uncertain. I hope not
more than a Month hence.
I have really had a very disagreable Time of it. My Health and es-
pecialy my Eyes have been so very bad, that I have not been so fit
for Business as I ought, and if I had been in perfect Health, I should
have had in the present Condition of my Country and my Friends, no
Taste for Pleasure. But Dr. Young has made a kind of Cure of my
Health and Dr. Church of my Eyes.
Have received two kind Letters from your Unkle Smith — do
thank him for them — I shall forever love him for them. I love every
Body that writes to me.
I am forever yours.
RC (MHi) . Adams, Family Correspondence (Butterfield) , 1:241^3.
Silas Deane’s Diary
Friday 7th. At Congress still on petition.^
[July 7, 1775]
604
July 7, 1775
MS (CtHi) . CHS Bulletin 29 (July 1964) : 93.
^ According to the journals, the address to the inhabitants of Great Britain was
considered this day. The second petition to the king was approved and ordered
engrossed July 5 and was signed July 8. JCC, 2:127, 157-58.
John Dickinson to Arthur Lee
Dear Sir, Philadelphia July 7th 1775
The enclos’d will convince You how Affairs stand in America.^
I am Sir, your Affectionate friend.
{John Dickinson)
[P.S.] The Bearer Dr. Hutchinson, a worthy young Gentleman of
this place, can give You a Detail of the several Engagements at Bos¬
ton &C.2
As several Copies of the Decl [arati] on are gone by this Ship with
several Errors in them, it may be proper to have the inclos’d put first
into the Press.
RC (MH) . In the hand of John Dickinson; signature inked out.
^Apparently a copy of the Declaration of the Causes and Necessity of Taking up
Arms.
® Undoubtedly James Hutchinson (1752-93) , Philadelphia physician, who went to
England at this time to complete his medical studies under Dr. John Fothergill of
London. DAB.
Benjamin Franklin to Jonathan Shipley
Philada July 7. 1775
I received with great Pleasure my dear Friends very kind Letter of
April 19, as it informed me of his Welfare, and that of the amiable
Family in Jermyn Street. I am much obliged by the Information of
what passed in Parliament after my departure; in return I will en¬
deavor to give you a short Sketch of the State of Affairs here.
I found at my arrival all America from one End of the 12 united
Provinces to the other, busily employed in learning the Use of Arms.
The Attack upon the Country People near Boston by the Army had
rous’d every Body, &: exasperated the whole Continent. The Trades¬
men of this City were in the Field twice a day, at 5 in the Morning,
and Six in the Afternoon, disciplining with the utmost Diligence, all
being Volunteers. We have now three Battalions, a Troop of Light
Horse, and a company of Artillery, who have made surprizing Prog¬
ress. The same Spirit appears every where and the Unanimity is
amazing.
July 7, 1775
605
The day after my Arrival, I was unanimously chosen by our As¬
sembly then sitting, an additional Delegate to the Congress, which
met the next Week. The numerous Visits of old Friends, and the
publick Business has since devoured all my time: for we meet at nine
in the Morning, and often sit ’till four. I am also upon a Committee
of Safety appointed by the Assembly, which meets at Six, and sits ’till
near nine. The Members attend closely without being bribed to it by
either Salary Place or Pension, or the hopes of any; which I mention
for your Reflection on the difference, between a new virtuous Peo¬
ple, who have publick Spirit, and an old corrupt one, who have not
so much as an Idea that such a thing exists in Nature. There has not
been a dissenting Voice among us in any Resolution for Defence,
and our Army which is already formed, will soon consist of above
20,000 Men.
You will have heard before this reaches you of the Defeat the
Ministerial Troops met with in their first Sortie; the several small
Advantages we have since had of them, and the more considerable
Affair of the 17th when after two severe Repulses, they carry’d the
unfinished Trenches of the Post we had just taken on a Hill near
Charlestown. They suffered greatly however, and I believe are con¬
vinc’d by this time, that they have Men to deal with, tho unexperi¬
enced, and not yet well arm’d. In their way to this Action without the
least Necessity they barbarously plundered &: burnt a fine, undefend¬
ed Town, opposite to Boston, called Charlestown, consisting of about
400 Houses, many of them elegantly built; some sick, aged and de¬
crepit poor Persons, who could not be carried off in time perish d in
the Flames. In all our Wars, from our first settlement in America, to
the present time, we never received so much damage from the Indian
Savages as in this one day from these. Perhaps Ministers may think
this a Means of disposing us to Reconciliation. I feel and see every
where the Reverse. Most of the little Property I have, consists of
Houses in the Seaport Towns, which I suppose may all, soon be de¬
stroyed in the same way and yet I think I am not half so reconcilea-
ble now, as I was a Month ago.
The Congress will send one more Petition to the King which I sup¬
pose will be treated as the former was, and therefore will probably be
the last; for tho’ this may afford Britain one chance more of recover¬
ing our Affections and retaining the Connection, I think she has nei¬
ther Temper nor Wisdom enough to seize the Golden Opportunity.
When I look forward to the Consequences, I see an End to all Com¬
merce between us; on our Sea Coasts She may hold some fortified
Places as the Spaniards do on the Coast of Africa, but can penetrate
as little into the Country. A very numerous Fleet extending 1500
Miles at an immense Expense may prevent other Nations trading
with us: but as we have or may have within ourselves every thing
606
July 7, 1775
necessary to the Comfort of Life, & generally import only Luxuries
and Superfluities, her preventing our doing that, will in some respects
contribute to our Prosperity. By the present Stoppage of our Trade
we save between four and five Millions per Annum which will do
something towards the Expence of the War. What she will get by it, I
must leave to be computed by her own political Arithmeticians.
These are some of my present Ideas which I throw out to you on the
Freedom of Friendship. Perhaps I am too sanguine in my opinion of
our Abilities for the Defence of our Country after we shall have giv¬
en up our Seaports to Destruction; but a little time will shew.
General Gage we understand enter’d into a Treaty with the Inhab¬
itants of Boston, whom he had confin’d by his Works, in which
Treaty it was agreed that if they delivered their Arms to the Select
Men, their own Magistrates, they were to be permitted to go out with
their Effects. As soon as they had so delivered their Arms, he seiz’d
them and then cavil’d about the meaning of the word Effects which
he said was only wearing Apparel and Household Furniture, and not
Merchandize or Shop Goods which he therefore detains: And the
continual Injuries and Insults they met with from the Soldiery, made
them glad to get out by relinquishing all that kind of Property. How
much those People have suffered, and are now suffering rather than
submit to what they think unconstitutional Acts of Parliament is real¬
ly amazing. Two or three Letters I send you enclosed may give you
some, tho’ a faint Idea of it. Gage’s Perfidy has now made him uni¬
versally detested. When I consider that all this Mischief is done my
Country, by Englishmen and Protestant Christians, of a Nation
among whom I have so many personal Friends, I am ashamed to feel
any Consolation in a prospect of Revenge; I chuse to draw it rather
from a Confidence that we shall sooner or later obtain Reparation. I
have proposed therefore to our People that they keep just Accounts,
and never resume the Commerce or the Union, ’till Satisfaction is
made. If it is refused for 20 Years, I think we shall then be able to
take it with Interest.
Your excellent Advice was that if we must have a War, let it be
carried on as between Nations who had once been Friends 8c wish to
be so again. In this ministerial War against us, all Europe is conjur’d
not to sell us Arms or Amunition, that we may be found defenceless,
8c more easily murdered. The humane Sir W. Draper, who had been
hospitably entertain’d in every one of our Colonies, proposes, in his
Papers call’d the Traveller,^ to excite the Domestic Slaves, you have
sold us, to cut their Master’s Throats. Dr. Johnson a Court Pension¬
er, in his Taxation no Tyranny adopts and recommends that Meas¬
ure, together with another of hiring the Indian Savages to assassinate
our Planters in the Back Settlements. They are the poorest 8c most in¬
nocent of all People; and the Indian manner is to murder and scalp
July 7, 1775
607
Men Women & Children. This Book I heard applauded by Lord
Sandwich in Parliament, and all the ministerial People recommend it.
Lord Dunmore & Governor Martin have already, we are told, taken
some steps towards carrying one part of the Project into Execution,
by exciting an Insurrection among the Blacks. And Governor Carle-
ton, we have certain Accounts, has been very industrious in engaging
the Indians to begin their horrid Work. This is making War like Na¬
tions who never had been Friends, and never wish to be such while
the World stands. You see I am warm: and if a Temper naturally
cool Sc phlegmatic can, in old age, which often cools the warmest, be
thus heated, you will judge by that of the general Temper here,
which is now little short of Madness. We have however as yet ask’d
no foreign Power to assist us, nor made any offer of our Commerce
to other Nations for their Friendship. What another year’s Persecu¬
tion may drive us to, is yet uncertain. I drop this disagreeable sub¬
ject, and will take up one that I know must afford you and the good
Family, as my Friends, some Pleasure. It is the State of my own
Family, which I found in good Health; my Children affectionately
dutifull & attentive to every thing that can be agreeable to me; with
three very promising Grandsons, in whom I take great Delight. So
that were it not for our publick Troubles, and the being absent from
so many that I love in England, my present Felicity would be as per¬
fect, as in this World one could well expect it. I enjoy however, what
there is of it while it lasts, mindfull at the same time that its Continu¬
ance is like other earthly Goods, uncertain. Adieu my dear Friend,
and believe me ever, with sincere Sc great Esteem Yours most Affec¬
tionately B Franklin
[P.S.] My respectfull Complts. to Mrs. Shipley.
Your Health on this side the Water is every where drank by the
Name of the Bishop.
I send for your Amusement a Parcel of our Newspapers. When
you have perused them, please to give them to Mr. Hartley of Gold¬
en Square.®
RC (CtY) . . ^
1 It was apparently the destruction of Charlestown that moved Franklin to pen a
brief note ostensibly directed to William Strahan, which he dated July 5, 1775, but
undoubtedly never sent. One of the most famous expressions from his pen, it has
been cited as an example that for Franklin letter-writing was a “form of art.” The
entire letter reads: “Mr. Strahan, You are a Member of Parliament, and of that
Majority which has doomed my Country to Destruction. You have begun to burn
our Towns, and murder our People. Look upon your Handsl They are stained
with the Blood of your Relations! You and I were long Friends: You are now my
Enemy, and I am. Yours, B. Franklin.” DLC; and Carl Van Doren, Benjamin
Franklin (New York: Garden City Publishing Co., 1941) , pp. 559^.
f William Draper, The Thoughts of a Traveler upon our American Disputes
(London: J. Ridley, 1774) .
608
July 7, 1775
® Franklin also wrote a similar letter this date to Joseph Priestley, an extract of
which is printed in Franklin, Writings (Smyth), 6:408-11; and on July 8 wrote a
personal letter to Mary Hewson, which is in ibid. pp. 411-12. William Strahan also
received a letter of July 7 from Franklin (apparently not extant) , to which he
responded on September 6, lamenting the dim chances for an “Accommodation”
and the prospect that Congress might resort to “Foreign Assistance.” Strahan’s
lengthy response, which is in PPAmP, is printed in PMHB 27 (April 1903) :
165-69.
Joseph Hewes to the Edenton Independent Company
Gentlemen Philadelphia 7th July 1775
Your favour of the 31st of May by Capt. Hatch I have received.
Before it came to hand I had sent by a Schooner bound to Curituck
two Drums, two Colours and a Staff for each Colour and I now send
to Mr. Smith half a dozen Fifes. It is not in my power to get a
[Cutlass?] in this City nor can I get a gun & Bayonet for my self on
any terms, such is the want of Arms here. I have endeavoured to get
a drill Sergeant, a drummer, and Fifer for your Com [pan] y but can¬
not get either. The demand for those fellows is so great at present
that [some] of them actually [earn?] the high wages of £6 per
week. I am very glad to hear that your Company is so ready to turn
out in defence of American Liberty. I hope you spare no pains to
have your Men properly drilled that you may be set for action when
the service of your Country may call you forth.
I am with great respect Gentn Yours
FC (NcU: Hayes Collection microfilm) .
Thomas Lynch to Ralph Izard
Dear Sir: Philadelphia, July 7, 1775.
I this day received your favor dated at Rome, in which you say
that you had received no letter from me. Be assured that I wrote two
or three, and enclosed you the proceedings of our Congress, and sent
them to Mr. Stead, with directions to forward them to you wherever
you are.
It gives me much pleasure to hear that those proceedings are ap¬
proved by the world. We have, indeed, the same accounts from sev¬
eral quarters. America, we hear, is looked up to as the last resource
of liberty and the common rights of mankind. Brave and generous,
we fight for mankind, and they say, “to it, brave boys,” but afford us
not one necessary of war — not a musket or bayonet, not a grain of
powder. England has cut off our usual supply. Holland and France
July 8, 1775
609
follow the noble example. They say the Americans are cowards, pol¬
troons, dare not fight; yet these doughty heroes take care to deprive
us of the means of defence. If we are so fearful, why disarm us? But
they know the contrary. In the first of General Gage’s attempts
against the people, his regulars were put to flight by half their num¬
ber of militia, without officers or commanders. . . . This account
comes through men of character on the spot, and may be depended
on; it is confirmed by most undoubted letters, and you may say so.
There are now marching to the camp, a thousand riflemen. They
are, at ’listing, rejected, unless they can hit a playing-card, without a
rest, at one hundred and twenty yards distance. Almost every fenci-
ble man, in all the colonies, is trained, and ready to supply any loss.
The regulars have, in any case, never appeared equal to our troops,
man for man. What, then, have we to fear? loss of money, alone; and
may the wretch perish, who puts that in competition. Will Lord Ef¬
fingham come to us? he would be almost adored.^
Dear sir, can the friends of old England find no way to stop this
fatal war going on — to the certain destruction of that once great
state? All America pants for reconciliation; they dread, what may be
easily prevented by government, a total separation. Should war go on
another year, a government must be formed here — it is unavoidable;
and when once that is done, it will be, I fear, impossible to restore
the connection. When America acts unitedly, she will feel herself too
strong to submit to such restrictions as she now does. In short, the
time will be past.
The people of New-York are now fixed on the side of liberty.
Georgia is near coming in.
Mrs. Lynch unites with me, in compliments to Mrs Izard. We
hope to see you, before we leave this part of America. Yout affec¬
tionate friend, Thomas Lynch.
MS not found; reprinted from Ralph Izard, Correspondence of Mr. Ralph Izard of
South Carolina, from the Year 1174 to 1804; with a Short Memoir, ed. Anne Izard
Deas (New York: Charles S. Francis & Co., 1844), pp. 99-101.
1 Thomas Howard, third Earl of Effingham (1747-91), eccentric British Army
officer, was well known for his sympathy with the American cause both before and
during the War for Independence. Sir Egerton Brydges, K. J., Collins Peerage o/
England; Genealogical, Biographical, and Historical . ... 9 vols. (London; F. C.
and J. Rivington et al., 1812) , 4:282.
Silas Deane to Elizabeth Deane
My Dear Saturday July 8th. 1775
I have wrote You many Lettrs. My last was by Govr Skene, who
set off yesterday, for Wethersfeild who carried Letters from Me. His
610
July 8, 1775
Companion Lundey is a specious, stupid, profligate Fellow. Caution
You and my Freinds against taking any particular Notice of him, his
Finances are as I understand as Low as his Character. J Webb 8cc,
ought to take Care of him in the Credit way. You ask, when I re¬
turn? This is a hard Question, if We do not adjourn I see no prospect
of returning before October, if We agree to adjourn. You may expect
Me in Three Weeks or thereabouts. I sent You one of Doct Smith’s
Sermons, had the pleasure last Evening of hearing my Favorite
Duche on the same Subject preached to Col. Dickinson’s (the Farm¬
er) Regiment, and a Vast Concourse of People. It will be published
so need not say anything more, than that you will never by reading
have the same Idea of it as those who heard it.
Your Lettr. of the 3d is now come to hand, and I find Your Opin¬
ion of the Generals and Mr. Mifflin, agree with mine, the latter is
greatly miss d in this City, as he tvas the Soul, of every thing either
Civil or Military here, not that the Military fails, but it does not in¬
crease as it would under his animating, 8c indefatigable endeavors.
Pray why is Barzillai, gone to the Camp? Does Barn[ab]as intend
his Briga[ntine] for Sea. I advised him to make dispatch &: shall
write him again by this post.
The Congress are in good health Notwithstanding their Confine¬
ment to Business without the least intermission. If We tarry untill
Fall, Nothing but Your want of Health will I trust prevent Your
seeing this City and returning with Me. I am my Dear Yours
SD
[P.S.] I think it a pity, that Middletown was disappointed. I gave the
General Lettrs. to Mr. Hosmer, but I wish his Excellency had wholly
missed Hartford since they exerted themselves so faintly to wait on
him. I hope by Jos. Webbs going to Camp with the General will ena¬
ble him to procure a berth for Sami. Webb which I recommend him
to, an honorable, tho a dangerous one, but I think that must Now be
his Course of Life for the future.
RC (CtHi).
John Hancock to David Wooster
AT Philadelphia July 8th. 1775
Mr Middleton & Mr Rutledge, Gentlemen of South Carolina and
Members of the Congress, making a Tour to New York will before
they Return to Congress, undoubtedly make a Visit to your Camp;
they are Gentln. of the first Character & Fortune in Carolina 8c most
firmly Attach d to our Cause. I Beg your particular Notice of them, 8c
611
July 8, 1775
that you will please to shew them Respect Sc Honour in your Military
Department, which will have a good Effect.
I wish you all Happiness, Sc wherein I can Render you Service I
Beg you will freely Command, Sir Your most Obedt hume sevt
John Hancock
RC (PHi) . Addressed; “To David Wooster Esqr. Major General in the Continental
Army, & Commander of the Connecticut Forces at or near New York.
Joseph Hewes to James Iredell
Dear Sir Philadelphia 8th. July 1775
I have sent by Captain Hatch’s Sloop Ten pair of Shoes for your¬
self and Six pair for Mrs. Iredell and Mrs. Dawson. I did intend to
have sent double the number for the Ladies but could not prevail
with the workman to get them ready in time. The demand for Wom¬
ens Shoes is so great that the makers cannot compleat half their Or¬
ders, when a Tradesman has made a thousand Promises and broke
them all he has one Answer ready for every charge. Sir I have been
under Arms in the Field.
I have sent to the Committee of Correspondence at Edenton a
Copy of a Letter from General Gage to Governor Martin also a
Copy of a Letter from Gov. Martin to Henry White Esqr. in New
York. The first was sent to the Congress from the Provincial Conven¬
tion of New York, the latter from the Committee of this City. By
them you may see what part our Governor intends to take in the pre¬
sent unhappy dispute.^
The Congress some days ago took into consideration the state of
the Trade of America. All the arguments that could be made for and
against Shuting up the Ports on the 20th of July were duly attended
to, and after mature deliberation they determined to let the matter
rest on the association agreement entered into last Congress so that
the Ports will remain open till the 10th of September next unless Shut
sooner by the People themselves in their separate Committees.2 a
Resolution was entered into against the two last restraining Acts of
Parliament which you will see in the News Papers.®
The humble Petition and Remonstrance from the New York As¬
sembly has been treated by the King and Parliament with the same
Contempt & neglect as they treated that, from the Congress last Win¬
ter. It is said the ministry desired that Agent to inform the Petitioners
that they might apply to the Army k Navy at Boston for an answer.
This circumstance has induced many of the Tories in that Colony to
renounce their principles.
It is certain that administration have endeavourd to prevail on the
579-852 0 - 77 - 41 Vol. 1
612
July 8, 1775
Canadians and Indians to fall upon our Frontiers, and that they have
in contemplation a Scheme to set our Slaves free and arm them
against us. By the Fishing & restraining acts they meant to destroy
our Trade and Starve us. They have made mean concessions to all
the Powers of Europe to prevent our getting a supply of Arms 8c
Ammunition. They have sent a formidable Fleet and Army to Seize
our Vessels and cut our throats. They then charge us with Rebellion
because we will not believe that they have a right to make Laws to
bind us in all cases whatsoever. Strange, that we should be deemed
Rebels for an article of faith — after all this they add insult to injury
and tell us we are all poltroons and Cowards.
Close attention to business, bad health, and a weakness in my
Eyes all contribute to prevent me from writing so much as I other¬
wise should do, I write in pain and can scarcely see to read what I
have written.
I have sent to Mr. Smith a number of News papers, some Maga¬
zines, Sermons, Articles of War for the Continental! Army and a
Declaration of War from the Representatives of the united Colonies
of North America, they are all intended for the amusement of my
friends.
My warmest good wishes and best Compliments attend you and
the Ladies of my Acquaintance. Desire them to pray for Dear Sir
your mo. obedt. hume Servt. Joseph Hewes
RC (NcD) .
^See Charles Thomson to the New York Provincial Congress, July 4, 1775.
® Congress discussed the situation of American commerce on July 3 and 4 but
made no mention in its journals of rejecting a proposal to move back to July 20
the date for making nonexportation effective. JCC, 2:124-25.
®On July 4 Congress approved and ordered published a resolution which
declared unconstitutional two parliamentary acts restraining the trade of all the
mainland colonies save New York, Delaware, North Carolina, and Georgia, and
which stated that the colonies would continue their commercial opposition until
these statutes, among others, were repealed. JCC, 2:125.
Joseph Hewes to Samuel Johnston
[July 8, 1775]
Since my last by Mr. Underhill I am favoured with yours of the
11th of June. The death of our old friend Colo. Harvey has given me
real uneasiness. He will be much missed, I wish to God he could
have been spared and that the G - ri and Judge H - d had been
called in his Stead.
I wrote a long Letter to R Smith on the 20th of June and forward¬
ed it by a Vessel to Currituck. The injunctions of Secrecy being then
July 8, 1775
613
in part taken of[f], I gave him some account of our proceedings in
Congress. We have agreed to emit paper Bills of Credit to the
amount of two millions of Dollars, for the redemption of which every
Colony is bound Jointly 8c severally, the Quota of each Province to
be setled in proportion to the number of Souls it contains, and to be
sunk in Seven years in the manner most agreeable to their respective
assemblies or Conventions, to raise an Army of Fifteen thousand
men (those already raised in the Eastern Colonies to make part of
it) Ten thousand to be employed near Boston 8c five thousand in
New York, on Hudsons River, the Lakes, 8cc. So stood the first Reso¬
lution. We have since resolved to employ an additional number so
that the whole will exceed Twenty thousand men. We have appointed
as you will see by the News papers a General 8c Commander in
Chief, a number of Majors General 8c Brigadiers General. All the
other officers are to be appointed by the Provincial Conventions. We
have Resolved to petition the King, to address the People of Eng¬
land, also the people of Ireland, to write a Letter to the City of Lon¬
don, and to the Inhabitants of Jamaica, we have published a manifesto
or declaration of War.^ Caswell set off about Ten days ago to meet
the assembly which you say is expected on the 12th of this month.
He carried most of the Resolves with him and will give you a partic¬
ular account of our proceedings. Before he left us we wrote a Circu¬
lar Letter to the Committees of our Province. Since his departure the
Congress received a Copy of a letter from General Gage to Govr
Martin forwarded by the Provincial Convention of New York, also a
copy of Gov. Martins Letter to Henry White Esqr. of New York de¬
livered to us by the Committee of this City.® These Letters have
alarmed Hooper 8c my self. We have sent Copies of them to the
Committees of Edenton 8c Wilmington. We have prevailed on the
Presbyterian Ministers here to write to the Ministers and congrega¬
tions of their Sect in North Carolina, and have also made application
to the Dutch Lutherans 8c Calvinists to do the same. These people
are all Staunch in our cause and have promised to set their Brethren
in North Carolina right. If the Governor attempts to do any thing he
ought to be seized, and sent out of the Colony, so should the Judge.
The powers of Government must soon be superseded and taken into
the hands of the People. Administration has endeavored to let loose
the Indians on our Frontiers, to raise the Negroes against us, to de¬
stroy our Trade, Block up our Harbours, make mean concessions to
all the European Powers to prevail with them not to furnish us with
Arms and Ammunition, and have sent a formidable Army to cut our
throats, and then abuse us with the names of Rebells 8c Cowards.
I have sent R Smith a few Copies of a Sermon preached by Smith
the Provost of the College,^ it is much liked here. I have also sent
him several Magazines, News papers our Declaration of War, and
614
July 8, 1775
Rules & articles of War fee fee. To these I must refer you for News fe
amusement. Hooper thinks the Congress will break up the latter end
of next week, I think otherwise, perhaps not before the last of Au¬
gust, but this is only guess work. I hope by your influence and exam¬
ple you will drive every principle of Toryism out of all parts of your
province. I consider myself now over head fe Ears in what the minis¬
try call Rebellion. I feel no compunction for the part I have taken
nor for the number of our Enemies lately [. . .] in battle at Bunkers
Hill. I wish to be in the Camp before Boston tho’ fear I shall not be
able to get there ’till next Campaign. General Howe says the Ameri¬
cans fought more like Devils than Men, he never knew nor heard of
such carnage in so short a time. He confesses that if their reinforce¬
ment had come up fifteen minutes sooner the British Troops would
have been all cut off. It is reported here that General Burgoyne is
among the Dead, but we have no certainty of it.
I hope your family fe Connections are all well. My best Compli¬
ments to them. Hooper Joyns in this with Dear Sir Your most obed
hum Sev Joseph Hewes
RC (Nc-Ar) . Undated, though endorsed “8 July 1775.”
^ That is, North Carolina Governor Josiah Martin and Chief Justice Martin
Howard.
reference to the Declaration of the Causes and Necessity for Taking up
Arms, approved by Congress July 6. JCC, 2:127-57.
'•See North Carolina Delegates to the Presbyterian Ministers of Philadelphia,
July 3-8? 1775; and Charles Thomson to the New York Provincial Congress, July 4,
1775.
See William Smith, A Sermon on the Present Situation of American Affairs.
Preached in Christ-Church, June 23, 1775 . . . (Philadelphia: James Humphreys,
Richard Henry Lee’s Draft Letter to the
Lord Mayor of London
My Lord [July 8, 1775]!
Permit the Delegates of the people of twelve Antient Colonies to
pay your Lordship and the August body of which you are head a just
tribute of gratitude and thanks for the virtuous and unsolicited re¬
sentment you have shown to the violated rights of a free people.^
The City of London my Lord, having in all ages approved itself the
patron of liberty, and the support of just government against lawless
tyranny fe usurpation; cannot fail to make us deeply sensible of the
mighty aid our cause receives from such advocation. A cause my
Lord worthy the support of the first City in the world, as it involves
the fate of a great Continent, and bids fair to shake the foundations
July 8, 1775
615
of a flourishing, and until lately, a happy empire.
North America My Lord wishes most ardently for a lasting
connection with G. Britain on terms of just and equal liberty less
than which generous minds would not offer, nor brave and free ones
be willing to receive. A cruel war has at length been opened against
us and whilst we prepare to defend ourselves like the Descendents of
Britons we still hope that the mediation of wise and great citizens will
at length prevail over despotism and restore peace & harmony on
p>ermanent principles, to an oppressed and divided Empire.
We have the honor to be
MS (PPAmP) . In the hand of Richard Henry Lee.
On July 6 Lee was appointed with Robert R. Livingston, Jr., and Edmund
Pendleton to prepare a letter to “the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Livery of the
city of London.” This draft was reported and approved with only minor changes
on July 8. The final version is printed in the journals. JCC, 2:157, 170-71.
® A reference to the address of the mayor and aldermen of London to the king,
April 10, 1775, supporting the American cause. See Eliphalet Dyer to Joseph
Trumbull, June 3, 1775, note.
North Carolina Delegates to the
New York Provincial Congress
Sir, Philadelphia, June \i.e. July] 8th, 1775.
The committee of this city, a few days ago, transmitted to you an
original letter from Gov. Martin to Henry White, Esq. from the con¬
tents of which it is very obvious that Gov. Martin has formed designs
highly inimical to the friends of America.^ From authentic informa¬
tion we learn that he is to receive a supply of gunpowder from Gen.
Gage, via New-York, and that he has sent from North-Carolina a
cutter well armed to receive it. She is a small boat, rigged like a
schooner, mounts a few swivels, and is commanded by a Mr.
Bridges, the lieutenant of the Tamar man of war; the vessel we be¬
lieve was formerly purchased in New-York by a Capt. Vollet. We
beg your particular care, in case she should arrive in your port, to
take the steps you may think prudent to secure her and her cargo.
She is probably to receive the gunpowder from the Asia, or some
other man of war lying in your harbour.
We are, sir, with great respect. Your most obedt. humble servts.
Will. Hooper,
Joseph Hewes.
MS not found; reprinted from Journals of N. Y. Prov. Cong., 1:73.
1 See Charles Thomson to the New York Provincial Congress, July 4, 1775.
2 The response of the New York Committee of Safety, which received this letter
616
July 8, 1775
because the Provincial Congress was in adjournment, assuring Hooper and Hewes
it would do everything in its power to intercept this cargo, is in Am. Archives, 4th
ser. 2:1780.
Silas Deane to Elizabeth Deane
My Dear Sunday July 9th [1775]
Yesterday I wrote, or rather blotted the inclosed, at Table, in the
Congress which send you without apology. Mr. Wykoff invited Me
in the Morning to take a ride with him after Congress, on horseback,
into the Jersies. The Congress held untill after 5 oClock, returning to
my Lodging found him, with horses ready, ate an hasty Dinner &
mounted. Five Miles of Our Road lay thro’ the Rich & Beautiful
Meadows, of this Town, when we crossed the Delaware, to the City
of Gloucester. Ten Degrees inferior To Rockyhill, (but all are Cities
here, that have Corporate privileges) thence Six Miles to Woodbury
when Night overtook Us, or met Us, for all was a Wood beyond.
Here a Company of One Hundred had been closing the Labor of the
Week with Military exercise, in their Rifle Dress, & were now wash¬
ing away the remembrance of their Fatigue at the Tavern. Woodbury
affords but one Tavern, even where, every man may have a License
for asking & Forty Shilling per Annum.
My Freind meeting the Man he had Business with there We
agreed to ride Four Miles further & Lodge with him. He conducted
Us thro a Wood not unlike Suffeild plain untill We arrived at his
Mansion on the brink of a Creek, & good Meadow. He most hospita¬
bly called up his wife who making no Apology fill’d her pan with Ba¬
con & Eggs, put a Skillet of Chocolate on the Fire & prepared for
Supper, while he made a Bowl of Toddy. Our Supper was of the
above preparation with Cucumbers, Butter, & Cheese. I drank a
Bowl of Chocolate while my delicate Citizen ply’d the Bacon & Eggs
close, which I avoided, knowing by Experience the Effects on my
head. We lodged together & in the morning (Sunday) had Coffee,
Cucumbers, & Gammon, & Egg Rum all which Complaisance as well
as hunger urged Us to partake of. After Breakfast We walked out to
View his Earm. He milks upwards of Twenty Cows, has a fine Eng¬
lish horse called Liberty, (to which Wild air is not equall) which cost
him more than Two Hundred pounds, — Though the whole Furniture
of his House would be a bad Bargain at Thirty pounds.
We set out at about Nine oClock & returned. The Country here,
were it not, for Now, & then, a Creek which has a little Meadow on
its bank, would be no great way Superior to Suffeild Plains. It bears
good Rye, but cannot support Wheat. I am thus particular to give
you some Idea of the Country adjacent on every side, in doing of
July 9, 1775
617
which I must not forget, my Ride to German Town Five Miles from
hence famous for Stocking Manufacture. I cannot describe pompous
Villa’s, or Elegant Gardens where there are None Unless I meant a
romance, & as I mean only to divert You with honest Chat, I de¬
scribe the Country as it is. Between this City & German Town there
is not one Elegant Seat, and the greatest improvement on Nature is
that on their Groves, owing by no means to Luxury, but to penury 8c
Want. The Growth is Red Oak interspersed with Black Walnut 8cc.
The poor are allowed to cut up the Brush 8c trim the lower limbs.
This leaves the Groves in the most Beautiful View You can imagine.
All is clean on the Ground, removing every Shrubb 8c Bush, leaves
the Wind free play to sweep the Floor, and the Soil by no means
Luxuriant, shooting up the Trees rather sparingly, so much Grass
starts as to give a pale Green Carpet, while the Trees are trimmed up
Ten to Fifteen Feet on their Trunk 8c give the Eye a prospect farr
into the Grove, and the Footman, or Horseman free access. This is
the State of the Groves Near this City, by a Stranger supposed to be
Natural entirely, which (this trimming 8c cleaning of the poor except¬
ed) is really the Case. I am the more particular on this as the Lon¬
don or Gentlemans Magazine mentions this appearance of their
Groves as the simple Effect of Nature, in which Opinion I joined,
untill Ocular Demonstration convinced Me of the Contrary. German
Town consists of one Street built intirely of rough Stone. Two Miles
nearly in length 8c the houses, correspond to the appearance of the
Inhabitants, rough Children of Nature, 8c German Nature too. I can¬
not add on this Subject. A handsome Lady might be shewn here, as a
Monster, and had the Women, (or what they call such,) any spirit
they would hunt her down as a Phenomenon in Nature, portending
Evil to Society. Satire apart, in Sober Truth I can give You no de¬
scription but what must beggar the real appearance of the Country
Women near this City. Yet my Landlady in the Jersies by her hospi¬
tality, 8c simplicity, (for she was young 8c a Quaker) made Me al¬
most think her handsome, tho’ I found, her Husband putting on Re¬
gimentals, 8c exercising, greived her Conscience not a little. New
England with all its Foibles, must be the Glory, 8c defence of Ameri¬
ca, 8c the cry here is, Connecticut forever, so high has the Universally
applauded Conduct, of Our Governor, and the brave intrepidity of
Old Genl Putnam 8c his Troops raised Our Colony in the Estimation
of the whole Continent. ^
[P.S.] I am sorry I did not know of Col. Reads [Joseph Reed]
going on, or I should have mentioned him to you most particularly,
as he is a Gentleman of a most amiable Character, in private 8c pub¬
lic Life 8c from whom I have received every mark of Civility, but I
supposed him only going on to New York.
618
July 9, 1775
RC (CtHi).
’■Deane’s closing sentence and signature have apparentl'y been clipped from the
bottom of the page. The postscript appears on the verso.
John Adams to James Warren
Dr Sir Philadelphia July 10th. 1775
I have just Time to inclose You a Declaration and an Address.
How you will like them I know not.
A Petition was Sent yesterday, by Mr Richard Penn in one ship
and a Duplicate goes in another Ship, this day. In exchange for these
Petitions, Declarations and Addresses, I Suppose We shall receive
Bills of Attainder and other such like Expressions of Esteem and
Kindness.
This Forenoon has been Spent in an Examination of a Mr Kirk¬
land a worthy Missionary among the Oneida Indians.^ He was very
usefull last Winter among all the Six Nations, by interpreting and ex¬
plaining the Proceedings of the Continental Congress, and by repre¬
senting the Union and Power of the Colonies, as well as the Nature
of the Dispute.
The Congress inclines to wait for Dispatches from General Wash¬
ington before they make any alteration in the Rank of the Generals,
least they should make Some other Mistake. But every Body is well
inclined to place General Thomas in the Seat of Pomroy.^
You must not communicate, without great Discretion what I write
about our Proceedings, for all that I hint to you is not yet public.
I am &c ^
RC (MHi) . In Adams’ hand, though not signed.
’ See /CC, 2:172-73, 186-87.
Congress did appoint John Thomas to replace Seth Pomeroy as senior briga¬
dier general on July 19. JCC, 2: 191.
Connecticut Delegates to Jonathan Trumbull, Sr.
Philadelphia July 10th. 1775
We had the Honor of writing to you a few Days Since wherein we
expressed our minds in respect to the Impropriety of the Colony
Connecticutt raising more Men for the Continental Army at or near
Boston. It was with great difficulty we got the 6000 into Continental
pay. New York Province is ordered to raise 3000 which are now fill-
ing, & which may possably put some of ours we have already raised
out of pay soon. There is now 6 or 800 riflers from this Province &c
on their way to Cambridge & the Minute Men which may be raised
July 10, 1775
619
on any sudden Emergency in the Country Near Boston seems in the
View of the Congress to supersede any necessaty for Connecticut to
raise any more Troops but if you should have a request from Genl
Washington after he arrives at the Camp you may be safe in raising
further reinforcements otherwise not Unless on the requisition of this
Congress. We have had no special Direction from the Congress to
write you on this Subject we therefore only advise what we appre¬
hend prudent for the Colony. According to the Arrangement of the
Congress, viz allowing 68 privates to a Company we might with pro¬
priety make more Companies out of those allready raised which will
require an Addition of Officers. These (under General Officers) are
to be Nominated by the respective Colonies which will make room
for advancements of some allready in the army with some additions
of which no doubt the General will advise you. The Post this moment
going of[f]. Cannot add, and have the honor to be Your Honors
most Obedient humble Servants Eliphalet Dyer
Roger Sherman
Silas Dean
Tr (Ct) .
Thomas Cushing to Joseph Hawley
Dear sir Philadelphia July 10. 1775
I embrace this opf)ertunity to Inclose You the Declaration of the
United Colonies as also their Address to the People of Great Britain.
They have by a Vessell that Sails This Day for London forwarded a
Petition to the King as also the Above address, as well as a Letter to
the Lord Mayor & Livery of the City of London. A Vessell arrived
this Day from Barcelona, The Captain of Which Informs that before
his Departure from that Place he saw Twelve thousand Men Em-
barque in a great number [o/] Transports filled with warlike Stores &
ammuni[ti]on & every thing suitable for a Seige, under Cover of two
line of Battle Ships. There are various Conjectures about the Place to
which they were bound. The English Merchants apprehended their
Design was to beseige Gibralter. The Master further Informs that a
Packquet was just arrived which brought an account that Twelve
Ships of the line were ordered immediately to sail from England to
Gibralter to cover that fortress. I am surprized I have not been fa¬
voured with line from you. Pray let [. . . .]^ I am with great respect
yr hum Sevt. Thomas Cushing
RC (NN) . Recipient inferred from RC’s location in the Joseph Hawley Papers.
1 MS damaged; approximately three words missing.
620
July 10, 1775
Eliphalet Dyer to Joseph Trumbull
Sr Philadelphia July 10th 1775
I have only time in Congress this moment to Inclose you this
Mornings paper Containing a declaration of the United Colonies set¬
ting forth the Causes of their taking up Arms 8cc also their Address
to the Inhabitants of Great Britain which together with Another Peti¬
tion to the King are this day forwarded to London by Mr Richard
Penn late Govr of this Province who is gone for England with his
family to reside there sometime. He is Esteemd Very Eriendly to the
American Cause &: is joind with our Agents there to Present the Peti¬
tion to the King. We hope before it arrives by the Blessing of Heaven
attending our Army a good Account may be given of the Hostile
Troops sent over to this country for Murther 8c rapine. The Riflers
from this Province are on their March. Hope they may prove service¬
able & give a good Account of the British officers before summer is
out. Before this I dare say you have Welcomed the New Genlls to the
Camp. Hope they may fully Answer the expectations of the Army as
well as the Colonies from them. I wish you may succeed in the Ap¬
pointment for which Application was made for you. I hope you will
not fail procuring any additional weight if necessary. Expect soon to
hear from you. May Heaven give Success to our Army. My regard to
Genlls, Colls, &c &c of our Acquaintance & believe me to be sincere¬
ly Yours Elipht Dyer
P.S. You will see by the New Arrangement that the Companies are
to Consist of but 68 privates which will Make room for a Number
more officers in the Connecticutt Troops. I wish (if so) you would
remember to his honor the Govr as probably the appointment will
lye with him Lieuts Grosvenor & Gray for Captains. They ought at
first to have had that birth. Grosvenor has been Tryed in Action,
Gray we all think will prove well. Yrs. E D
RC (Ct) .
John Hancock to George Washington
_ Philadelphia July lOth. 1775
Since my last to you, nothing has Taken place in Congress particu¬
larly Respecting your Department.
I by order of Congress forward you the Declaration, 8c Address to
the People of England.
I must beg the favour you will Reserve some birth for me, in such
Department as you may Judge most proper, for I am Determin’d to
July 11, 1775
621
Act under you, if it be to take the firelock & Join the Ranks as a Vol¬
unteer.
I have the Honor to be with profound Respect, Sir Your most
Obedt. servt. John Hancock
[P.S.] I hope to be with you soon, as there seems to prevail an
Opinion that we may have an adjournmt. in a little Time. We Expect
soon to hear from you, all Military matters are suspended till your
State arrives.
RC (DLC) .
John Adams to James Warren
Hond & Dr Sir Philadelphia July 11th. 1775
I have the Pleasure of inclosing you, a Declaration. Some call it a
Manifesto. And We might easily have occasioned a Debate of half a
Day, whether, it Should be call’d a Declaration or a Manifesto.
Our Address to the People of Great Britain will find many Admir¬
ers among the Ladies, and fine Gentlemen: but it is not to my Taste.
Prettynesses Juvenilities, much less Puerilities, become not a great
Assembly like this the Representative of a great People. ^
RC (MHi) . In Adams’ hand, though not signed.
^For the continuation of this letter, see Adams to Warren, July 23, 1775.
Pennsylvania Delegates to the
Lancaster County Committee
Qent Philada. July 11th. 1775
Yours relative to the Riffle Compy. to which Capt. Smith is ap¬
pointed we have reced. In the same you mention that there are a
Number of Men Raised by Mr. James Ross out of which a good
Company may be formed. We Immediately laid this Matter before
Congress and they were pleased to Approve of them & directed that
they should be immediately taken into the Service.^ You will please
to Certify to us the Officers as heretofore in the other Compy. And
endavour to have them fitted off with the utmost dispatch to follow
Capt. Smith who we suppose will have March d ere this reaches. We
would have you send the best of the Men the establishment you
know. .
The Congress highly approve the generous bounty given by the
622
July 11, 1775
good People of Lancaster County. We are with Esteem Gent Your
very Hble Servts. Geo. Ross
James Wilson
B Franklin
RC (DLC) . Written by Ross and signed by Ross, Wilson, and Franklin.
^See/CC, 2:173.
Virginia Delegates to the
President of the Virginia Convention
Philadelphia July 11. 1775.
The continued sitting of Congress prevents us from attending our
colony Convention; but, directed by a sense of duty, we transmit to
the Convention such determinations of the Congress as they have di¬
rected to be made public. The papers speak for themselves, and re¬
quire no comment from us. A petition to the king is already sent
away, earnestly entreating the royal interposition to prevent the fur¬
ther progress of civil contention by redressing American grievances;
but we are prevented from transmitting a copy of it, because a public
communication, before it has been presented, may be improper. The
Convention, we hope, will pardon us for venturing our sentiments on
the following subjects, which we submit to their superior wisdom.
The continuance and the extent of this conflict we consider as among
the secrets of providence; but we also reflect on the propriety of
being prepared for the worst events, and, so far as human foresight
can provide, to be guarded against probable evils at least. Military
skill we are certainly not so well provided with as military violence
opposed to us may render necessary. Will not this deficiency be sup¬
plied by sending at the publick expence a few gentlemen of genius
and spirit to the military school before Boston to learn that necessary
art, which in these days of rapine can only be relied upon for public
safety.
The present crisis is so full of danger and incertainty that opinions
here are various. Some think a continued sitting of Congress neces¬
sary, whilst others are of opinion that an adjournment to the Fall will
answer as well. We conclude that our powers go not to the latter, but
t at a Fall Congress will be indispensible, with adjourning powers
given to your delegates that they may be prepared to meet contingen¬
cies. The Convention will therefore see the propriety of proceeding to
delegates and being explicit about the time to which
they chuse to limit the continuance of their delegation. It is expected
July 12, 1775
623
that at the next Congress the delegates from the respective colonies
come provided with an exact account of the number of people of all
ages and sexes, including slaves. The Convention will provide for
this.
It is with singular pleasure that we can congratulate you on the
success with which providence has been pleased to favor our right¬
eous cause by giving success to the operations in defence of Ameri¬
can liberty. We are Sir Your most humble servants,
P. Henry, Jr. Edmd. Pendleton
Richard Henry Lee Benja. Harrison
Th; Jefferson
RC (PHi) . Written by Jefferson and signed by Harrison, Henry, Jefferson, Lee,
and Pendleton. Jefferson, Papers (Boyd) , 1:223-24.
Samuel Adams to James Warren
My dear Sir Philada July 12 1775
Give me Leave to recommend to your friendly Notice and to de¬
sire you would introduce into the Circle of our Friends Mr Hugh
Hughes of New York,i a worthy sensible man, whose Virtue has
renderd him obnoxious to all the Torries of that City. I know I can¬
not say more to you in favor of any Man. He is perhaps as poor as I
am, but he “goes about doing good.” I am sincerely your affectionate
Fr[ien]d S Adams
[P.S.] Pray write me particularly of Men as well as Events.
RC (Paul Francis Webster, Beverly Hills, Calif., 1974) . Recipient identified in
Warren-Adams Letters, 1:82.
^Hugh Hughes (d. 1804), New York commissary of military stores, 1776, and
subsequently assistant quartermaster general and colonel in the Continental Army.
F. B. Heitman, Historical Register of the Officers of the Continental Army . . .
(Washington, D. C., 1892) , p. 306.
Edmund Pendleton to George Washington
Dear General Phila. July 12th. 1775.
My freind Mr. George Baylor will be the bearer of this, who has
caught such a Military Ardor as to travel to the Camp for instruction
in that Art.^ I beg leave to recommend him to your Countenance 8c
Favor, not only on Account of his Worthy Father, but from my
Opinion of his own Merit. He is a Lieutent. in our independent Com-
624
July 12, 1775
pany & has gained great Applause there by his diligent Attention to
the duties of his Office & the bravery he has indicated. Be so obliging
as to make my Complts. to Genl. Lee, Genl. Gates, Majr. Mifflin &
Mr. Griffen & intreat their countenance and assistance to him also.
We are hourly in Expectation of hearing from you. We yesterday
voted an Additional Co. of Riflemen to go from this Province to gra-
tifie one that was raised & impatient to come to you. We have also
consented to employ a German Hussar who is to raise his 50 men &
come to the Camp.
We have heard you remain quiet, except some Cannon shot ex¬
changed between Roxbury 8c Boston. You have my most cordial
wishes for success in every undertaking, who have the Honr. to be
with great esteem Dr. Sr. Yr. mo. Obt. Hble Servt.
Edmd Pendleton
RC (DLC) .
^George Baylor (1752-84), of Newmarket, Va., was app)ointed an aide-de-camp
to Washington on August 15, 1775. DAB; and Washington, Writings (Fitzpatrick) ,
3:425. Baylor carried a second letter of recommendation to Washington. Also
written by Pendleton and dated July 12, it was signed by three additional Virginia
delegates, Benjamin Harrison, Patrick Henry, and Richard Henry Lee. CtY.
Silas Deane’s Diary
[July 13, 1775]
Thursday 13th. Compleated the Talk to the Indians, Voted to Dr.
Wheelock 500 Dollrs. for the maintenance of the Indian youth. Pur¬
sued the plan for Appointment of Superintend [en] ts.^
MS (CtHi) . CHS Bulletin 29 (July 1964) : 93.
Congress appointed commissioners of Indian affairs for the northern and
middle departments this day and selected those for the southern department the
following week. JCC, 2:175, 183, 192, 194. The entry in the journals pertaining to
commissioners for the northern department contains an ambiguous, incomplete
reference to the enlargement of the department and the appointment of Volkert P.
Douw of New York. Documents surviving among the papers of two of the commis¬
sioners, Joseph Hawley and Oliver Wolcott, and certified as minutes of Congress,
make it clear that Douw was indeed appointed as a fifth commissioner on July 13.
See Burnett, Letters, l:163n; and John Hancock to Philip Schuyler, July 18, 1775.
George Read to Gertrude Read
My dear Gitty. Philada. 13th July 1775
I did expect you wou’d have been agreeably as surprized by a Visit
from Mrs. Biddle as she with her Daughter. Mr. Biddle and your
Brother Jno. Ross set off in a Pilot Boat on Tuesday morning, got to
July 14, 1775
625
Chester that Evening and were to have proceeded on, but upon ex¬
amining the Pilots boy discovered that he had his Master’s orders to
Return the next day at all events. This and a very warm Night deter¬
mined their Return here yesterday and I find that Mr. Biddle has re¬
solved to proceed home upon the first alteration of the weather from
the extreme heat that prevails now and this I think is right. In the
present disposition of the Members of the Congress and the State of
the business before them it is highly probable that we shall adjourn
for some time. This is but just talked of, the major part of the 6 mid¬
dle colonies are for it. However Some new business may frustrate this
Expectation. The Parliament was prorougued the 26th of May for 2
Months. The King’s Speech upon that Occasion is come over, there
is nothing particular in it. The news of the Lexington battle had not
got home then but it is reported came 2 days after to wit the 28th —
this is a verbal account. Your Nephew James Ross is to command a
company of Riffle Men. One company only had been ordered to be
raised in the county of Lancaster. However Jemmy undertook to
raise a 2d. and they have been accepted of by the Congress.^ I have
heard nothing from Col. Thompson yet we expect him daily. The
Congress have received no Letter from General Washington since his
arrival at the Camp. The Accot. of their Reception 8cc. there men¬
tioned in Bradford’s Paper of yesterday is said to be wrote by Griffin
Genl. Lee’s Aid de Camp. The list of the Slain &c. on both sides as
mentioned in the same paper came from Joseph Reed the Lawyer of
this place. He went from hence with the General and now acts as his
Secretary. Your friends are all well. I [. . •] wish to share the cool
Breezes of New Castle with you. I grow impatient but this only in¬
creases my uneasiness. Kiss our little ones and believe me yours most
Affectionately Geo. Read
RC (DeHi) .
^ See Pennsylvania Delegates to the Lancaster County Committee, July 11, 1775.
Silas Deane’s Diary
[July 14, 1775]
Friday Fore Noon, 14th. At Congress — Jas. Deane arrived, his
papers laid before the Congress. ^
MS (CtHi) . CHS Bulletin 29 (July 1964) : 93.
Mames Deane (1748-1823), tvho had recently returned to Connecticut from a
mission among the Indians in Canada, probably brought intelligence regarding
conditions in Canada. Appleton's Cyclopaedia of Atnerican Biography; and Jona¬
than Trumbull, Sr., to Peter Van Brugh Livingston, July 7, 1775, Am. Archives, 4th
ser. 2:1781.
626
July 15, 1775
Silas Deane’s Diary
[July 15, 1775]
Saturday 15th. at Congress. AfterNoon Wrote to J. Trumbull, J.
Webb, S. Webb Sec fee. At Coffee house 2/6, on Comme. in the Eve¬
ning with Dr. Franklin fec.i
MS (CtHi) . CHS Bulletin 29 (July 1964) : 93.
^Probably the committee “to devise ways and means to protect the trade of
these Colonies.” JCC, 2:177.
Silas Deane to Elizabeth Deane
My Dear [July 15? 1775]
I have only Time to acknowledge the Receipt of yours of the 11th,
and to assure you I am so farr from thinking hard, of your not writ¬
ing oftener, that I have to return You my warmest Thanks, for so
many, of your agreeable Letters, and in particular for that in which
You inform Me that you are better in health, than the last Summer.
The Weather has for the last Week been extreme, tho a little mod¬
erated by Showers yet the Air is excessive bad, which added to Our
Close Confinement to Business is almost too much, for from the 10th
of May We have not had Sunday’s excepted one Days respite, from
Nine in the Morning to four pm, fe then at Times by Committees on
to Ten or Eleven at Night — judge what an easy Time We have.
You know, (tho I pay no Compliment to your Taste by remind¬
ing You) that I am the most indifferent in Female, or Ladys’ Com¬
pany, of any Man in the World, yet I try now and then to Chat away
an hour in a Mixed Company, meerly to chase off the Spleen, for as
to my description of the Ladies here at which You hint, refer you to
my description of the review, my Ride to German Town fee — or if
that will not answer take the following Anecdote. A Brother Dele¬
gate, remarkably fond of fine Ladies, at a late Fair, when the whole
Country was collected asked Me if I saw one pretty Girl. I replied in
the Negative, he was then very free (as he is well acquainted in N.
England, tho’ not an Inhabitant of it in praises of Your Ladyshipps
there) and taking a Guinea out of his pocket says Deane here is a
Vast Crowd of Girls. I will follow You and the first that You shall
say has a pretty face, I will give the Guinea too. We stroll’d thro the
whole Fair, and though I sincerely wished to make him loose his
Guinea yet could not in Conscience say that I found one handsome
Face. From this judge of the general Complexion of Females here.
I am informed that the late Arrangement of Officers, is highly dis¬
pleasing to Worster, and Spencer and that high Words have pass’d on
July 15, 1775
627
the Occasion — that Worster talks high of his Thirty Years Services,
and that Spencer left his Forces, to shift for themselves, though ex¬
pecting hourly to be attacked, to return home, and pray an Altera¬
tion. I see the Bottom of the whole, and am well aware that the Storm
is raised, or at least blown up, by others, and am at no Loss to fore¬
see the direction of it, but am determined to do my duty, and will on
no Occasion sacrifice, the good of my Country, to the whim of any
old Man, or old Woman rather, or their sticklers. When Worster was
appointed I wash’d my hands of the Consequences by declaring him,
in my Opinion, totally unequall to the Service. This I did openly in
the Face of the Assembly, and if I tho’t him unfit for a Major Gener¬
al of Connecticut Forces only, could any one think, I would oppose
the Voice of the Continent, Sc act contrary to my own Sentiments, by
labouring to prefer him to Putnam, on whom, by every Acct. the
whole Army has depended, ever since the Lexington Battle? I wish
all such Men would leave Our Army at once. As to Spencer, I once
had a good Opinion of him, but his leaving the Forces in the Manner
I hear he has, shocks it very greatly, and if true I wish him to resign
at once and let Another take his place. Pray listen to these reports,
and inform Me, how farr I am charged with being Active in this Ar¬
rangement. I have various reasons to expect their Freinds will Father
it all on the old ScapeGoat, as Sherman is known to be in favor of
Worster, & Dyer and Spencer are Brother Councellors.^ If the Warr
lasts I hope Matters will come into a more regular, & decisive Course
than They2
RC (CtHi).
^ For other references concerning the appointment of general officers, see Eli-
phalet Dyer to Joseph Trumbull, June 20, 1775.
^ Remainder of MS missing.
Edmund Pendleton to William Woodford
Dear Sir Phila. July 15th. 1775
Mr. Spotswood leaves this tomorrow morning 8c intends to contin¬
ue his journey to Richmond, which affords me an Opportunity of
paying my Respects, tho’ there is nothing worth relating since my last
to Colo. Taylor that I now recollect. Should there be any thing, Mr.
Spotswood will deliver it you. We are quite at a loss for the reason of
not hearing from our General who has been at the Camp a fortnight,
8c various conjectures are formed on the Occasion; I know he is clear
of meriting blame 8c therefore think an Action happened about the
time his express should have come away 8c he waits to send us the
event 8c particulars of it, but this is mere Opinion 8c a whisper on the
contrary runs about Town that Gage has sent proposals to our Genl.
579-852 0 - 77 - 42 Vol. 1
628
July 15, 1775
for a Suspension of Hostilities, for how long or on what terms has not
reached me, nor do I give credit to the Story. If I get that or any oth¬
er thing Interesting, you shall have it by Post Tuesday next. I shall
hope to be at home by the time you return from Richmd. Sc wish it
may be convenient to you Sc Colo. Taylor to give me the Pleasure of
Yr. Company that we may exchange Bugets. It is said a Man of War
is in this River & some mention It to be the Fowey; perhaps our
friend Dunmore is coming to pay us a Visit, he will not meet a very
polite Reception.
Your things with some of my own are to embark tomorrow &: be
sent to New Castle. The Vessell does not go to Port Royal as I ex¬
pected, but to Norfolk 8c then to New Castle; I found if I was to have
them freighted from Norfolk to Rappa. besides the uncertaintie of
getting it done, would have been attended with more than double
freight 8c much exceeded the exjrence of sendg. for them by Land to
New Castle, wch. I will have done as soon as I hear of their Arrival.
I have been sadly plagued to get them along. A land Carriage would
have cost at least £20. When I might have sent them, they were not
ready, 8c since they have been so, no opportunity ’til now; None here
seem to think there is any danger of their being seised in the Passage.
If the Colours escape ’til they reach yr. worthy Company, I know
they must buy them dear, who attempt to meddle with them after¬
wards. My Complts. to Colo. Taylor (to whom Johnny writes) and
all my friends at the Convention. I am Dr. Sr. Yr. affe. Friend
Edmd Pendleton
RC (NN).
Silas Deane to Samuel B. Webb
Philadelphia July 16th 1776. Recommends the bearer, Lt. Charles
Craig of Thompson’s Pennsylvania Rifle Regiment, complains that
he has not received answers to several letters, and concludes that he
has nothing new to report.
RC (CtY) . Webb, Correspondence (Ford) , 1:83.
James Wilson to John Montgomery
Dear Sir 16th July 1775
I have not, for a long Time, been more shocked than by the Intel¬
ligence I received from your Letter and Col. [William] Thompson’s
inclosed. I have been proud, and have often expressed my Pride in
July 16, 1775
629
the Spirit and Vigour of Cumberland County to the great American
Cause: Guess then what my Uneasiness and Disappointment were,
when I was informed that Matters were carried on in a Manner disa¬
greeable to our sanguine Hopes and Wishes. One happy Circum¬
stance attended your Letter: The Bearer’s Horse got lame, and I did
not receive it till the Day before Yesterday. This fortunate Delay
prevented the Chagrin which I should otherwise have felt for two or
three Days. About an Hour after I had read your Letter, and while I
was ruminating upon it in a manner that you will easily conceive, I
was pleasingly surprised by Mr Jesse Lukins with an Account that
the Cumberland Companies were compleated, and either ready to
march, or on their March towards Reading. I expect Col. Thompson
here to Day. Since Capt. Little has declined going, I am determined
to use every possible Endeavour to procure Mr [Robert] Magaw to
be appointed Lieut. Colonel.^ His Zeal and Activity merit to be dis¬
tinguished. I hope I shall succeed.
We have not lately received any material News from the North¬
ward. There is in one of the Papers a particular Account of the killed
and wounded among the Regulars at Bunker’s Hill. Their Number
amounts in the whole to 1492. I presume Mr Blaine will furnish you
with all the late Pa{>ers. As I write at Mr Turner’s, it is not in my
Power to do it as usual. I inclose the only one I have. The edifying
Speeches of the Commons to the King, and of the King to his Parlia¬
ment will give you great Satisfaction. Our Declaration of the Causes
and Necessity of taking up Arms you have in the News-paper; as also
our Address to the People of Britain. I send you a Copy of our Rules
and Articles for the Government of the Army.
Indian Affairs have been under the Consideration of the Con¬
gress. As I am at Liberty to communicate any Part of this Business
which I think ought to be publicly known, I take this Opportunity of
informing you that we are anxious to take every Step which will have
a Tendency to preserve Peace with the Indians. For this Purpose we
have divided them into three different Departments; and appointed
Commissioners to hold Treaties and make Presents in each Depart¬
ment. Dr Franklin Mr Henry of Virginia and I are Commissioners
for the middle Department. We have not yet determined upon the
Time or Place of holding a Treaty. But Speeches are prepared, and
the Belts are getting ready. I should be glad you would take the first
Opportunity you can find of conveying this Intelligence to Westmore¬
land County. It will give Satisfaction to the Inhabitants there to learn
that the proper Measures are pursuing for preserving their Tranquil¬
lity. Perhaps you will write to Capt St Clair. Make my Compliments
to him, and tell him that, tho’ I have not now Time I will seize the
first Leisure Moment to send a long Letter to him.
I observe what you say concerning an Indian Treaty; and shall be
630
July 16, 1775
glad to have any farther Thoughts you may judge proper to hint con¬
cerning that Matter. I cannot tell what to say about Croghan. I think
it dangerous to employ him; and dangerous to let him alone.
Give little Polly a Kiss for me. Now I have said some thing; but
Nothing with more Truth than that 1 am Dear Sir Yours sincerely
James Wilson
RC (ICHi) .
^ By a resolution of June 24, 1775, the Pennsylvania Assembly had authorized its
delegates in Congress to recommend officers for the battalion of Pennsylvania
riflemen. Pa. Archives, 8th ser. 8:7241. Wilson had previously received the follow¬
ing recommendation from Edward Biddle: “As I can not attend the Delegates to
settle the Officers of the Rifle Regiment, I take this Method of mentioning the
Gentlemen I would propose as Field Officers, Vizt. Mr. Thompson, Colonel, Mr.
Magaw, Lieut. Col., & Mr. Nagel, Major.” Biddle to Wilson, July 14, 1775, NN.
John Adams to Abigail Adams
Philadelphia July 17. 1775. Discusses his experiences with Dr.
Thomas Bond (1743-94), Philadelphia physician, with whom he
took an early morning trip into the country this day. “A most amuz-
ing and refreshing Excursion We had, and such Excursions are very
necessary to preserve our Health, amidst the suffocating Heats of the
City, and the wasting, exhausting Debates of the Congress.” Urges
Abigail to teach the children “Geography and the Art of copying as
well as drawing Plans of Cities, Provinces, Kingdoms, and Countries
— especially of America. I have found great Inconvenience for Want
of this Art, since I have had to contemplate America so much, and
since I had to study the Processes and Operations of War.”
RC (MHi) . Adams, Family Correspondence (Butterfield) , 1:251-52.
Silas Deane’s Diary
[July 17, 1775]
Monday 17th. Genl. Washington’s Express arrived. ^ At Congress
on Two Committees. 2
MS (CtHi) . CHS Bulletin 29 (July 1964) : 93.
^ Although Deane records the arrival of an express from Washington this date,
Eliphalet Dyer wrote the day following that no word had been received from
Washington since his arrival at Cambridge, and President Hancock wrote Wash¬
ington the 19th that “your despatches reached me last evening.” Dyer to Joseph
Trumbull, July 18, 1775; and Am. Archives, 4th ser. 2:1689. The journals indicate
that Washington’s first communication from camp was read to Congress on July 19.
JCC, 2:190.
July 17, 1775
631
^ A committee to recommend compensation for Samuel Kirkland’s services
among the Indians was appointed this day and reported the next. JCC, 2:186-87.
Deane was also a member of a committee to recommend ways and means to protect
the trade of the colonies, which reported on July 21 and may also have met this
day. JCC, 2:177, 200.
Lyman Hall to Jonathan Dickinson Sergeant
Philadelphia. July 17. 1775. Wishes Sergeant^ had come to Phila¬
delphia so that he, Hall, could “have Adjusted 8c Settled the Inclosed
Acct.” Proposes to pay Sergeant “from £50 to 80 or 90, 8c more if I
can Directly.”
RC (PHi) .
^Jonathan Dickinson Sergeant (1746-93), Princeton lawyer, member of the New
Jersey Provincial Congress, and a delegate to Congress, 1776-77. Bio. Dir. Cong.;
and DAB.
John Hancock to Peter Van Brugh Livingston
Sir, Philadelphia, July 17, 1775.
Major General Schuyler having represented to the Congress the
necessity of appointing a deputy adjutant-general or a brigade-major
for the troops under his command, I am ordered to send you the fol¬
lowing resolve passed this day.^
I am. Sir, Your obedt. humble servt.
John Hancock, President.
[P.S.] I inclose you an Authenticated Commission to be fill’d up
with the Name of the Gentleman appointed by your Congress. You
will please to make a Return to me of the person so appointed.
The Inclos’d Letter for General Schuyler, I beg you will immedi¬
ately forward to him by Express.
[P.S.] Please to forward by the Express to General Schuyler a Num¬
ber of the Articles of War. I forwarded them to New York, directed
to Genl Schuyler but apprehend they did not meet him there, as he
has wrote me for them from Albany.
The commission referred to is sent by Mr. Lewis.
RC (N) . Journals of N. Y. Prov. Cong., 2:4. RC damaged; missing words supplied
from Tr.
^This day Congress authorized the New York Provincial Convention “to recom¬
mend to Genl. Schuyler, a proper person for a deputy adjutant general or a
Brigade Major, for the army in the New York department.” JCC, 2:186. The New
632
July 17, 1775
York delegates also wrote to the president of the New York Provincial Convention
on this date recommending the appointment of Morgan Lewis, who had been
promised that office by Schuyler “with the approbation of your Convention.
Journals of N. Y. Prov. Cong., 2:17. In a letter to the convention dated July 19,
1775, Hancock enclosed a blank commission for the person appointed. Ibid., p. 16.
John Hancock to Philip Schuyler
Sir Philadelphia July 17th. 1775
On application made to the Congress by John Brook agent and
Attorney to Philip Skene Esqr., 1 am directed to write to you their
Desire, that the said Brooks be protected in the peaceable Manage¬
ment, and Direction of the plantation and Interest of the said Philip
Skene Esqr. at Skenesborough. I am with Esteem Sir Your most
obedt. hum. Servt. John Hancock President
Tr (NN) .
Samuel Chase to Philip Schuyler
Dear Sir Philadelphia July 18th. 1775. Tuesday
On yesterday your Letter relative to the Appointment of inferior
officers in your Department was taken into Consideration by the
Congress, and Mr. Walter Livingston was unanimously chose Com¬
missary of Stores, Capt. Donald Campbell Quarter Master, and my
Eriend Mr. Bedford Muster Master.^
Mr. Bedford joins Me in acknowledging your Politeness and fa¬
vorable Intentions towards him. He proposes to leave his Family on
Fryday Morning, and would be much obliged to you to receive your
Orders and Directions for his Conduct by a Line, if opportunity
serves, to meet him at Albany.
I shall leave this City on Sunday next, and if the Importance of
your Station and your necessary attention to a Multiplicity of Busi¬
ness will permit, I would beg the Favor of a Letter. I am doubly in¬
terested in your Success: The welfare of my County, and the honor
and Safety of my Friend.
If I can in the most remote Degree render You any Service, or
contribute a Mite to your Happiness or Ease, be pleased freely to
command Me, and be assured that I am with Regard Your Affec¬
tionate and Obedient Servant Sami. Chase
RC (NN) .
^See JCC, 2:186. Schuyler’s letter of July 11 is in PCC, item 153, 1:18. Chase had
previously recommended his friend Gunning Bedford for the office of deputy
July 18, 1775
633
muster master for the New York department. Samuel Chase to Philip Schuvler
July 10, 1775, NN. t' 7 •
John Dickinson’s Proposed Resolutions
[July 18? 1775]!
Resolv d.
That it be recommended, and it is hereby earnestly recommended
to such of the Inhabitants of these Colonies, as have not already en¬
tered into Associations for learning the military Exercise, that all
who are capable of bearing arms, do immediately associate them¬
selves for the Purpose aforesaid — that every Man provide himself
with such Arms & Articles as are directed by their respective Con¬
ventions or Committees, &: by the respective Assemblies, Conventions
or Committees &: where no such Directions have been given, that
every man provide a good Firelock, Bayonet, Cutting sword or
Tomhawk, Cartridge Box with 24 Rounds of Cartridge, besides
[ ] 2 pounds of Powder in a Horn 8c 2 pounds of Lead in a Bag,
8c Flints, and a Knapsack — that they form themselves into Compa¬
nies consisting of a Captain, two Lieutenants, an Ensign, four Ser¬
jeants, four Corporals, one Drummer, 8c sixty eight privates — that
these Companies be form’d into Battalions, and that all persons who
have associated or shall hereafter associate, use all possible Industry
in learning the Exercise afore said, and the Maneuvres 8c Evolutions
necessary for rendering their operations effectual when embodied
and in actual service.
MS (PPL) . These resolutions were written by John Dickinson on the verso of
Thomas Johnson to John Dickinson, June 1, 1775.
^Congress adopted resolutions similar to these on July 18. JCC, 2:187-89.
* MS blank.
Eliphalet Dyer to Joseph Trumbull
Dear Sr Philadelphia July 18th 1775
It gives me much Uneasiness that all my good Intentions for you
are frustrated by the Genls appointment of Coll Reed of this City to
be his secretary tho he is a Gentn of real worth 8c truly deserving. He
set out from this City to Accompany the Genlls. believe he had no
thots when he set out of proceeding to the Army. Indeed no one nor
even his family had any knowledge of his Intentions if so. He is the
Gent who married Mr [Dennis] De berts daughter in London, a rep¬
utable Lawyer in this City, one of the Colls of their New raised Mili¬
tia in this City. He would make an agreable Acquaintance for you.
634
July 18, 1775
Mr Mifflin would Introduce you, if I remember you had some pre¬
vious Acquaintance with him. I hope Coll Reed will not think of
tarrying long. If he should not am in hopes you may Succeed him.
This Letter is by Mr [Aaron] Burr only son of the late President
Burr, his Sister Married Mr Reeves of Litchfield. He is Accompanied
by one Mr [Matthias] Ogden of the Jerseys. They are both young
Gentn of fortune & regulation. They have so great arder for Military
that they are determined to join our Army as Volunteers And goe
into the Ranks if they can get Nothing better.^ Your Civility to them
with any service you can render them will be very Agreable. We are
Surprised att our Colony raising two Regiments more without ever
applying to or having any requisition made by this Congress. It was
with the greatest dificulty that we could get the other of our forces
into Continental pay and that we are not assured of for the whole
when New York raise their Quota appointed them. I fear the New
Regiments will be at the sole Charge of the Colony as we know not
where they can be Imployed.^ We much wonder we have received no
express from the Genii since his Arrival of the state of the Army See
but expect every hour. We hear the Appointment of Genii Officer [s]
by the Congress gives Uneasiness to some Gentn. Putnams fame ran
so high as Induced the Congress to give him the Preference. Hope
the Interest of the Country & the great cause in question will take
place in the minds of Gentn. (who may think themselves Slighted in
these appointments) and in their View bare away ivery other
Consideration. 3 We hope to adjourn in about a fortnight, remember
me as Usual to Friends. I wrote Genii Spencer but never recievd an
Answer also to Coll Parsons & Am sincerely yours
Elipht Dyer
RC (Ct) .
^John Hancock also wrote a letter in behalf of Burr and Ogden to General
Washington on July 19. Am. Archives, 4th ser. 2:1689.
“ See Dyer to Joseph Trumbull, July 21, 1775.
®For other references to Putnam’s appointment as major general over officers
who outranked him in Connecticut, see also Dyer to Joseph Trumbull, June 20,
1775, note; and Connecticut Delegates to Jonathan Trumbull, June 26, 1775.
John Hancock to Philip Schuyler
Sip Philadelphia July 18th. 1775
Your Letter of the 11th Instant has been duly received and laid
before the Congress and immediately taken into Consideration. ^
The Congress desirous of giving you every aid in their power to
enable you effectually to execute the Trust reposed in you have or¬
dered me to write to General Wooster and direct him to send in the
July 18, 1775
635
most expeditious Manner one thousand of the Connecticut Forces
under his Command to Albany there to remain encamped until they
shall receive Orders from you, as to their future proceedings.
These Troops when they arrive at Albany will be subject to your
Command to march, where you may direct.
The Congress have appointed Mr. Walter Livingston to be Com¬
missary of Stores and provisions for your Department, also Donald
Campbell to be Deputy Quarter Master General or a Brigade Major.
The Congress have taken into their Consideration the State of In¬
dian Affairs, and in order to secure the Friendship of the Indians on
this extensive Continent they have divided them into three Depart¬
ments the Northern, middle and Southern. The Northward to include
Indians of the six Nations and all to the Northward 8c Eastward of
them.
They have also appointed Commissioners to superintend Indian
Affairs in these several Departments.
The Commissioners for the Northern Department are General
Philip Schuyler, Major Joseph Hawley, Mr. Turbot Francis, Mr.
Oliver Woolcot, and Mr. Volkert P. Douw.
They have also prepared a Talk for the Indians, a Copy of which, I
herewith transmit you. Proper Belts are now preparing and when
ready will be sent forward together with the powers of the Commis¬
sioners.
By an Express some Time ago I transmitted a Number of Copies
of the Articles of War pass’d by the Congress directed for you at
New York.
I have only to inform you that I have made out Commissions and
delivered them to Mr. Campbell and Mr. Bedford and have forward¬
ed one for Mr. Livingston. I heartily wish you Health and Success
and am Sir Yr. humble Servant John Hancock President
Tr (NN) .
^ For this letter, see Am. Archives, 4th ser. 2:1645^6; and PCC, item 153,
1:18-22.
Thomas McKean, John Dickinson and James Wilson to
Philip Schuyler
Sir, Philadelphia July 18th. 1775.
We delayed answering your favor of the 30th ulto. until the
officers you esteemed necessary in your department were appointed,
who were nominated yesterday excepting the Brigade Major, the
Choice of whom is submitted to the Provincial Convention of New
York. Your friend Mr. Walter Livingston was unanimously chosen
636
July 18, 1775
Deputy Commissary-General, and Mr. Colin Campbell Deputy Quar¬
ter-Master General; Gunning Bedford Esquire of this city is Deputy-
Muster-Master General.
As soon as your obliging information respecting John Macpherson
Esquire was received, he proceeded to join you, and we flatter our¬
selves you will find him deserving the recommendation we gave
him.i
It is expected our affairs will admit the Congress to adjourn next
Saturday week until sometime in September.
We pray for your success in your important command, wish you
all manner of happiness, and are. Sir, with great regard Your obliged 8c
obedient humble servants Tho McKean
John Dickinson
James Wilson
RC (NHi) . Written by McKean and signed by McKean, Dickinson, and Wilson.
^ Macpherson, a Pennsylvania lawyer, became aide-de-camp to Gen. Richard
Montgomery. See also Caesar Rodney to Thomas Rodney, September 12, 1774.
Maryland Delegates to the
Committee of Baltimore Town
Gentlemen: Philadelphia, July 18, 1775.
We this morning laid your proceedings on Mr. Christie’s letter, be¬
fore the Congress. 1 That body has thought proper to refer it to our
Provincial Convention. We are sorry that any inhabitant of our Prov¬
ince should have entertained sentiments so inimical to our common
liberties as those contained in Mr. Christie’s letter, and, with you, are
of opinion, that for such conduct it is proper and necessary there
should be an adequate punishment.
We are, gentlemen, with respect and regard, your most obedient
servants Thomas Johnson, Jun.
William Paca
Samuel Chase
MS not found; reprinted from Am. Archives, 4th ser. 4:1724.
’•The story of James Christie, Baltimore merchant who was banished from
Maryland for activities inimical to America, which included selling goods at
excessive prices and criticizing Baltimore leaders for radical tactics and infringe¬
ment of personal liberties, has been summarized by David C. Skaggs, Roots of
Maryland Democracy, 1753-1776 (Westport, Conn,: Greenwood Press, Inc., 1973) ,
p. 150. It can be followed in the minutes of the Baltimore County Committee, Am.
July 18, 1775
637
Archives, 4th ser. 4:1717-25, and in the journal of the Maryland Provincial
7 Maryland (Baltimore: Maryland Historical Society,
) , 11:9-13, 44-52. Interestingly enough, there is no mention of this case in the
journals of Congress, although it was widely publicized in American newspapers.
New York Delegates to the
New York Committee of Safety
Gentlemen Phfia. July 18, 1775.
We are honoured with your despatches of the 12th and 15th
Instant,! and detained the express till after the Rising of the Con¬
gress this day in expectation of giving you the Establishment of the
Army which is expected but not fully confirmed and perfected: but
to our great Concern such was the State of the Business before the
House that we were disappointed. We shall however seize the first
Opportunity to draw this important Point to a Conclusion. In the
mean time, as your Troops are sure of being placed on an equal foot¬
ing with their Neighbours it is hoped the Difficulty will not be unsur-
mountable. This is all the Satisfaction which we can at present give
you on that Head.
From a want of proper Directions from those who had the Charge
of transporting the Powder for the Use of Major General Schuyler’s
Department, from this city to Elizabeth Town, it has unfortunately
been delayed on the road. We could do no more than complain. The
Fault will be repaird, and you may expect it soon.
We are not insensible of the Distress to which you must be re¬
duced for the want of money arms and Powder. With the first you
will soon be supplied. The difficulties attending an Emission so un¬
common, of which the necessary Guards against Counterfeits is not
the least, has render’d it’s Progress very tedious. We can give you no
Assurances of a Supply of Arms and Ammunition from this Quarter.
Every scheme which coud be devised to procure them from abroad
has been pursued, and on their Success, and the Efforts of the differ¬
ent Colonies, we must depend; for in the Southern Provinces there is
very little and none to be spared. Some Blankets are to be had in this
City which will be purchased as soon as the money is issued.
We are gent, yoiir most Obedient Servants.
Lewis Morris James Duane
Phil. Livingston Henry Wisner
(P.S. The rest of our Brethren are returned home.)
RC (N) . Endorsed: “July 21st 1775— Letter from the New York Delegates— That
Money will be sent soon.” Written by Duane and signed by Duane, Livingston,
638 July 18, 1775
Morris, and Wisner. Journals of N. Y. Prov. Cong., 2:17. RC damaged; missing
words supplied from Tr.
^ See Am. Archives, 4th ser. 2:1784, 1788-89.
John Hancock to the New York Committee of Safety
Gentlemen Congress Chamber July 19. 1775
By advice from the army before Boston, a supply of Gun powder
would be very acceptable and greatly contribute to promote the com¬
mon cause. I am therefore desired by the Congress who have had an
intimation that a quantity of that article was lately imported into
your city, to apply to you and request you to send forward as speedi¬
ly and safely as possible what you can spare to the Camp before
Boston. 1
I am Gentlemen, Your obeclt. humble servt.
John Hancock President
RC (N) . Journals of N. Y. Prov. Cong., 2:4. RC damaged; missing words supplied
from Tr.
iSee JCC, 2:191.
Silas Deane’s Diary
[July 20, 1775]
Thursday 20th. Lettrs reed, from Genl Schuyler 8cc. At Congress Sc
at Fast. Mr. Duche and Mr. Allison. ^
MS (CtHi) . CHS Bulletin 29 July 1964) : 93.
general fast was observed in accordance with the resolve of June 7, and
Congress attended religious services at the churches of Jacob Duche and Francis
Alison. JCC, 2:81, 185, 192. Robert Treat Paine noted in his diary the same day:
“Continental Fast observed by Recommendation of Congress. Fair, Cool. Fleard Mr.
Duche P.M. Dr. Alison who preach’d by desire of Congress.” MFli.
Silas Deane to Elizabeth Deane
My Dear Philadelphia July 20th 1775
Your’s of the 13 th I received last Evening 8c am glad to find the
Good, 8c virtuous of Connecticut are willing to stand by the Resolu¬
tions of the Congress who in the Appointment of Genl. Putnam Act¬
ed on principles as much superior To Those which actuate the dissat¬
isfied as Heav’n is superior to Earth. Putnam’s Merit Rung thro this
Continent, his Eame still increases and every day justifies the Unani-
July 20, 1775
639
mous applause of this Continent. Let it be remembered he had every
Vote of the Congress, and his health has been the second or third at
almost all Our Tables in This City, but it seems he does not Wear a
large Wigg nor screw his Countenance into a form that belies the
sentiments of his generous Soul. He is no adept either at political or
religious canting & cozening, he is no shake hand body, he therefore
is totally unfit for every thing, but only fighting. That Department I
never heard that these intriguing Gentry wanted to interfere with him
in. I have scarce any patience, O Heav’n! blast, I implore Thee ev¬
ery such low, narrow, selfish, envious maneuvre in the bud, nor let
one such succeed far enough to stain the fair page of American pa¬
triotic politics!
General Washington writes, that Spencer left his post without so
much as waiting on him, or sending him a Single Word of his Inten¬
tions. You can be at no Loss to infer what Opinion is formed of him
from this Conduct indoors Sc out, suffice it to say the Voice here is
that he acted a part, inconsistent, with the Character, either of a Sol¬
dier, a Patriot, or even of a Common Gentleman to desert his post in
an hour of Danger, to sacrifice his Country, which he certainly did as
farr as was in his power, and to turn his back sullenly on his General,
a General too of such exalted worth, and Character, will I can assure
you, unless he take the most Speedy 8c effectual Measures to atone,
draw down upon him the Resentment of the whole Continent. I am
daily, 8c hourly making as fair Weather as possible of this transaction,
and a painful task it is. It is one I am unused to, and therefore labor
hard to gloss over what I condemn from the bottom of my Soul. But
my principles are, (the Eye of my God knows them, and the most
envious Eye of Man, nor the bitterest Tongue of Slander, can not
find any thing in my political Conduct to contradict them) they are
to sacrifice all lesser considerations to the service of the whole and in
this Tempestuous season, to Throw chearfully overboard, private
Eortune, private emoluments 8c all partial, or interested Views, even
my Life, if the Ship with the Jewel Liberty on board may be saved.
This being my Line of Conduct, I have a Calmness of Mind I thank
God resulting from such resolutions which more than ballances, ev¬
ery external Trouble, of which I have not a few, and of which the
late Conduct of a part of Our Officers in Support of Spencer is not
the least. Inclosed I send a Letter for Parsons which please to read,
then Copy, seal, and forward. I will say no more on the very disa¬
greeable Subject than, that the Copy and this Letter may hereafter
shew my Sentiments at the Time.
I am glad Our Assembly did not interpose in favor of Spencer.
They have hereby acted up to the high Character they sustain with
the Congress and the only consistent part He, Spencer, can now act
is to throw up his Commission, 8c give place to Men who do not think
640
July 20, 1775
it degrading to serve their Country tho they have not the highest
Feather in their Cap. Let them look at Major Mifflin who is a Mem¬
ber of the Continental Congress, a respectable one too, yet he condis-
cends to act as Aid de Camp, & of Course ranks no higher than
Sami. Webb, whose appointment I rejoice at, & own I procured it for
him, but not because he was my Freihd but because he merits it, and
will if it please God to preserve him, make an Officer of the first rank
and Character, when some blusterers of the present hour are forgot¬
ten, or I am much mistaken. At the Time I recommended Capt.
Chester I did not think he would accept, but I knew he deserved it.
On that motive I acted. Flis Conduct has justified my voice in his fa¬
vor, and will I doubt not justify what I have said, & wrote to the
Generals in his favor, and expect soon to hear of his promotion
which I shall with pleasure. I recommended without Sollicitation my
Freind Jos. Trumbull, & have been happy enough to find him suc¬
cessful in an honorable, & important though a very laborious station.
My Interest in Our assembly has been something, in the Congress, it
is as large as my Vanity could wish, but God forbid I ever use it, but
to promote the meritorious, & my rule of Judging of those, must be by
actual specimens of their Conduct, not by Squireship or Cousinship.
The Revd Mr. Duche, in the forenoon & Dr. Allison this After¬
noon entertained the Congress at Church & Meeting. Such a Fast was
never before observed in this City. Sunday was never so strictly kept.
1 lent my Chaise to Mr. Sherman Yesterday &: it is broke to peices,
but shall repair it I beleive by a New one, for the old one is totally
broke, and destroyed. I have reed, so many Letters which have been
obliged to Answer that with public Business, it has engrossed my
whole Time early, & Late, and have not been able to Answer them
all. Excuse Me to Your hon[ore]d Father,^ 8c other Freinds, who
may think I have Neglected them. I send on, what is called the Shirt
Uniform or rifle Dress, as a Sample or pattern, 8c wish it may be
adopted. Jno Deane is much in my mind, but have no Time to write
him. I wish him to follow for the present his Mathematical Studies if
he has no Chance for getting abroad. My Complimts to Dr. Fairns-
worth, Capts. Riley, Goodrich 8cc 8cc including all inquiring Freinds.
We shall I beleive have a recess in about a Fortnight of perhaps Six
or Seven Weeks when I mean to return. I must write you on other
Subjects in my Next 8c am with particular regard to all of the Fami¬
lies with which we are Connected My Dear Your Affectionate Hus¬
band S Deane
RC (CtHi) .
^ On the following day Deane wrote a brief letter to his father-in-law, Gurdon
Saltonstall, referring him to this letter to Elizabeth and requesting information on
naval preparations in Connecticut. Collections of the Connecticut Historical Society
2 (1870) : 289.
July 21, 1775
641
Silas Deane to Joseph Trumbull
Philadelphia 21st July 1775
I have to thank you for Xwo of your favors, and to Congratulate
you on the Unanimous Voice of the Congress in your Appointment
to the Post of Commissary General of all the Forces of the United
Colonies a post more lucrative than that of Secretary, but as you
know, by experience, proportionately more fatiguing. It was natural
to expect the General would prefer Col. Read [Joseph Reed] to any
one, who, besides his Acquaintance, with the Genl. is one of the most
amiable Characters, in this City. But the General did you full Justice,
in his Letter to the Congress — and greatly to my Satisfaction. I am
greived at the part Genl. Spencer has acted, as it has greatly hurt him
here. You know how hard it is to efface, such kind of impressions,
but We make the best We can of it. I have wrote freely to my Freind
Col. Parsons on the Subject, which I hope he will take as I meant it,
in good part. 2 I find he is charged, by many in Connecticut, with
having had Too great a Share in the uneasiness which I am ready to
attribute, to the insinuations of his Enemies, who are you know, jeal¬
ous of his enterprizing Genius. The Rifle Men are filing off fast. Per¬
mit Me to recommend to your Civilities Capt. Ross of this Province,
a Young Gentleman who is Son to Col. George Ross one of the Con¬
gress for this Colony. My Compliments to Col. Read and Major Mif¬
flin. I am Dear Sir with Esteem Yours S Deane
RC (Ct) .
^President Hancock’s letter of July 24 informing Joseph Trumbull that Con¬
gress had appointed him commissary general of the Continental Army on July 19,
is in Trumbull’s papers, Ct. See JCC, 2:190.
^ Samuel H. Parsons was one of 49 Connecticut officers who signed a remon¬
strance to the Connecticut assembly supporting Spencer. See Am. Archives 4th ser.
2:1585-86; and Samuel Webb to Deane, July 11, 1775. Webb, Correspondence
(Ford) , 1:77-81.
James Duane to Richard Montgomery
Dear Sir Philad. 21st July 1775
I am directed by the Congress to acquaint you^ of an arrangement
in the Massachusetts Department and the Reason which led to it
least by misunderstanding it you might think yourself neglected.
When Brigds. General were to be appointed it was agreed that the
first in Nomination shoud be one of the Massachusetts Generals. The
Gent, from that province recommended General Pomroy who was
accordingly fixed upon but before his Commission arrivd at the
Camp he had retird from the Army. Under these Circumstances the
642
July 21, 1775
Congress thought it Just to fill up the Commission designd for Mr.
Pomroy with the Name of General Thomas as first Brigadier;^ you
Consequently hold the Rank to which you was elected.
I sincerely hope this may not give you any Displeasure as I am
confident no Disrespect was intended.
Be pleased to accept my sincere wishes for your Honour and Hap¬
piness, and particularly in the discharge of the important Trust which
you have undertaken.
I am with great Regard Dear Sir Your most obedient humble
Servant Jas. Duane
RC (MH) .
^Richard Montgomery (1738-75), a retired British Army captain who immi¬
grated to New York in 1772, was one of the original eight brigadier generals in the
Continental Army appointed by Congress June 22. Montgomery, although initially
only second in command to Gen. Philip Schuyler in the expedition against Canada,
assumed command of the invasion in consequence of an illness which incapacitated
Schuyler and was killed leading an assault on Quebec December 31, 1775. DAB.
“See JCC, 2:191.
Eliphalet Dyer to Joseph Trumbull
Dear Sr Philadelphia July 21st 1775
I wrote to you the 18th Instant by Mr Burr which was just before
we receivd the Express from Genii Washington and have now the
pleasure to Inform you that you was soon after Unanimously Ap¬
pointed Commissary Genii to the whole Army. The Wages are 80
doll [ar] s per month. I Imagine another advantage will be derived
from that Appointment which is that it is most probable that office
must be Continued thru the winter as it will be necessary to employe
the whole time in preparing for the Next Campaigne unless Affairs
should be Accomodated in the fall. In my last I wrote you I fear we
should not find a place in the Army for our two New Regiments rais¬
ing in the Colony but as Connecticutt Troops are in high Esteem
here and the Genlls hinting the want of more Troops and Advised to
the raising of them in Connecticutt &c we obtaind Orders for them to
be taken into the Continental! Army.^ A quarter Master Genii Com¬
missary of the Muster and Commissary of the Artillery we have re¬
ferred to the Genii being unacquainted with the proper persons our
selves. Also have put 3 brigade Majors in his Appointment. My
Kinsman Eb. Gray was thot would make a Very good officer among
us before his appointment & I thot Comparing him with others he
had not what might be expected for him. I thot the same of Grosven-
or. How Gray proves since he has been in the Army have not heard.
If deserving should be glad he might be remembered as also Gros-
July 21, 1775
643
venor for any Vacancys which might advance them. I should think
they might do very well for Brigade Majors adjutants &c. I am Sur¬
prised att the Conduct of Brigd Genii. Spencer so abruptly leaving
the Army. Genii Washington mentions it. I have Indeavourd to make
all the excuse for him possible that as this Congress had Superseded
him in Rank by Genii Putnam tho he had the strongest love for his
Country yet they must make some allowance for the first feelings up
on such an Occasion. I hope he may soon return & behave in Char¬
acter. I wrote to him some time agoe. Hope he has receivd it as
therein I Indeavoured to explain the matter to him. Our Friend Coll
Parsons must lay aside all other scheming but against the enemy.
You write you soon expect another Battle. May God give us Success.
The fast Yesterday was observed in this place with great decency &
Solemnity much beyond what the Sabbath has been generally ob¬
served here. My sincere regards & respects to all proper and am
sincerely yours Elipht Dyer
[P.S.] I hope to get the Wages of Commry. Genii some raised.
Georgia has United in full with the other Colonies and have ap¬
pointed their Delegates from every Parish to Attend the Congress.^
South Carolina have Intercepted 8c taken about fourteen thousand wt
powder which was sent to Georgia for Ministerial purposes.
E Dyer
[P.S.] Receivd yours by Majr Morgan Saturday evening after I
had wrote the Inclosed. If Spencer should give up who is there
for Connecticutt to succeed? What is Coll Parsons a doing. I
hear Nothing from him.
RC (Ct) .
"See JCC, 2:192.
^ On July 20 Congress learned that Georgia had adopted the association and
appointed delegates to represent the colony. JCC, 2:192-93. Proceedings of the
Georgia Provincial Congress for July 6 and 7, when these decisions were reached,
are printed in Am. Archives, 4th ser. 2:1545-47.
Benjamin Franklin’s
Proposed Articles of Confederation
[July 21, 1775]
For the text of this document, the original of which is in the hand of Benjamin
Franklin and is located in PCC, item 47, see JCC, 2:195-99. The MS is endorsed by
Charles Thomson: “Sketch of Articles of Confederation. July ’75. This sketch in
handwritg of Doct Franklin. Read before Congress July 21, 1775.” Thomson also
579-852 0 - 77 - 43 Vol. 1
644
July 21, 1775
wrote an endorsement on another copy of the proposed articles, which is located in
PCC, item 9, and reads as follows: “July 21, 1775. Agreeably to Order the Congress
resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole to take into Consideration the State
of America, when doct. B. Franklin submitted to their Consideration the following
Sketch of Articles of Confederation.”
A discussion of the various surviving copies of Franklin’s proposed articles,
among which is a copy annotated by Thomas Jefferson, can be found in Jefferson,
Papers (Boyd), 1:177-82. In addition to the copies discussed by Boyd, there is a
copy in the hand of Josiah Bartlett in the Peter Force Papers, DLC, and an
incomplete copy in the Samuel Ward Papers, RHi, of which articles one through
three are in the hand of Charles Thomson and four through eleven are in the
hand of Samuel Ward. Variations between these copies and the other surviving
ones are slight. However, the copy in James Duane’s Papers, NHi, contains the
following marginal comments, in an unidentified hand, pertaining to articles 7 and
9 of Franklin’s document. “The delegates from each colony [cf. Article 7] should
be changed as the Council is & I believe that if each colony had but one vote in
the present manner of voting it would be a more equal government; but much
may be said on this Subject; it requires consideration. This council [cf. Article 9]
should consist of one from each colony.”
It is interesting that the journals of Congress contain no mention of the
submission of Franklin’s proposed resolutions this date, perhaps simply because
Franklin submitted them in the committee of the whole, and they were not laid
before the Congress. For a discussion of a similar instance in which the journals
are silent on a significant matter brought before the delegates, see Joseph Gallp-
way’s Proposed Resolution, September 28, 1774, note. See also Benjamin Harrison
to Unknown, November 24, 1775; Silas Deane’s Proposals to Congress, November ?
1775; and Richard Smith’s Diary, January 16, 1776.
John Hancock to Philip Schuyler
Congress Chamber July 21st. 1775. Forwards July 20 resolution
of Congress about the employment of the Continental Army in New
York.i
Tr (NN) .
"See/CC, 2:194.
Benjamin Harrison to George Washington
Dear General Philadelphia July 21st. 1775
I Rec’d your very Acceptable favour of the 10th Inst, by Express.
Your fatigue & various kinds of trouble, I dare Say are great, but
they are not more than I Expected, knowing the people you have to
deal with by the Sample we have here. The Congress have Taken the
Two Regiments now Raising in Connecticutt into Service which with
Riflemen 8c Recruits to your Regimts. will I hope make up the Num¬
ber voted by your Council of War. I wish with all my Heart your
July 21, 1775
645
Troops were better & your Stores more Complete. Every thing that
we can do here to put you in the best posture possible I think you
may depend will be done. I trust you will have a Supply soon of Am¬
munition, without any Accident you may Depend on it. The want of
Engineers I fear is not to be Supplied in America. Some folks here
seem d much displeas’d at your Report on this he^d, they Affirm
there are two very good ones with you, a Coll Gridley I think is one.
I took the Liberty to say they must be mistaken, they were certainly
either not in the Camp, or could not have the Skill they were pleas’d
to Say they had. This in my soft way put a Stop to any thing more on
this Subject, indeed, my Friend, I do not know what to think of some
of these Men, they seem exceeding hearty in the Cause, but still wish
to keep every thing among themselves. Our President is quite of a
different Cast, Noble, Disinterested 8c Generous to a very great De¬
gree. The Congress have given you the Appointment of Three Bri¬
gade Majors. Mr Trumbull has the office you propos’d for him. The
appointment of Commissary of Artillery, of Musters, 8c Quarter Mas¬
ter General are also left to your Disposal. Nothing is yet done as to
the Hospitall, but I will bring it on very soon. Your Brothers in the
Delegation have Recommended it to our Convention to Send some
Virginians to the Camp at the Expence of our Colony to learn the
Military Art, 8c I hope you will see them soon.^ We have given the
Commission of First Brigadier to Mr Thomas as Putnam’s Commis¬
sion was deliver’d it would perhaps have offended the old Gentn. to
have superceeded him; the other I hope will still Act, the Congress
have from your Accott. a high Opinion of him, 8c I dare Say will
grant any thing in their power that he may here after Require. Your
Hint of the Removal of the Congress to some place nearer to you will
come on to morrow, I think it will not Answer your Expectations if
we should Remove, You shall have the Result in the Close of this.^
The Military Chest I hope will be Supplied soon, they begin to Strike
the Bills this day, so that I hope some may be forwarded to you next
week. What has Occasion’d a Delay of this Article I know not. With¬
out, an Imitation of the Congress in its Slowness has become fashion¬
able. I have had no farther Accott. from our Country about the Gov¬
ernor, except that he is still at York Town with three Men of War.
He, Montague 8c [Foye] went the other Day by Water to his Farm,
and were within three or four Minutes of being all Taken by Capt
Meredith from Hanover, who are with about 150 Men from other
Counties guarding Williamsbg. from any Attempt he may make with
his boiled Crabs. Meredith says, his Intentions were to Carry his
Lordship to Williamsburg to put him into the Palace 8c promise him
protection, to convince him 8c the World that no Injury was intended
him. However as he missed his Stroke, I dare Say he will be Charg’d
with intending to murder him. We think the Season too far Advanc’d
646
July 21, 1775
to Send you any more Men from the Southward, but it seems to be
the general Opinion to Send some Thousands early in the Spring,
Should this be the case, if I have the honour of being here, you may
Depend on my Care of Mr Johnston. We have an imperfect Accott.
of an Attack on New York by some of the over lake Indians. I hope
it is not true (indeed between you 8c I) I give very little Credit to any
thing from that Quarter, and I wish I could Say I had no Reason to
be Suspicious of those People. We yesterday Received dispatches
from Georgia. They have come into the Union, 8c appointed Dele¬
gates to the Congress. They have even done more. They with South
Carolinians Armed a Vessel!, 8c have Taken a Ship with 140 Bar-
r[el]s of King’s Powder which they have Divided betwixt them.® As I
was in the pleasing Task of writing to you, a little Noise occasion'd
me to turn my head round, 8c who should appear but pretty little
Katy the Washer Woman’s Daughter over the way, clean, trim 8c Rosey
as the Morning. I snatch’d the Golden glorious Opportunity, and
but for that Cursed Antidote to Love, Sukey, I had fitted her for my
General against his Return, We were obliged to part, but not till we
had contrived to Meet again. If she keeps the Appointment I shall
Relish a Weeks longer Stay. I give you now 8c then some of these Ad¬
ventures to amuse and unbend your Mind from the Cares of War.^
Tr (PHi) . In the hand of John Hancock. This letter was intercepted and printed in
the Massachusetts Gazette; and the Boston Weekly News-Letter, August 17, 1775,
and in the Gentleman’s Magazine, September 1775, from which a large number of
contemporary copies were made in both America and England. For a discussion of
the circumstances surrounding the interception and publication of the letter, as
well as the insertion of the forged passage noted below, see Allen French, “The
First George Washington Scandal,” Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical
Society 65 (November 1935) : 460-74.
^See Virginia Delegates to the President of the Virginia Convention, July 11,
1775.
^ See Harrison to Washington, July 23, 1775.
® The remainder of this paragraph was concocted for publication after the letter
had been intercepted. See French, “The First George Washington Scandal,” pp.
468-74.
^For the continuation of this letter, see Harrison to Washington, July 23. and
July 24, 1775.
Connecticut Delegates to Jonathan Trumbull, Sr.
Sir Philadelphia July 22nd 1775
We have now the Honor as well as Pleasure to Acquaint you that
this Congress have received in to the Continental Army the New
raised Levies in Connecticut. We had great fears when we heard the
Assembly had Voted to raise fourteen hundred More men for the
July 22, 1775
647
Army that they would not have been Receivd by this Congress, &
that the whole Expence would have fallen on our exhausted Colony.
But on receiving an express from General Washington and his Re¬
turn of the Army with his Intimations that a reinforcement was nec¬
essary togeather with the high Esteem entertained of the Connecticut
forces here, we have procured them to be admitted into the Conti¬
nental Army & you Will be desired by the President of the Congress
to have them forwarded to join the Army with all expidition. The
Congress have Unanimously appointed Capt. Joseph Trumbull Com¬
missary General of our Army. We had recommended him to Genl
Washington for his Secretary but Colo Reed a Gentleman of high
reputation in this City a Lawyer of the first eminence set out with the
Genl from this Place and was induced by the General to proceed
with him to the Army 8c tarry with him through the summer, upon
which he appointed him his secretary, and on his Arrival he found
the Connecticut Troops so much better supplied than the other 8c by
the good Opinion he entertained of your son he recommended him to
the Congress for that appointment which was very readily agreed to.
The publick Fast was observed here by all Societys of Christians
with great Decency 8c Solemnity even much beyond what the Sab-
boths are generally observed here. We hope it may have a happy ef¬
fect thro the Continent 8c that Almighty God may hear the united
Supplications of his People. We have the pleasure to inform you that
the Colony [o/] Georgia have at length fully adopted the Measures
of the late Congress 8c have Chosen Delegates from all their Parishes
to Attend this, Mr Hall was here only from the parish of St Johns.
They have lately taken at South Carolina about fourteen Thousand
Wt Powder which was going into Georgia for the use of the Ministry.
We are yet Uncertain when we shall adjourn or where the General
Urges our Moving nearer Boston which I dare say will have great
Weight, but the Gentlemen from some of the Sothern Colonies seem
Very averse to We hope to be on our way to New England in
about a fortnight.
We are with great respect Your Honors most Obedient Humble
Servants Elipha Dyer
Silas Dean
Tr (Ct) .
^ Benjamin Harrison states that the question of adjourning nearer to Boston was
debated in Congress this day. See Harrison to Washington, July 23, 1775. For other
references to the subject of adjournment see Silas Deane to Elizabeth Deane, May
21, 1775, note.
648
July 22, 1775
Silas Deane’s Diary
[July 22, 1775]
Saturday 22d. At GermanTown to get a Carriage, cost 2/6.
Returned to Congress. Made out Two Reports on Commerce 8c
expence of Warr.^
MS (CtHi) . CHS Bulletin 29 (July 1964) : 94.
Congress considered the report of the committee “to devise ways and means to
protect the trade of these colonies” July 21 and 22 and then postponed it
indefinitely. JCC, 2:200, 202. On July 19 Deane was appointed to the committee
“to bring in an Estimate of the expenses, incurred by the votes and resolves of this
Congress.” JCC, 2:192. Although there is no further explicit mention of this
committee, their findings were undoubtedly utilized by the committee of the
whole.
John Hancock to Jonathan Trumbull, Sr.
Sir Congress Chamber July 22, 1775^
By the return of the Army transmitted by the General to the Con¬
gress it appears their is a great deficiency in many of the Regiments
upon which the Congress came to the enclosed Resolution, which I
am ordered to transmit to you.^
I am Sr Your Obednt humble Servant
John Hancock Presidt.
[P.S.] I inclose you a Publick paper, in which you may see the Res¬
olution of Congress respecting the Militia throughout the Continent.^
Tr (Ct) .
^This day Hancock sent an identical letter to the New Hampshire Provincial
Convention. N. H. Provincial Papers, 7:566.
^ On July 19 Congress decided to ask the Connecticut assembly to provide the
Continental Army at Boston with 1,400 additional men. JCC, 2:192.
^ On these resolves, adopted by Congress July 18, see JCC, 2:187-90.
John Adams to Abigail Adams
My Dear July 23 1775^
You have more than once in your Letters mentioned Dr. Franklin,
and in one intimated a Desire that I should write you something con¬
cerning him.
Dr. Franklin has been very constant in his Attendance on Con¬
gress from the Beginning. His Conduct has been composed and grave
and in the Opinion of many Gentlemen very reserved. He has not as-
July 23, 1775
649
sumed any Thing, nor affected to take the lead; but has seemed to
choose that the Congress should pursue their own Principles and sen¬
timents and adopt their own Plans: Yet he has not been backward:
has been very usefull, on many occasions, and discovered a Disposi¬
tion entirely American. He does not hesitate at our boldest Meas¬
ures, but rather seems to think us, too irresolute, and backward. He
thinks us at present in an odd State, neither in Peace nor War, nei¬
ther dependent nor independent. But he thinks that We shall soon as¬
sume a Character more decisive.
He thinks, that We have the Power of preserving ourselves, and
that even if We should be driven to the disagreable Necessity of as¬
suming a total Independency, and set up a separate state. We could
maintain it. The People of England, have thought that the Opposi¬
tion in America, was wholly owing to Dr. Franklin: and I suppose
their scribblers will attribute the Temper, and Proceedings of this
Congress to him: but there cannot be a greater Mistake. He has had
but little share farther than to co o{>erate and assist. He is however a
great and good Man. I wish his Colleagues from this City were All
like him, particularly one,^ whose Abilities and Virtues, formerly
trumpeted so much in America, have been found wanting.
There is a young Gentleman from Pensylvania whose Name is
Wilson, whose Fortitude, Rectitude, and Abilities too, greatly out¬
shine his Masters. Mr. Biddle, the Speaker, has been taken off, by
Sickness. Mr. Mifflin is gone to the Camp, Mr. Morton is ill too, so
that this Province has suffered by the Timidity of two overgrown
Fortunes. The Dread of Confiscation, or Caprice, I know not what
has influenced them too much: Yet they were for taking Arms and pre¬
tended to be very valiant. This Letter must be secret my dear — at
least communicated with great Discretion. Yours,
John Adams
RC (MHi) . Adams, Family Correspondence (Butterfield) , 1:252-53.
^ Adams wrote another brief letter to Abigail this day in which he noted: “The
Fast was observed here with a Decorum and solemnity, never before seen ever on a
Sabbath. The Clergy of all Denominations . . . are a Flame of Fire. It is astonish¬
ing to me, that the People are so cool here. Such sermons in our Country would
have a much greater Effect.” Adams to Abigail Adams, July 23, 1775, Adams,
Family Correspondence (Butterfield) , 1:254.
^That is, John Dickinson. Adams’ disparaging remarks about Dickinson were
extended in a letter the next day to James Warren, which was subsequently
captured and published by the British. John Adams to James Warren, July 24,
1775.
650
July 23, 1775
John Adams to William Tudor
Dr sir July 23. 1775
We live in Times, when it is necessary to look about Us, and to
know the Character of every Man, who is concerned in any material
Branch of public affairs, especially in the Army.
There will be a large Number of Voluntiers in the Army perhaps
— certainly there will be many young Gentlemen from the Southern
Colonies, at the Camp. They will perhaps be introduced, into places,
as Aid du Camps — Brigade Majors, Secretaries, and Deputies in one
Department, or another.
I earnestly intreat you to make the most minute Enquiry, after ev¬
ery one of these, and let me know his Character, for I am deter¬
mined, I will know that Army, and the Character of all its officers.
I swear, I will be a faithfull Spy upon it for its good.
I beg you would let me know, what is become of Coll Gridley and
Mr Burbanks, and whether they have lost their Character as Engi¬
neers and Gunners — and let me know, what Engineers there are in
the Army, or whether there are none.
I want to know if there are any Engineers in the Province and who
they are. I have heard the Generals were much disappointed, in not
finding Engineers, and Artillery as they expected. [Pray] let me
know the Truth of this, if you can learn it, and how they came to ex¬
pect a better Artillery than they found. All this keep to your self.
I am &c.
RC (MHi) . In Adams’ hand, though not signed.
John Adams to James Warren
July 23, 1775
We have voted Twenty two thousand Men for your Army.^ If
this is not enough to incounter every officer and Soldier in the British
Army, if they were to send them all from Great Britain and Ireland I
am mistaken.
What will N. England do with such Floods of Paper Money? We
shall get the Continent nobly in our Debt. We are Striking off our
Paper Bills in Nine different sorts. Some of twenty Dollars, Some of
Eight, 7, 6, 5, 4, 3, 2, 1. We shall be obliged to strike off four Mil¬
lions of Dollars I fear.2
Secret as usual. Our Fast has been kept more Strictly and devoutly
than any Sunday was ever observed in this City. The Congress heard
Duche in the Morning and Dr Allison in the Evening. Good Ser¬
mons.
July 23, 1775
651
By the way do let our Friend Adams’s son be provided for as a
surgeon.
RC (MHi) . A continuation of Adams to Warren, July 11, 1775.
^On July 21, Congress increased from 15,000 to 22,000 the number of troops
Washington was authorized to maintain in Massachusetts. JCC, 2:202.
^ Congress, having approved emission of $2 million in paper currency on June
22, resolved on July 25 to emit another $1 million in bills. JCC, 2:103, 207.
John Adams to James Warren
Dr Sir Philadelphia July 23d. 1775
I have many Things to write you, which thro Haste and Confu¬
sion, I fear I Shall forget.
Upon the Receipt of General Washingtons Letter, the Motion
which I made Some Days before, for appointing General Thomas
first Brigadier, was renewed and carried,^ So that the Return of the
Express will carry his Commission. I hope that this will give all the
Satisfaction which is now to be given. You ask me upon what Princi¬
ple We proceeded in our first Arrangement. I answer you the Princi¬
ple of an implicit Complyance with the order in which the General
Officers were chosen in our Provincial Congress last Fall. Not one of
us would have voted for the Generals in the order in which they were
placed, if We had not thought that you had Settled the Rank of every
one of them last Fall in Provincial Congress, and that We were not at
Liberty to make any alteration. I would not have been so shackled
however, if my Colleagues had been of my Mind.
But, in the Case of the Connecticutt officers. We took a Liberty to
alter the Ranks established by the Colony, and by that Means made
much Uneasiness: so that We were sure to do Mischief whether We
confirmed or deviated from Colony Arrangements.
I rejoice that Thomas had more Wisdom than Spencer or Woos¬
ter, and that he did not leave the Camp nor talk imprudently; if he
had We should have lost him from the Continental service: for I as¬
sure you, Spencer by going off, and Wooster by unguarded Speeches
have given high offence here. It will cost us Pains to prevent their
being discarded from the service of the Continent with Indignation.
Gentlemen here had no private Friendships Connections, or Inter¬
ests, which prompted them to vote for the Arrangement they made,
but were influenced only by a Regard to the Service; and they are de¬
termined that their Commissions shall not be dispized.
I have read of Times, either in History or Romance, when Great
Generals would chearfully serve their Country, as Captains or Lieu¬
tenants of Single Companies, if the Voice of their Country happened
not to destine them to an higher Rank: but such exalted Ideas of
652
July 23, 1775
public Virtue seem to be lost out of the World. Enough of this.
I have laboured with my Colleagues to agree upon proper Persons
to recommend for a Quarter Master General, a Commissary of Mus¬
ters and a Commissary of Artillery, but in vain. The Consequence
has been that the appointment of these important, and lucrative
Officers is left to the General, against every proper Rule and Princi¬
ple, as these offices are Checks upon his. This is a great Misfortune to
our Colony, however, I hope that you and others will think of proper
Persons and recommend them to the General. ^
There is, my Friend, in our Colony a great Number of Persons,
well qualified for Places in the Army, who have lost their all, by the
outrages of Tyranny, whom I wish to hear provided for. Many of
them will occur to you. I beg leave to mention a few. Henry Knox,
William Bant, young Hitchbourne,^ the Lawyer, William Tudor, and
Perez Morton. These are young Gentlemen of Education and Ac¬
complishments, in civil Life, as well as good Soldiers; and if at this
Time initiated into the service of their Country might become in
Time and with Experience, able officers. If they could be made Cap¬
tains or Brigade Majors, or put into some little Places at present I am
very sure, their Country would loose nothing by it, in Reputation or
otherwise. A certain Delicacy which is necessary to a good Charac¬
ter, may have prevented their making any applications, but I know
they are desirous of serving.
I must enjoin Secrecy upon you, in as strong Terms as Mr Hutch¬
inson used to his confidential Correspondents; and then confess to
you, that I never was Since my Birth, so compleatly miserable as I
have been since the Tenth of April. Bad Health, blind Eyes, want of
Intelligence from our Colony, and above all the unfortunate and fatal
Division, in our own Seat in Congress, which has lost us Reputation,
as well as many great Advantages which We might otherwise have
obtained for our Colony, have made me often envy the active Hero in
the Field, who, if he does his own Duty, is sure of applause, tho he
falls in the Execution of it.
It is a vast and complicated System of Business which We have
gone through, and We were all of us, unexperienced in it. Many
Things may be wrong, but no small Proportion of these are to be at¬
tributed to the Want of Concert, and Union among the Mass. Dele¬
gates.
We have passed a Resolution, that each Colony make such Provi¬
sion as it thinks proper and can afford, for defending their Trade
in Harbours, Rivers, and on the sea Coast, against Cutters and
Tenders.^ We have had in Contemplation a Resolution to invite all
Nations to bring their Commodities to Market here, and like Fools
have lost it for the present.® This is a great Idea. What shall We do?
Shall We invite all Nations to come with their Luxuries, as well as
July 23, 1775
653
Conveniences and Necessaries? or shall We think of confining our
Trade with them to our own Bottoms, which alone can lay a Founda¬
tion for ^eat Wealth and naval Power. Pray think of it.
I rejoice that the Generals and Coll Reed and Major Mifflin are so
well received. My most respectfull Compliments to them all.
I thank you and Mrs. Warren a thousand Times for her kind and
elegant Letter. Intreat a Continuance of her Favours in this Way, to
your old Friend.
RC (MHi) . In Adams’ hand though not signed. Addressed: "To the Hon James
Warren Esqr Watertown, favoured by Mr. Hitchbourne.” Although Benjamin
Hichbom was subsequently captured enroute to Massachusetts, Warren wrote to
Adams on July 31st that he had received this letter. Since other letters in
Hichborn’s care were confiscated and published by the British, the manner in
which this letter was delivered remains something of a mystery. See Warren-Adams
Letters, 1:95; and Adams to Abigail Adams, July 24, 1775, note.
iSee ]CC, 2:191.
^ After Warren had met with Washington on August 1, he reported to Adams:
“I find the Colony, as you predicted, will suffer by referring the appointments you
mention to him. They will, I think, go to the southward.” Warren-Adams Letters,
1:97.
^This recommendation of Benjamin Hichborn, coupled with the fact that
Adams wrote at least four letters on July 23, casts doubt upon his later explana¬
tion of how he happened on the 24th to write the two famous letters to Warren
and Abigail which were intercepted and published, to his considerable embarrass¬
ment. Adams explained in his autobiography that: “A young Gentleman from
Boston, Mr. Hitchbourne, whom I had known as a Clerk in Mr. Fitch’s office, but
with whom I had no Particular connection or Acquaintance, had been for some
days soliciting me, to give him Letters to my Friends in the Massachusetts. I was so
engaged in the Business of Congress in the day time and in consultations with the
Members on Evenings and Mornings that 1 could not find time to write a Line. He
came to me at last and said he was immediately to sett off, on his Journey home,
and begged I would give him some Letters. I told him I had not been able to write
any. He prayed I would write if it were only a Line to my Family, for he said, as
he had served his Clerkship with Mr. Fitch he was suspected and represented as a
Tory, and this Reputation would be his ruin, if it could not [be] corrected, for
nobody would employ him at the Bar. If I would only give him, the slightest
Letters to any of my Friends, it would give him the Appearance of having my
Confidence, and would assist him in acquiring what he truly deserved the Charac¬
ter of a Whigg. To get rid of his importunity, I took my Penn, and wrote a very
few Lines to my Wife and about an equal Number to General James Warren.”
Adams, Diary (Butterfield), 3:318-19.
‘See JCC, 2:189.
®On July 21 and 22 Congress considered the repmrt of the committee "to devise
ways and means to protect the trade of these colonies,” but on the 22d “the same
was postponed to be taken up at some future day.” JCC, 2:200-202.
Silas Deane to Elizabeth Deane
My Dear Philadelphia July 23d 1775
I reply’d particularly to Your’s respecting Spencer and inclosed a
654
July 23, 1775
Lettr. To Parsons, both of which I trust you received, nothing New
has since occurred worth transmitting. The Congress (I think) will
adjourn, in Two Weeks to the 10th of September but whither to meet
here or in Connecticut uncertain. If here the Time will admit only of
seeing my Freinds Sc returning in Season, in which case the Southern
Gentlemen will not return at all, but some of them take a Tour, to
the Camp, or elsewhere in New England. I hope to be at home in
Three Weeks if I get my Carriage repaired in Season. It must be
made in a Manner New. Mr. Sherman is I think, peculiarly Unfor¬
tunate, at Philadelphia, tho by no means faulty.
I may not add, & indeed should not have wrote This, but That I
will let no Opportunity slip me, if it give Me only the pleasure of say¬
ing How d’ye do. Remember Me to all, particularly to Sally. How is
the weather? Are not the Evenings warm.
I am &c S Deane
[P.S.] This is stole from Sunday after hearing Two elegant Warr
Sermons.
RC (CtHi) .
Eliphalet Dyer to William Judd
Dear Sr Philadelphia July 23d 1775
I this day heard by Capt Strong that yord was on your waye to
Susquehannah and about to settle there and that your design was on
the West branch. I am Very glad that a Gentn. of the Capacity 8c
Abilities I esteem you (Without flattery) to be possessed of is about
to move into that Country as Gentn of knowledge & prudence may
be of great service there especially at this Critical time when a jarr
between two Colonies may be of allmost fatal Consequence to the
whole. 2 I am therefore obliged for your prudent Conduct to let you
know that the Proprietor their Eriends Agents, & land Jobbers who
have purchased large Tracts in our Country are extreemly Jealous
least we from Connecticutt take advantage of the times and press
upon & Violently remove their people from their settlements. They
have propagated that Opinion among the Penns people on the West
branch & below Wyoming & that part of the forces raised in Connect¬
icut are for that purpose, that our assembly in this time of distress
are making strides into that Country extending their Claim &c, & In¬
deed they goe farther & trye to possess the minds of Southern Gentn
of the Congress that we are a hardy daring enterprising people 8c if
we prove Successful against the Ministerial Army here we shall after
that make our way by force into any the Southern Colonies we
July 23, 1775
655
please. Mr Dickinson the Pensylvania farmer as he is Called in his
Writings is lately most bitter against us & Indeavours to make every
ill Impression upon the Congress against us but I may say he is not
very highly Esteemd in Congress. He has taken a part very different
from what I believe was expected from the Country in general or
from his Constituents. But Sr I mean to let you know & be apprised
that a little Matter, a little driving or Imprudence now in that Coun¬
try may blow all up into a flame or the least threat or offer of force
or Violence. Therefore Sr hope you will take every precaution &
guard our people against every appearance of that kind. Let all the
setlers under the propriet [or] s 8c their land holders know they will
not be put off by force but may be quieted in their actual possessions
8c Improvements as their own on the most reasonable terms, free
from quit rents or Services to any. Flatter them to let our people set
down among them on the Vacant lands, I mean the Common people
and let them know as far as you can make them understand, how
much better it will be for them to come in under our Colony 8c that
they will be secured by Our Government. If you are about to settle a
Township let those who are settled under Penn within the Limits
know that they shall have a part with you where they are setled down
8c Actually Improved to Some more or less if even a hundred acres to
some 8c that they shall be one with you. The Proprietors of every
Township have a right to do this, to flatter in the bulk of the People
will be the wisest method at present and We can deal with the great
land holders by 8c by when we have the main of the people [on] our
side. For some of the great purchasers there Under Penn would be
glad also to purchase in the Connecticutt Claim. I believe it would be
best to take in some of the greatest Influence in that way but it will
not do abruptly to goe with a Number to the West branch for they
have lately been made very Jealous. You must goe first 8c only with
one or two. Let the people know that your designs are not of force,
gain their Consent 8c get gradual possession. Do not be fond to exer¬
cise Jurisdiction (as I understand you are appointed Juste Pacis
there) where they do not own the Connecticutt Claim. I mean it will
not do at this time to force your Authority among our own people 8c
who are setled under Connecticutt. I hope the best order may be ob¬
served, that you may conduce much to by some proper harangue in
some of your publick Meetings 8cc 8c the Necessity of keeping up Au¬
thority. I want to have you fidly gaine the affections of 8c Confidence
in the people in that part, every thing in my power to Serve you there
or with us will not be wanting. You may be free to Communicate to
me whatever you think proper in Confidence or otherwise. Finally do
all the good you can. Cultivate a good understanding with brethren
in Authority. If the authority do not Unite but take a Contrary part
to each other, you are all ruind. Your Sup[erio]r knowledge will
656
July 23, 1775
give you all the weight and Influence you can wish for, if you exer¬
cise with Prudence. The Congress have taken every Step to quiet the
Indians.® Belts are sent forward every thing providing for a Treaty,
Indian goods for presents &c but if hostilities should begin the Coun¬
try will defend the frontiers. It is provided for but hope there is no
danger. This Sr for your assured Friend & Hie Servt.
Elipht Dyer
RC (CtHi) .
^William Judd (1743-1804), Farmington, Conn., lawyer, moved to the Wyoming
valley in 1774. Connecticut authorities appointed him justice of the peace and
commissioned him major in the militia in May 1775. He later served in the
Continental Army, 1777-80, and the Connecticut assembly, 1786-94. Franklin B.
Dexter, Biographical Sketches of the Graduates of Yale Co'llege, 6 vols. (New York:
Henry Holt and Co., 1885-1919) , 3:25-27.
^ Despite repeated appeals by the Connecticut delegates for prudence and peace¬
ful conduct, the Judd expedition to establish a Connecticut settlement on the west
branch of the Susquehannah River aggravated the old jurisdictional dispute be¬
tween Pennsylvania and Connecticut in the Wyoming valley and forced serious
consideration of that dispute during the next session of Congress. See Silas Deane
to Zebulon Butler, July 24; Connecticut Delegates to Zebulon Butler and Others,
August 2; Dyer to Butler, October 1; and Deane to Thomas Mumford, October 16?
1775. For background on the discord and the Connecticut delegates’ involvement,
see Christopher Collier, Roger Sherman’s Connecticut (Middletown, Conn.: Wes¬
leyan University Press, 1971) , pp. 77-84, 139-TO; and Julian P. Boyd and Robert J.
Taylor, eds.. The Susquehannah Company Papers, 11 vols. (Ithaca, N. Y.: Cornell
University Press, 1962-71) , 5:xxi-lii.
^ See the proceedings of July 12 and 13. JCC, 2:174-83.
Benjamin Harrison to George Washington
[July 23, 1775]
23d. The Debate about the Remove was taken up yesterday and
Determin’d in the Negative. ^ I propos’d a Committee but could not
Carry it. I think the last Method would have answer’d your purpose
best, but the Gentlemen could not think of parting with the least par¬
ticle of their power. Pendleton left us yesterday, all Maryland are
gone off this Day, and we intend to follow them [next] Sunday if
nothing material happens betwixt this 8c then. Our Going I Expect
will break up the Congress, indeed I think it high time there was an
End of it. We have been too long together. Edmund Randolph is
here, 8c has the greatest Desire to be with you, he has beg’d of me to
Say something in his favour, 8c that if you can you will keep one of
the places now in your Gift for him. He is not able to Support him¬
self, or he would not Ask this of you. You know him as well as I do.
He is one of the cleaverest young men in America, 8c if Mr. Reed
should leave you, his place of Secretary cannot be better Supplied.
July 24, 1775
657
He will set off for New York in a few days, and I Beg it as a favour
of you to write a line to be left at the Post office till Call’d for. This
deserving young Man was in high Repute in Virginia, Sc fears his
Fathers Conduct may lessen him in the Opinion of his Countrymen.
He has taken this Method without the Advice of his Friends to Raise
him into favour, as he is Determin’d on the thing. I am sure our good
old Speaker will be much oblig’d by any favour you shew him. Ap¬
plications of this sort, I fear, will be too frequent. I shall avoid them
as much as possible, but I could not Refuse it on this Occasion, well
knowing that a most valuable young Man, & one that I love, without
some Step of this sort, may from the misconduct of his Parent be lost
to his Country which now stands much in need of men of his Abili¬
ties. We have Report that Bob [McKenzie] was kill’d at Bunker’s
Hill, is it true? I had a great Friendship for him formerly, but can’t
help saying I shall be Glad to hear the News confirm’d.^
Tr (PHi) . A continuation of Harrison to Washington, July 21, 1775.
^ There is no mention in the journals of this debate. The delegates apparently
spent a portion of the day debating in a committee of the whole. See JCC, 2:202.
®For the continuation of this letter, see Harrison to Washington, July 24, 1775.
John Adams to Abigail Adams
My Dear, Philadelphia July 24th, 1775. ^
It is now almost three Months since I left you, in every Part of
which my Anxiety about you and the Children, as well as our Coun¬
try, has been extreme.
The Business I have had upon my Mind has been as great and im¬
portant as can be intrusted to [One] Man, and the Difficulty and In¬
tricacy of it is prodigious. When 50 or 60 Men have a Constitution to
form for a great Empire, at the same Time that they have a Country
of fifteen hundred Miles extent to fortify. Millions to arm and train,
a Naval Power to begin, an extensive Commerce to regulate, numer¬
ous Tribes of Indians to negotiate with, a standing Army of Twenty
seven Thousand Men to raise, pay, victual and officer, I really shall
pity those 50 or 60 Men.
I must see you e’er long. Rice, has wrote me a very good Letter,
and so has Thaxter, for which I thank them both. Love to the Chil¬
dren.
I wish I had given you a compleat History from the Beginning to
the End of the Journey, of the Behaviour of my Compatriots. No
Mortal Tale could equal it. I will tell you in Future, but you shall
keep it secret. The Fidgets, the Whims, the Caprice, the Vanity, the
Superstition, the Irritability of some of us, is enough to -
658
July 24, 1775
MS not found; reprinted from Adams, Family Correspondence (Butterfield) ,
1:255-58. This is one of two letters Adams wrote this day that were intercepted by
the British.
’^For a detailed discussion of the capture, publication, and contemporary impact
of both this letter and the one Adams wrote to James Warren this day, see Adams,
Family Correspondence (Butterfield), l:256-58n; and Adams, Diary (Butterfield),
2:174-75n.
John Adams to James Warren
Dear Sir, Philadelphia, July 24th, 1775.
In Confidence, I am determined to write freely to you this Time.
A certain great Fortune and piddling Genius whose Fame has been
trumpeted so loudly, has given a silly Cast to our whole Doings.^ We
are between Hawk and Buzzard. We ought to have had in our Hands
a Month ago, the whole Legislative, Executive and Judicial of the
whole Continent, and have compleatly moddelled a Constitution, to
have raised a Naval Power and opened all our Ports wide, to have
arrested every Friend to Government on the Continent and held
them as Hostages for the poor Victims in Boston — And then opened
the Door as wide as possible for Peace and Reconcilliation: After
this they might have petitioned and negotiated and addressed, etc. if
they would. Is all this extravagant? Is it wild? Is it not the soundest
Policy?
One Piece of News — Seven Thousand Weight of Powder arrived
here last Night. We shall send along some as soon as we can — but
you must be patient and frugal.
We are lost in the extensiveness of our Field of Business. We have
a Continental Treasury to establish, a Paymaster to choose, and a
Committee of Correspondence, or Safety, or Accounts, or something,
I know not what that has confounded us all Day.
Shall I hail you Speaker of the House, or Counsellor or what —
What Kind of an Election had you? What Sort of Magistrates do you
intend to make?
Will your new Legislative and Executive feel bold, or irresolute?
Will your Judicial hang and whip, and fine and imprison, without
Scruples?^ I want to see our distressed Country once more — yet I
dread the Sight of Devastation.
You observe in your Letter the Oddity of a great Man.® He is a
queer Creature. But you must love his Dogs if you love him, and for¬
give a Thousand Whims for the Sake of the Soldier and the Scholar.
MS not found; reprinted from the Massachusetts Gazette and Boston Weekly
News-Letter, August 17, 1775.
^ Adams wrote these acerbic remarks about John Dickinson in the aftermath of
their confrontation during the debates on the second petition to the king. For
July 24, 1775
659
Adams’ later recollection of the circumstances surrounding this action, see Adams,
Diary (Butterfield) , 3:317-21.
® Adams subsequently explained that this was "construed to mean to excite
Cruelty against the Tories, and get some of them punished with Severity. Nothing
was farther from my Thoughts. I had no reference to Tories in this.” Adams,
Diary (Butterfield) , 3:320.
»A reference to Gen. Charles Lee, who wrote a tactful response to Adams. Lee to
Adams, October 5, 1775, Adams, Works (Adams) , 2:414-15n.
Samuel Adams to James Warren
My dear Sir Philada July 24 1775
I am exceedingly obligd to you for your Letter of the 9th of July.
It affords me very great Satisfaction to be informd by you, that ‘ no
Suspicions, no Uneasiness at all prevails with Regard to our old Gen¬
erals.” I assure you I have been otherwise informd since I receivd
your Letter. Indeed I do not always rely much upon the Information
we have; being often obligd even to the Citizens for the Intelligence
they are pleasd to give us of the State of our Army, the Character of
our officers and the Situation of our oppressd Friends in Boston.
However ill a Choice was made of Delegates for the Continental
Congress by our Colony, it would certainly have been good Policy, to
have as far as possible supported their Reputation, and given them
some Degree of Weight by putting it in their Power at least to ascer¬
tain Matters of Fact within their own Colony. But I am disposd to
make Allowance for the Multiplicity of Affairs you must attend to,
and will cease to complain lest I should charge our Friends foolishly.
I have many things to say to you. I expect we shall soon make a
short Adjournment. If so, I shall then have the Opportunity of seeing
you. In the mean time I have one favor to ask of you. I have an only
Son, for whom my Anxiety is great. He was educated at Harvard
College and afterwards was Pupil to our worthy deceased Friend Dr
Warren. Warren spoke well of this young Fellow as being capable in
his Business. If he is not already provided for as a Surgeon in the
Army, I shall be much obligd to you if you will use your Influence
for his Promotion as far as he shall appear to have Merit.
I am Your Friend ^ Adams
RC (MHi) .
Thomas Cushing to Joseph Hawley
Dear Sir
I have wrote you
Philadelphia July 24. 1775
several times but have not been favoured with
579-852 0 - 77 - 44 Vol.l
660
July 24, 1775
any reply. I embrace this opportunity to Inform You that the Con¬
gress sinsible of the Importance of the Freindship of the Indian Na¬
tions thro this Continent, have appointed Commissioners for three
different departments vizt the Southern the Middle &: the Northern,
in order to treat with the Indians & secure their Freindship & Neu¬
trality relative to the present Contest between Great Britain & these
American Colonies. They appointed for the Northern Department,
General Schuyler, The Honble Joseph Hawley Esqr, Mr Alderman
Dow of Albany, Mr Wolcot of Connecticut, & Col Francis of this
City.^ Your Business will lay principally with the Six Nations. I sup¬
pose Mr Hancock has or will Inform you of this appointment, & at
what time it will be necessary for you to attend at Albany to execute
this Commission. I thought you well qualified for this important trust
& accordingly with the rest of my Brethren I recommended you to Con¬
gress. I hope it will be agreable to you to attend to this appointment.
All my fear is least the critical & perplexed situation of our Province
should require your Constant Attendance at the General Court. In¬
closed you have a Paper containing some Resolutions of the Con¬
gress for regulating the Militia thro the Continent, which may be of
Eminent use in placeing America in a posture of Defence. In great
haste I conclude with great respect yr Sincere Friend & Sert
Thos. Cushing
RC (NN) . Addressed: “To The Honble Joseph Hawley Esqr., at Watertown, New
England.”
^The commissioners for the northern department were appointed on July 13.
JCC, 2:183.
Silas Deane to Zebulon Butler
Sir Philadelphia July 24th. 1775
Yours of the 6th I received Yesterday, and wish it were possible to
obtain the Article of Powder, but it is more scarce. Sc more sought
after than Gold. A Quantity is expected in at Connecticut, where will
be the greatest probability of a Supply. You mention Your Fears of
the Indians. We have had such reports here but from many Circum¬
stances, hope they will prove groundless. As to petitioning the Con¬
gress for a Number of Men to be Stationed near You,i can by no
means advise it as the Congress are so deeply engaged already in the
Warr at Boston and Genl. Schuyler has to the Northward an Army
sufficient to check the Indians, and protect the Frontiers. Should
Johnson attempt to penetrate Southward into the Settlements, Schuy¬
ler will be in his Rear, so that I think You are safe on that Quarter
though I cannot urge You Too strongly to put Your people in the
July 24, 1775
661
best posture of defence possible, and to apply to Connecticut for
Powder. You can have no prospect of any from this place.
I hope Peace will be preserved between You, Sc those claiming un¬
der Penn, should Violences of any kind be committed the Conse¬
quences will be terrible beyond description, as Our Enemies will be
sure to take advantage of the Times, and prejudice the Colonies
against Our Claim, and it is probable as things are ripening that the
Colonies will be Our Judges at last.
I am wishing You, 8c the Settlers all possible happiness 8c success.
Your most Humle. Servt. Silas Deane
P.S. You may rely upon it, that any rash Measures, at this Time, will
ruin Our Cause forever — by no means attempt to disseize peaceable
possessors. You will draw the resentment of the Congress if You do.
Cannot You obtain a friendly Association for the present between
both parties for mutual defence, a petition to the Congress (in Case
of Danger) , from the whole, of the Inhabitants, will undoubtedly be
attended to but if a party should petition, it will occasion the greatest
Susspicion possible. I am very Anxious least some violent Stepps
should be taken, but hope You will be able to prevent them.
RC (PWbH) .
^Zebulon Butler (1751-95), a director of the Susquehannah Company and
representative for Westmoreland in the Connecticut assembly, was a leader of the
Connecticut settlers in the Wyoming valley. DAB. Deane’s attempts to avert a crisis
are more fully explained in his letter to Thomas Mumford, October 16? 1775. For
other references to the dispute, see Eliphalet Dyer to William Judd, July 23, 1775,
note.
John Hancock to Artemas Ward and John Thomas
Dear Sirs Philadelphia July 24th. 1775
The Bearer Capt Thomas Price who Commands a Company of
Rifle Men from Maryland, is a Gentleman of [. . .] great Reputa¬
tion, 8c strongly Recommended to me as a gentleman of great Meritt, 8c
who I should wish might meet the Countenance of you 8c all our good
Friends with you. I therefore Beg to Introduce him to your particular
Notice, 8c pray your Civilities to him, & earnestly Desire you will In¬
troduce him to the Notice 8c Acquaintance of the Circle of my
Friends. I Beg your particular Attention to my Recommenda [tio] n
of this Gentleman, which I shall Esteem a favour.
I hope in a fortnight to pay my Respects in Person.
I am Gentn. Your very hum Servt. Hancock
RC (NN) .
662
July 24, 1775
John Hancock to George Washington
Sir, Philada 24th July 1775
Your letter of the 10th inst. with the enclosed papers being duly
received was laid before Congress and immediately taken into con¬
sideration.
In answer to the several Matters therein contained I am to inform
you that the Congress appointed a committee to enquire what quanti¬
ty of light Sail Cloth, Sheeting and Oznabrigs could be obtained in
this town for the purpose of making Tents, and in this business the
Committee are now closely employed. ^
It is agreed that tow cloth will be most proper for hunting shirts, Sc
of this the Congress are informed a sufficient quantity may be ob¬
tained in Rhode island and Connecticut. It is expected you will give
orders for purchasing there the quantity necessary.
Agreeable to your recommendation they have appointed Joseph
Trumbull Esqr. Commissary-general of stores and provisions for the
army of the United Colonies.
The appointment of a Quarter Master General, Commissary of
Musters, and a Commissary of Artillery is left to you, the Congress
not being sufficiently acquainted with persons properly qualified for
these offices.
They have ordered a company of Matrosses to be raised in this
city and sent forward.
General Thomas, they have appointed First Brigadier General in
the room of Mr Pomroy who did not act under the commission sent
him and have ordered General Thomas’s commission to bear date
the same day Genl Pomroy’s did.
They have empowered you, if you think fit, to appoint three Bri¬
gade Majors of such persons as you chuse to honor with that com¬
mand and to commission them accordingly.
They have appointed a committee to consider and report on the
establishing an Hospital and appointing a director.
As soon as they have brought in their report and the Congress
have come to any resolution on that subject you will be made ac¬
quainted with it.
Letters are sent with a recommendation to the colonies of New
Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Connecticut to
compleat the deficiencies in the regiments belonging to their respec¬
tive colonies, which you shall retain in the Continental Army. In¬
clos’d are the Letters to N Hampshire 8c Rhode Island, wch. please to
order forwarded by express immediately.
And it is earnestly recommended to Rhode Island to send forward
to you three hundred and sixty men lately voted by their General As¬
sembly, and to Connecticut to send forward fourteen hundred men
July 24, 1775
663
lately voted by the General Assembly of that colony.
Upon intelligence that Mr. Johnson is endeavouring to instigate
the Indians to acts of hostility the Congress have impowered General
Schuyler to dispose of and employ all the troops in the New York de¬
partment in such manner as he may think best for the protection and
defence of these colonies, the tribes of Indians in friendship and ami¬
ty with us and most effectually to promote the general interest, still
pursuing, if in his power, the former orders of this Congress and sub¬
ject to the future orders of the Commander in chief.^
As the Congress are not fully acquainted with the number of the
enemy you have to oppose and the extent of your operations, they re¬
posing confidence in your prudence have resolved, that “such a body
of troops be kept in the Massachusetts-Bay as you shall think neces¬
sary provided they do not exceed twenty two thousand.”^
In a letter from Lord Dartmouth to Govr Martin dated Whitehall
May 3d. 1775 after recommending him to embody such of the men
in four counties (which Govr Martin had represented as favourable
to the views of administration) as are able to bear arms is the follow¬
ing Paragraph. “I confess to you. Sir, that this appears to me to be a
matter of such importance that I cannot too earnestly recommend it
to your attention, and that no time may be lost, in case of absolute
Necessity I have received his Majesty’s commands to write to Genl.
Gage to apprize him of this favourable circumstance and to instruct
him that he do, upon application to you, send some able and discreet
officer to you in order to concert means of carrying so essential a
service into effect and if necessary to lead the people forth against
any rebellious attempts to disturb the public peace. ^
Whither the five Vessells, you mention to have sailed from Boston
on the 11th instant, are gone on this service time must manifest.
The Bills ordered to be struck by Congress are in great forward¬
ness: as soon as a sufficient quantity worth sending is compleated, it
will be sent to you.
I have the pleasure to inform you that the Congress have pceived
a letter from the Provincial Convention of Georgia dated 8th instant,
informing that all the parrishes in that colony except two, which it is
supposed do not contain a score of freeholders inhabitants, met by
their delegates in convention on the 4th inst.; that those parrishes that
upon former occasions seemed reluctant have manifested a laudable
zeal on this occasion; that several Gentlemen in Savanna, that have
hitherto been neuter or declared against America, now speak of the
proceedings of parliament as illegal and oppresive; that the conven¬
tion had applied to the Governor to appoint a day of fasting an
prayer with which request the Governor informed them he would
comply; that they have chosen five delegates to represent thuir colony
in this Congress viz, John Houston, Archd. Bullock Esqr., The Rev .
664
July 24, 1775
Doctor Zubly, Lyman Hall and Noble Wimberly Jones Esqrs; and
lastly that they have resolved strictly to adhere to the Continental
Association and are heartily disposed zealously to enter into every
Measure that the Congress may deem necessary for the safety of
America.
Mr Thomas & Mr. Trumbull’s Commissions are Inclos’d in un¬
seal’d Letters to them.
When any thing Occurrs Respectg your Department you shall be
made Acquaintd.
I have the honor to be with great Esteem, Sir Your most Obedt.
hum Servt John Hancock President
[P.S.] Have enclos’d for Mr. Trist, if any oppor [tunit]y please to
send to Boston. I have Sent five Bundles of Commissions, 284 the
rest shall follow.
RC (DLC).
^The matters discussed in this and the next nine paragraphs were acted upon
by Congress on July 19. JCC, 2:190^92.
^ See JCC, 2; 194.
®On this resolution, adopted by Congress July 21, see JCC, 2:202.
^For the text of Dartmouth’s letter to Governor Martin, see N. C. Colonial
Records, 9: 1240-42.
®For the text of this letter, see JCC, 2:193n.
Benjamin Harrison to George Washington
[July 24, 1775]
24th. Nothing New in Congress or from Virginia to day. I should
therefore have Closed without saying more had not an Application
been made to me to introduce to you Capt. Thomas Price of a
Company of Rifle Men from Maryland. He comes with a high Char¬
acter from thence, & is look’d upon as most firmly Attached to the
Cause of America. He has a large Eamily which he has left merely to
forward the Service. The Deputies from that Country are gone home.
I have seen a Letter in his favour to Mr Tilghman highly commend¬
ing him, 8c as he could not thro’ that Channell get a Recommendation
I have been prevail’d upon to introduce him, which Liberty I hope
you will Excuse.
I am My Dear Sir Your most Affecte. Servt. B. Harrison
P.S. We Expect to leave this place next Sunday. I shall yet beg the
favour of a Line now 8c then, 8c shall leave orders with Bradford to
forward them, in Return you shall be most minutely informed of ev¬
ery thing going forward in Virginia.
Tr (PHi) . A continuation of Flarrison to Washington, July 21, and July 23, 1775.
665
July 25, 1775
Richard Henry Lee to Alexander McDougall
Philadelphia 24 July 1775.
Attention to the public business, and an immediate answer to your
letter not being necessary, will, I hope, be my excuse for not sooner
acknowledging the receipt of your favor of June the 5th. ^ The case
you mention has not yet come under consideration of the Congress.
It is a hard one no doubt, but how to give relief, without again intro¬
ducing that Commodity to public use, is a question of much difficul¬
ty. New York is not a singular instance of such suffering, they are
plentifully scattered thro all the existing Colonies. Should Congress
determine to admit the sale Sc the use of what tea is on hand, rnay not
bad men take the advantage of the impossibility of distinguishing this
from newly imported Tea & exerting their wits conceal the importa¬
tion, & thus render abortive our Association against this article, the
hateful cause of the present disagreeable situation of N. America. I
fear this case is among the number of those unavoidable evils intro¬
duced into Society, by the want of public virtue. I am acquainted
with very many instances of large quantities of stopt Tea in Virginia,
but I am happy to find that the Sufferers bear their misfortune with
much patience in consideration of the public good resulting there¬
from. It is more than a year now since the use of Tea has been totally
banished from Virginia. Do you not think Sir, that Gen. Gage will
turn his eyes to N. York for Winter Quarters for part of his Army
and may it not be wise to be prepared for resisting a plan calculated
to afford shelter in cold weather to Men who will certainly enter
upon our destruction when the Season changes?
I am, with much regard. Sir your most obedient humble Servant.
Rich. H. Lee
McDougall (1732-86), New York merchant and
leader subsequentlv a general in the Continental Army, 1776-80, and delegate to
Congress 178b had written Lee on hehalf of local traders who had been unable to
dispSe of Dutch tea before the Association became effective. He suggested tha
Sd Congress allow these merchants to dispose of the tea they had on hand
they would probably use the capital to import and ammunmon^ McD g
to Lee, June 5, 1775. Southern Literary Messenger 30 (April 1860) . 261 62.
Virginia and Pennsylvania Delegates to the
Inhabitants West of the Laurel Hill
Friends & Countrymen
It gives us much concern to
Philadelphia 25 July 1775
find that disturbances have arisen and
666
July 25, 1775
still continue among you concerning the boundaries of our colonies.^
In the character in which we now address you, it is unnecessary to
enquire into the origin of those unhappy disputes, and it would be
improper for us to express our approbation or censure on either side:
But as representatives of two of the colonies united, among many
others, for the defence of the liberties of America, we think it our
duty to remove, as far as lies in our power, every obstacle that may
prevent her sons from co-operating as vigorously as they would wish
to do towards the attainment of this great and important end. Influ¬
enced solely by this motive, our joint and our earnest request to you
is, that all animosities, which have heretofore subsisted among you as
inhabitants of distinct colonies may now give place to generous and
concurring efforts for the preservation of every thing that can make
our common country dear to us.
We are fully persuaded that you, as well as we, wish to see your
differences terminate in this happy issue. For this desireable purpose,
we recommend it to you, that all bodies of armed men kept up under
either province be dismissed; that all those, who, on either side, are
in confinement or under bail for taking a part in the contest be dis¬
charged; and that until the dispute be decided every person be per¬
mitted to retain his possessions unmolested. By observing these direc¬
tions the public tranquility will be secured without injury to the titles
on either side. The period we flatter ourselves, will soon arrive when
this unfortunate dispute, which has produced much mischief, and, as
far as we can learn, no good, will be peaceably and constitutionally
determined.
We are Your Friends & Countrymen
P. Henry Jr. John Dickinson
Richard Henry Lee Geo. Ross
Benja. Harrison B. Franklin
Th. jfefferson James Wilson
Cha. Humphreys
RC (DLC) . Written in a clerical hand and signed by Henry, Lee, Harrison,
Jefferson, Dickinson, Ross, Franklin, Wilson, and Humphreys.
^ This joint appeal to the Pennsylvania and Virginia inhabitants in the region of
the Forks of the Ohio was undoubtedly the product of an order of Congress of
June 1, 1775. ]CC, 2:76. Unsettled conditions growing out of jurisdictional rivalry
in the area, which in 1773 stimulated Pennsylvania to establish Westmoreland
County and Virginia to create the District of West Augusta, had led the Augusta
county inhabitants to petition Congress. It is not known what use was made of the
present document. The intercolonial dispute and the apprehension of Virginians
over a rupture with the Indians arising from Governor Dunmore’s activities in the
area, were matters of special concern to the Virginia delegates and have been
discussed at length in Jefferson, Papers (Boyd) , 1:235-36, 244—45, 387-89.
July 26, 1775
667
John Adams to William Tudor
Dear Sir, July 26. 1775
I want to know your Destination — dont fail to write me.
I must beg you to make Enquiry for me after many Things. I want
to know the whole History of the military Lives of General Ward,
Thomas, the two Frys, Whitcomb, Coll Gridley, Mr Burbank See.
Pray enquire in the most particular manner, when, where and in
what Rank and Stations these officers have had opportunities to see
service and gain Experience.
Pray find out the Name, Character and Behaviour of every Strang¬
er that shall be put into any Place in the Army and let me know it.
Further, I want to know exactly the Duties and necessary attrib¬
utes of the Quarter Master General, the Muster Master General, the
Commissary of Artillery &c.
I have Reasons for desiring this Information, which you will
approve.^ Yours
RC (MHi) . In Adams’ hand, though not signed.
Judging from his letters to James Warren, Adams feared the accretion of
power by the commander in chief and was apprehensive that if the connection
between Washington and key officers in the army was too intimate they would
cease to be a check on one another. See Adams to Warren, July 23 and 26, 1775.
John Adams to James Warren
Dear Sir. July 26. 1775
I can never Sufficiently regret, that this Congress have acted so
much out of Character, as to leave the appointment of the Quarter
Master General, Commissary of Musters, and Commissary of Artil¬
lery to the General. As these officers are Checks upon the General,
and he a Check upon them: there ought not to be too much Connec¬
tion between them. They ought not to be under any dependance
upon him, or so great obligations of Gratitude as these of a Creature
to the Creator.
We have another office of vast Importance to fill, I mean that of
Paymaster General — and if it is not filled with a Gentleman, whose
Family, Fortune, Education, Abilities and Integrity, are equal to its
Dignity, and whose long Services in the great Cause of America,
have abundantly merited it, it shall not be my Fault. However I cant
foretell, with Certainty whether, I shall be so fortunate as to succeed.^
I see by Edes’s last Paper that Pidgeon has been Commissary for
the Mass. Forces, and Joseph Pearce Palmer Quarter Master Gener-
668
July 26, 1775
al. No Body was kind enough to notify me of these appointments or
any other.
We shall establish a Post office^ — and do what We can to make
Salt Petre and to obtain Powder. By the Way about Six Tons have
arrived here, within 3 days, and every Barrell of it is ordered to you.
I want a great deal of Information. I want to know more precisely
than I do the Duties and necessary Qualifications of the officers— the
Quarter Master, Commissary of Stores and Provisions, the Commis¬
sary of Musters, and the Commissary of Artillery, as well as the Pay¬
master General, the Adjutant General, the Aid de Camps, the Bri¬
gade Majors, the Secretaries &c.
I want to know more exactly the Characters and biography of the
officers in the Army. I want to be precisely informed, when and
where, and in what Stations General W^ard has served. General
Thomas, the two Fry’s, W^hitcomb See and what Colonels We have in
the Army and their Characters.
I am distressed to know what Engineers you have, and what is be¬
come of Gridly and Burbank, what service they have Seen, and what
are their Qualifications.
Yours &c.
RC (MHi) . In Adams’ hand, though not signed.
1 James Warren was appointed paymaster general on July 27. JCC, 2:211.
® Congress approved the report of the committee on the post office this day. JCC,
2:208.
John Adams to James Warren
Dear Sir 26. 1775
I shall make you sick at the Sight of a Letter from me.
I find by Edes’s Paper that Joseph Pearse Palmer is Quarter Mas¬
ter General. I confess I was Surprised.
This office is of high Rank and vast Importance. The Deputy
Quarter Master General whom we have appointed for the New York
Department, is a Mr Donald Campbell, an old regular officer, whom
we have given the Rank of Collonell. The Quarter Master General
cannot hold a lower Rank perhaps than a Brigadier.
Mr. Palmer is a young Gentleman of real Merit and good Accom¬
plishments; but I should not have thought of a less Man than Major
General Ery for the Place. It requires an able experienced officer. He
goes with the Army, and views the Ground, and marks out the En¬
campment See besides other very momentous Duties.
I have written to Mr Palmer, and informed him that the appoint¬
ment of this officer is left with the General.
July 26, 1775
669
My dear Friend, it is at this critical Time of great Importance to
our Province, that We take Care to promote none to Places but such
as will give them Dignity and Reputation. If We are not very solicit¬
ous about this. We shall injure our Cause with the other Colonies.
Yours:
[P.S.] I hope before another Year We shall become more familiarly
acquainted with this great Piece of Machinery, an Army.
We have voted three Millions of Dollars — six Tons of Powder are
arrived, and We have ordered every Pound of it, to you.
12 O Clock July 26. 1775. This Moment 130 full B[arre]lls making
Six Tons & an half of Powder, is brought into the State House Yard
in Six Waggons — to be sent off to you.
RC (MHi) . In Adams’ hand, though not signed.
Virginia Delegates to George Washington
Dear Sir, Philadelphia 26 July 1775
With the most cordial warmth we recommend our Countryman
Mr. Edmund Randolph to your patronage and favor.i
This young Gentlemans abilities, natural and acquired, his exten¬
sive connections, and above all, his desire to serve his Country in this
arduous struggle, are circumstances that cannot fail to gain him your
countenance and protection.
You will readily discern Sir, how important a consideration it is,
that our Country should be furnished with the security and strength
derived from our young Gentry being possessed of military knowl¬
edge, so necessary in these times of turbulence and danger.
Encouraged by your friendship, and instructed by your example,
we hope Mr. Randolph will become useful to his Country and profit¬
able to himself.
We most heartily wish you health and success, with a happy return
to your family and Country, being with great sincerity dear Sir Your
affectionate friends and obedient servants,
Richard Henry Lee
P. Henry
Th. Jefferson
RC (DLC) . Written by Lee and signed by Lee, Henry, and Jefferson.
1 Edmund Randolph (1753-1813) was appointed an aide-de-camp to Washington
in August 1775. DAB.
670
July 27, 1775
John Adams to James Warren
Dear Sir Philadelphia July 27. 1775
The Congress have this Day, made an establishment of an Hospi¬
tal and appointed Dr Church Director & surgeon and have done
themselves the Honor of unanimously appointing the Honourable
James Warren Esqr of Plymouth in the Massachusetts Bay, Paymas¬
ter General of the Army. The salary of this officer is one hundred
Dollars Per Month. It is an office of high Honour and great Trust.^
There is another Quantity of Powder arrived in New Jersey about
5000 Weight from So. Carolina— and it is said that another Boat has
arrived in this River with about Six or seven Tons. It will be ordered
to the Generals Washington and Schuyler.^
We have voted fifty Thousand Dollars, for Powder to be got im¬
mediately — if possible.^
I begun this Letter merely to mention to you a Number of young
Gentlemen bound to the Camp — Mr George Lux, son of a particular
Friend of my Friend Chase — Mr Hopkins and Mr Smith all of Balti¬
more in Maryland. Mr Cary is with them son of Mr Cary of Charles¬
town — neither Father nor son want Letters.
Your fast day Letter to me, is worth its Weight in Gold. I had by
that Packett Letters from you. Dr Cooper, Coll Quincy, and Mrs Ad¬
ams, which were each of them worth all that I have reed from others
since I have been here.
RC (MHi) . In Adams’ hand, though not signed.
iSee jee, 2:209-11.
^Congress ordered that it be sent to Dobbs Ferry, N.Y., on July 28. JCC, 2:212.
®On July 27 Congress appointed two groups of merchants, one each in New
York and Philadelphia, as agents to import powder. Each group was authorized to
spend $25,000. JCC, 2:210-11.
Caesar Rodney to Thomas Rodney
Sir, Philadelphia July 27th 1775
Agreable to promise, I have delivered to Mr. Andrew Tybout the
furniture for Your Coat &: Hat. Your Hanger you may Expect the
next time by Robert, the post who Rides for Scully; I Could have
Sent you one by Robert this day. But there were none made that
Struck my fancy, or that I thought would please a Man of your Taste
either for neatness or Intrinsick Value, tho’ we all agree you are no ,
Macarony.
It will be some time before the Standard Colours are done, they
are now in hand and you May assure Mr. Loockerman they will be
July 28, 1775
671
Ellegant and Cleaver.
By a Veshel arrived about an hour ago from Bristol, we have a
London paper informing us of the Arrival of the Veshel that went
Express from the people of Boston to London giving them an Accot.
of the Battle at Lexington. Upon the Spreading of this news there,
the Ministry (it Seems) published in the papers that they had Reed
no accounts from America, by this many people were lead to discredit
the accounts brought by the Massachusets Express. However Arthur
Lee (now an Alderman) publishes immediately in the papers that all
those who doubted the truith of the news might Repair to the Man-
tion House, where the depositions taken relative to the Lexington Af¬
fair were deposited for their perusal and Satisfaction. When the Ship
left Bristol the news was generally Credited. However she left there
too Soon to know much of the Effect it had on that Side the Water.
We Shall know more of this Matter before long. Till when I am Con¬
vinced the Congress will not Rise. Whether they may then or not I
Cannot now pretend to Say. However I do know that they Are heart¬
ily Tired — and so am I. Your Humble Servt. Caesar Rodney
RC (DeHi) . Recipient identified in Rodney, Letters (Ryden) , p. 63.
John Adams to William Tudor
Dear Sir July 28 [17]75
Mr Lux, Mr Hopkins, Mr Smith, with Mr Cary, all from Balti¬
more, are bound as Voluntiers to the Camp.^ Beg the Favour of you,
to treat them complaisantly and shew them all you can consistently
with the Labours of your honourable tho troublesome office.
Shall endeavour to get you a Commission this day, and Such an
appointment that you will not be a Looser at the Years End.^ I hope
to get you a Clerk, that you may have some Leisure to write me An¬
nals and Chronicles — for Chronicles I will have, of your Army, at all
Hazards.
Make my Compliments acceptable to the Generals to Coll Reed 8c
Major Mifflin 8cc.
Is it practicable to lock up Boston Harbor and how can it be done.
What Islands can be fortified? Can Row Gallies be built, of floating
Batteries? This city is building a Number. Mr Franklin is Post mas¬
ter. Some Powder is arrived, more expected. J. Adams
RC (MHi) .
These four Maryland volunteers were also to carry a letter to Abigail Adams,
which John Adams wrote this day on the subject of a "disrespectfull tenant he
was prepared to evict. Adams, Family Correspondence (Butterfield) , 1:267.
672 July 28, 1775
^On July 29 Congress appointed William Tudor judge advocate of the army.
JCC, 2:221.
Connecticut Delegates to Jonathan Trumbull, Sr.
Sr Philadelphia July 28th. 1775
We received your favor of the 23d Instant Inclosing a Copy of Mr
Bigelows with the answer to the Speech of the Onyda Indians which
was laid before the Congress. We have to inform you that every step
has been taken by this Congress to forward & promote the expedition
to the Northward hope it may soon Succeed to the Utmost of our
Wishes. We have also made every preparation for a Treaty with the
Indians especially the 6 Nations, Mr Kirkland is gone forward. Genl
Schuyler Major Hawley Colo Wolcott of Litchfield Mr Voliker P.
Dow of Albany Colo Francis of this place are Appointed Commis¬
sioners to Treat with the Indians in the Northern Department Includ¬
ing the 6 Nations and their Allies. A Number of Gentlemen are also
Appointed for the Middle and another set for the Southern Depart¬
ment. Belts of Intelligence are sent forward. Union & other Belts
proper are prepareing. All this was done Very much by the Direction
of Mr Kirtland who was a Week or 10 Days attinding the Congress
was well Esteemed by them, 8c they have for the present established
his Mission gave him about £100, for the present a proper quantity
of Indians goods 8c stores are provided, hope we shall secure our¬
selves from that Quarter.^
Since our last in which we mentioned to you the appointment of
Capt Trumbull Commissary General for the Continental Army, We
have Appointed Doctr Warren Pay Master Genl Doctr Church
Director 8c Physitian or Surgeon General of the Army.^ They have
Appointed your son Jonathan Trumbull Pay Master Genl of the
forces in New York Department at not less than £15 per Month am
in hopes some more.^ I was quite Uncertain whether it would be
agreable to him or not but hope it may as every thing you have done
As well as the Letters and Intelligence the Congress have received
from you have placed you so high in the esteem of this Congress that
we are perswaded Nothing would be more Agreable to them than to
be able to render you or any of your family any reasonable Services
in their Power. Unless somthing very Important Occurs we shall ad¬
journ for a short recess sometime Next Week perhaps till about the
middle of September. We have ordered all our proceedings to be
published in the Mean time as soon as may be. We are almost ex¬
hausted the weather Very Close 8c hot in this City, the month of Au¬
gust may be expected to be more severe as well as much more Un¬
healthy. May Heaven Succeed our Imperfect Endeavours. We have
July 28, 1775
673
the pleasure to Inform you that about Thirteen Tons of Powder has
arrived in this City within a few Days which was sent for by this
Congress since their arrival at this place about 6 Tons more is ex¬
pected every day, the 13 Tons is forwarded to and partly on the way
to our Army at Cambridge. We have also received Two Tons 8c a
half from South Carolina which is forwarded directly to General
Schuyler which will with what has been sent him before give him we
believe about four or five Tons, further Supplies are expected in the
several Provinces. Hope we may not fail in that supplies of salt Petre
from among our selves in Another Year hope we may make our part
in Connecticut. We have the honor to be with the greatest Esteem.
Your Honors most Obedient Humble Servants
Eliphalet Dyer
Roger Sherman
Tr (Ct) .
^For the proceedings of Congress relating to Indian affairs, see JCC, 2:174-83,
186-87.
For the July 27 appointments of James Warren and Benjamin Church, see
7CC, 2:211. ^ ^
» Jonathan Trumbull, Jr. (1740-1809), was this day appointed paymaster of the
New York department, a position which he held until July 1778. He later served as
comptroller of the treasury and was Washington’s secretary, 1781-83. JCC, 2:212:
and DAB.
Eliphalet Dyer to Joseph Trumbull
Sr Philadelphia July 28th 1775
Yours of the 20th and 21st came safe to hand. I Have the pleasure
to Inform you that we have about thirteen Tons of powder Arrived
at this place sent for by this Congress since their Arrival here, more
is soon expected. The 13 Tons is sent forward to your Army 8c about
3 Tons more just receivd from South Carolina we have sent forward
to Genii Schuyler which with what has been sent for that department
will give him about 5 Ton 8c hope soon to hear good Use is made of
the whole or at least so much of it is as we can spare. Since my last
we have Appointed Doctr Church Director of the Hospital 8c Chief
Physitian. Doctr Warren^ is appointed pay Master General for the
Army near Boston at 100 doll[ar]s per month. Your brother Jona¬
than is appointed the same for the Northern or York department at
50 doll[ar]s per month.2 Wether it will be agreable to him I know
not, but hope he will Undertake for this Season. I hear Genii. Spen¬
cer is returnd. If he had been so good as to have resigned I had de-
signd to have taken his birth my self, as I believe l might [have} had
the offer. Have been Oblidgd to say much for him to keep the Con-
674
July 28, 1775
gress from giving him a dismission as they much resented his with
several other officers leaving the Army after the Generalls Arrival
and at so Critical a season. We are all exhausted sitting so long at
this place and being so long confined togeather that we feel pretty
much as a Number of passengers confined togeather on board ship in
a long Voyage. We shall take a short recess by Next Week. What we
have done good or bad will soon be published. My respects to the
Genlls & Regards to all Enquiring Friends remembring Coll Reed
Mr Mifflin &c And am Sr Sincerely Yours Eliph Dyer
[P.S.] Since I wrote the above I have had the pleasure of seeing
Coll. Thomson who is Coll, of the Regiment of Riflers and by whom
I send this letter. He is a Gentn. who bares a Very good Martial Car-
racter has been Tried in Service and is much depended upon by this
Province. Your Civilitys to him will be very Acceptable should be
glad you would Introduce him to Genii Putnam Sc others proper &
sincerely wish that Gentn. of his Station as well as others from these
Provinces may return with so good an Opinion of the New England¬
ers as may fix their reputation & Cement a more firm Union with
these Colonies. The same for Leiut. Coll. Hand who Accompanies
him. Yours E D
RC (Ct) .
^ That is, James Warren.
^ Silas Deane also wrote to Joseph about this same time, informing him of his
brother’s appointment and introducing him to a Mr. Bird, the bearer. Deane to
Joseph Trumbull, July 28? 1775, Ct.
Roger Sherman to William Williams
Dear Sir Philadelphia July 28th. 1775
I this Day received Your favour of the 22d Instant. We Should
have wrote to You oftener but had not much Intelligence of impor¬
tance to communicate but what was by order of Congress Transmit¬
ted to the his Honr. the Govr. which we Supposed you would be ac¬
quainted with, besides we have had but little leisure being obliged to
attend Congress from 8 or 9 in the morning to 4 or 5 in afternoon.
We have lately received Six Tuns of Powder which is Sent to the
army near Boston, also 5000 lb Sent to General Schuyler this Day. A
Ship arrived here from Bristol Yesterday which Sailed the 4th of
June 8c brings intelligence that the account of the Battle of Lexington
Sent by the province with the affidavits had arrived in London, that it
occasioned the Stocks to fall one &: half per cent, that Lord North
was greatly Astonished See but there had not been time to know what
effect it would have on the people.
675
July 28, 1775
The Congress have recommended the making Salt Petre &: gun
Powder and offer half a Dollar per pound for all the Salt Petre that
Shall be made in any of the United Colonies within fifteen months
from this Day. I am Sorry for the Uneasiness occasioned by the ap¬
pointment of General officers;^ General Wooster is dissatisfied as
well as General Spencer. I feared that would be the Case. We had
just heard of the Engagement at Noddles Island before we proceeded to
the appointment of General officers, which engagement being con¬
ducted by General Putnam occasioned him to be highly esteemed for
his Bravery by the Congress. The officers were chosen by Ballot
but previous to giving in the votes I informed the Congress of the
Choice and Arrangement made by our Gen. Assembly and that I
supposed if the Same order Should be preserved by the Congress it
would best Satisfy the officers & the Colony. Colo. Dyer was not then
in the Room but came in immediately afterward and made the same
representation without knowing what I had said, but the votes turned
as you have heard. There was likewise an uneasiness in the Massa¬
chusetts Bay on a like occasion which General Washington being
made acquainted with before he delivered the Commissions repre¬
sented it to the Congress and it was rectified, but he had delivered
General Putnam his Commission before he heard of the uneasiness,
so that I dont know how the difficulty can be remedied at present. I
hope Generals Wooster & Spencer will consider the Grand Cause we
are Engaged in of So much Importance as not to let it suffer any dis¬
advantage on account of this disagreable circumstance which was not
occasioned by any disregard in the Congress toward those Gentlemen
but for want of a more mature consideration of the ill consequences
that might attend Such a transposition.
The Congress has Set much longer than I at first expected it
would, but 1 believe not longer than was needful. I hope it will ad-
iourn the beginning of next week & have a recess of a few weeks. It is
very tedious Sitting here this hot Season: I have herewith Enclosed a
Declaration and an address to the people of England. The whole pro¬
ceedings will be published within a few Days— which will make a
considerable volume. The reason why I dont Sign more of the Letters
is not because our Lodgings are very far distant but because express¬
es are often Sent off in haste, and Colo Dyer and Mr Dean being to-
eetber have the Custody of the Papers. I sometimes Sign with them,
sometimes they Sign my name, others they Sign only with their own
names it not being very material and in Congress hours it is needfu
Some Should attend while others are writing. I have not been absent
at any time while the Congress has been sitting. Mr Jonathan Triim-
bull Junr. was this Day appointed Paymaster for the New York De^
partment. The pay is 50 Dollars per month. I am Sir Your Sincere
Friend & humble Servant Roger Sherman
r'
579-852 0 - 77 - 45 Vol.l
676
July 28, 1775
RC (MdBJ-G) .
^ For other references related to Connecticut’s concern with the appointment of
the general officers, see Eliphalet Dyer to Joseph Trumbull, June 20, 1775.
John Adams to Josiah Quincy
Philadelphia, 29 July, 1775.
I had yesterday the honor of your letter of July 11th, and I feel
myself much obliged by your kind attention to me and my family,
but much more by your care for the public safety, and the judicious
and important observations you have made. Your letters. Sir, so far
from being “a burthen,” I consider as an honor to me, besides the
pleasure and instruction they afford me. Believe me. Sir, nothing is
of more importance to me, in my present most arduous and laborious
employment, than a constant correspondence with gentlemen of ex¬
perience, whose characters are known. The minutest fact, the most
trivial event, that is connected with the great American cause, be¬
comes important in the present critical situation of affairs, when a
revolution seems to be in the designs of providence, as important as
any that ever happened in the affairs of mankind.
We jointly lament the loss of a Quincy and a Warren, two characters
as great, in proportion to their age, as any that I have ever known in
America. Our country mourns the loss of both, and sincerely sympa¬
thizes with the feelings of the mother of the one, and the father of the
other. They were both my intimate friends, with whom I lived and
conversed with pleasure and advantage. I was animated by them in
the painful, dangerous course of opposition to the oppressions
brought upon our country, and the loss of them has wounded me too
deeply to be easily healed. Dulce et decorum est pro patrid mori. The
ways of heaven are dark and intricate, but you may remember the
words which, many years ago, you and I fondly admired, and which,
upon many occasions, I have found advantage in recollecting.
‘Why should I grieve, when grieving I must bear,
And take with guilt, what guiltless I might share?”
I have a great opinion of your knowledge and judgment, from long
experience, concerning the channels and islands in Boston harbor;
but I confess your opinion, that the harbor might be blocked up, and
seamen and soldiers made prisoners at discretion, was too bold and
enterprising for me, who am not very apt to startle at a daring pro¬
posal; but I believe I may safely promise you powder enough, in a
little time, for any purpose whatever. We are assured, in the strongest
manner, of salt-petre and powder in sufficient plenty, another year,
of our own make.^ That both are made in this city, you may report
July 29, 1775
677
with confidence, for I have seen both; and I have seen a set of very
large powder works, and another of saltpetre.
I hope. Sir, we shall never see a total stagnation of commerce for
any length of time. Necessity will force open our ports; trade, if I
mistake not, will be more free than usual. Your friend. Dr. Franklin,
to whom I read your letter, and who desires his kind compliments to
you, has been employed in directing the construction of row-galleys
for this city. The committee of safety for this province have ordered
twenty of them to be built; some of them are finished. I have seen
one of them; it has twelve oars on each side. They rowed up the river
the first time, four miles in an hour, against a tide which ran down
four miles an hour. The Congress have recommended to the colonies
to make provision for the defence of their navigation in their harbors,
rivers, and on their sea-coasts. Of a floating battery I have no idea
— am glad you are contriving one.
You tell me. Sir, that General Lee complained that “he did not
find things as the Massachusetts delegates had represented them.’
What General Lee could mean by this. Sir, I know not. What partic¬
ular he found different from the representation, I do not know; nor
do I know which delegate from the Massachusetts he received a mis¬
taken representation from. I think he should have been particular,
that he might not have run the risk of doing an injury. If General Lee
should do injustice to two of the Massachusetts delegates, he would
commit ingratitude at the same time; for to two of them he certainly
owes his promotion in the American army, how great a hazard s^v-
er they ran in agreeing to it. I know him very thoroughly, I think,
and that he will do great service in our army at the beginning of
things, by forming it to order, skill, and discipline. But we shall soon
have officers enough.
MS not found; reprinted from Adams, Works (Adams) , 9:360-62.
^ On July 28 Congress recommended to the colonies several measures designed to
encourage the production and collection of saltpetre, sulphur, and gunpowder.
JCC, 2:218-19.
Samuel Adams to James Warren
My dear Sir Philada July 29 1775
I have receivd your favor of the 20th Instant by Express. I ob¬
serve that our new House of Representatives is organizd^ and am ex¬
ceedingly pleasd with the Choice they have made of their Speaker. I
find that two of the former Boston Members are left out— C is
kickd upstairs !i &:c &c. I have not Leisure at present to write to you
particularly. I expect soon to see you. I must inform you that you
678 July 29, 1775
were yesterday unanimously chosen Paymaster General with the pay
of 100 Dollars per month, if I do not misremember.
The Bearer hereof is a Maryland young Gentleman by the Name
of Lux. His Father is a Gentleman of Character as a Mercht in Balti¬
more who is a friend to American Liberty and I am informd has
shown Benevolence to the poor of my native Town. I am therefore
bound in Gratitude to desire your Notice of him so far as to recom¬
mend him to some of our military officers. He proposes to joyn the
Army. Excuse this unconnected Epistle and be assurd that I am
Your unfeigned freind Sami Adams
[P.S.] Dr Church is Director General & chief Physician of the Hos¬
pital with the Power of appointing Surgeons &c. I wish my Son coud
get Employmt in the Army. He has lost his Ereind under whose Care
he was educated!
Mr Lux has several Companions with him young gentlemen who
are in quest of Laurels.
RC (MHi) .
^ Thomas Cushing, a moderate in Massachusetts politics, was elected to the
Council by the House of Representatives in 1775. Subsequently, his frequently
conservative stance in Congress led to his omission from the Massachusetts delega¬
tion to Congress for 1776. Shipton, Harvard Graduates, 11:389-91.
New York Delegates to the
New York Committee of Safety
Gentlemen Philadelphia 29 July 1775
We have reed, your Letters of the 18th & 22d Inst;i and tho sensi¬
ble of the Inconveniences arising from a Scarcity of Arms, are much
at a Loss respecting the best Measures for a Supply.
As we have good Reason to believe that an Application to the
Congress to recommend a Loan of the Jersey Arms would not suc¬
ceed, we have agreed not to make it. No Colony has as yet given the
Congress any trouble on that Head, and we are unwilling that New
York should be the first. We advise however that accurate Accounts
of Disbursements for .arms be kept, so that should any Charges of
that Kind be made against the Continent our Colony may be pre¬
pared to support their Claim. Besides it is easy to foresee that New
Jersey under the present Circumstances of public Affairs, would very
reluctantly part with their Arms, & be displeased with any Recom¬
mendation for that Purpose.
Permit us to recommend to your most serious attention the Ne¬
cessity of laying your Hands on all the Powder that is, or may be im-
July 29, 1775
679
ported into the Colony. We think none should be permitted to go out
of the Province, but by the Express Direction of the Congress or
your Committee, and that Magazines of that article should be formed
in different Parts of the Province & not that the whole be risqued in
one Place. We hope our Province will depend for Defence on their
own Exertions, and with out Delay put the Militia on the Footing
recommended by the Congress.
The Delegates of New Jersey are charged with the Transportation
of two Tons & a half of Powder to Dobbs Ferry, where the Congress
desire you to have a Boat ready to recieve 8c forward it to Genl.
Schuyler.2
As to a Treaty or Conference with the five Nations the Congress
has already provided for it, and consequently it would be improper to
lay the Papers you sent us on that Subject before the Congress.^
We are Gentlemen with the greatest Respect your most obedt. 8c
hble Servt. Phil. Livingston Geo. Clinton
Lewis Morris John Jay
Jas. Duane
[P.S.] We recommend to you to collect all your Accounts against
the Continent with all convenient Speed. It is probable that a Com-
[mitteje will be appointed to examine them. Mr. Hazard is appointed
Depy Postmaster for N York.
The continental Money is signing 8c will be ready next Week.
RC (N) . Written by Jay and signed by Jay, Clinton, Duane, Livingston, and
Morris. FC (NHi) . Written by Jay. RC damaged; missing words supplied from FC.
^ For these letters, see Am. Archives, 4th ser. 2:1793-94, 1797-98.
"See /CC, 2:212. . ^ • irr
"On the subject of a conference with the Iroquois Confederation, see juc,
2:174-83. The “Papers” forwarded by the Committee of Safety, although apparent¬
ly no longer extant, were drafted by a committee of the New York Provincial
Convention and evidently included the text of a speech to be delivered to the
representatives of the **Five Nations/* Ath. AtchiveSf 4th ser, 2-1310, ,
Edward Rudedge to Philip Schuyler
[Philadelphia. July 29. 1775]. “I should have done myself the
Pleasure of answering your very obliging Favour, immediately . . .
But the Manner in which Business still continues to be earned on in
Congress delayed the appointment of a Com [mi] ss [ar] y General until
a few days since; at which time . . . Mr. W. Livingston was^ . ^
upon your recommendation unanimously nominated to t at o ce.
‘‘It is with Satisfaction I inform you that 5000 wt: of Powder ar¬
rived here from Carolina ... and was immediately ordered to
680
July 29, 1775
you. ... By the last accounts from that Province we hear that
Georgia has acceded to the Association & Delegates are appointed to
join us in Congress. This must give Joy to all well wishers to the
Cause; for when Administration shall find their favourite Colonies
New York & Georgia can no longer afford them the pleasing Hopes
of Dissention, they will then be forced to adopt Wisdom & Peace, as
their only Refuge; Hostilities & Intrigues being equally unsuccessful.
Yesterday we determined to adjourn . . . until the fifth of
September;^ This was contrary to the unanimous Sense of our Colo¬
ny; but without Vanity I may say that Numbers in this Instance pre¬
vailed over Wisdom.
“Give me Leave to introduce . . . Mr. Tilghman,^ the very wor¬
thy Bearer of this Letter. ... If you hold a Conference in August in
all probability I shall pay my Respects to you in Person, as I shall be
a Wanderer upon the Eastern part of the Continent until the Con¬
gress shall again meet. . . . May you be victorious in all your Con¬
flicts.”
MS not found; abstracted from extract in The Month at Goodspeed’s 36 (February
1965) : 142-43.
^ Congress appointed Walter Livingston commissary for stores and provisions in
the New York department July 17. JCC, 2:186.
^Rutledge must mean that Congress informally decided on July 28 to adjourn as
soon as possible until September 5, because a resolution to this effect was not
actually approved until July 29. JCC, 2:224.
^ Tench Tilghman (1744-86), a Philadelphia merchant, was secretary and treas¬
urer to the Indian Commissioners for the Northern Department, 1775-76, and
aide-de-camp to General Washington, 1776-83. DAB.
Samuel Ward to Samuel Ward, Jr.
Philadelphia 29th July 1775. Is pleased with his son’s letters of
July 8 and 16. “The Sense you have of the divine Protection &
Goodness will I hope ever induce you to live in such a Manner as not
to forfeit it. I have often thought that the Hand of God might be
clearly seen in the planting of these Colonies, in preserving them in a
most remarkable Manner & that the same divine Goodness still at¬
tends them, the Union of the Colonies, the Bravery &: Order of the
Troops, the extremely small Losses sustained considering the vast
Dangers to which we have been exposed, the good Dispositions of
the Canadians and Indians, the most plentiful Crops of Grain ever
known, the safe Arrival of large Quantities of Powder and the Dis¬
covery of all the necessary materials amongst Us for supplying our¬
selves for the future with innumerable other Blessings fully prove.
May every Heart be filled with affection & Gratitude, may We all de-
July 30, 1775
681
termine to live as becomes wise 8c good Men, May our Reliance
upon the divine Protection be immoveable and then we may chear-
fully follow wherever his Providence calls us.” Remarks that visitors to
the Army’s camp at Cambridge invariably come away with a high
opinion of the Rhode Island forces there. Cofitinues: General
Washington Speaks very handsomely of the Army in general and I
doubt not will soon have every thing in the best Order. Colo. Warren
the president of the provincial Congress is appointed Paymaster Gen¬
eral of the Army. Every thing which the General has asked of the
Congress hath been chearfully done. You will soon receive a fine
Supply of Powder 8c Cloth for Tents and nothing in the Power of the
Congress will be wanting to make the Army happy.
“Colo. Nightingale 8c Mr. Russell arrived in Town yesterday from
Baltimore in Maryland. The Military Spirit 8c Ardor of that Province
they say are vastly highe and they are still higher in Virginia.
RC (RHi) . Abstracted from Ward, Correspondence (Knollenberg) , pp. 67-69.
John Adams to Abigail Adams
My dear Philadelphia July 30th. 1775
This Letter is intended to go by my Friend Mr. William Barrell,
whom I believe you have seen in Boston. If he calls at our House you
will please to receive him complaisantly and thank him for your Pres¬
ent of Pins. I have been treated by him with great Civility, both at
this and the former Congress.
This Day, I have heard my Parish Priest, Mr. Duffill from 2.
Chron. 15. 1. 2. This Gentleman never fails to adapt his Discourse to
the Times. He pressed upon his Audience the Necessity of Piety and
Virtue, in the present Times of Adversity, and held up to their View
the Army before Boston as an Example. He understood, he said, that
the Voice of the Swearer was scarcly heard, that the Sabbath was
well observed and all Immoralities discountenanced. No doubt there
were vicious Individuals, but the general Character was good. I hope
this good Mans Information is true, and that this will become more
and more the true Character of that Camp. You may well suppose
that this Language was exceedingly pleasing to me.
We have nothing new, but the Arrival of some Powder. Three lit¬
tle Vessels have certainly arrived, making about Ten Tons
whole, and four or five Tons have arrived from S. Carolina. A Sup¬
ply I think now We shall certainly obtain. Congress have taken
Measures for this End, which I hope to have the Pleasure of explain¬
ing to you in Person, within a few Days, as Congress has determined
to adjourn to sometime in September.^ I could not vote for this my-
682
July 30, 1775
self because I thought it might be necessary to keep together, but I
could not blame those who did, for really We have been all so assid¬
uous in Business, in this exhausting debilitating Climate, that our
Lives are more exposed than they would be in Camp.^
Love to the Children.
RC (MHi) . Adams, Family Correspondence (Butterfield) , 1:268-69.
Adams apparently left Philadelphia August 2 or 3 and arrived in Watertown,
Mass., on the 10th. Ibid., pp. 268-69n. His accounts covering his service for this
session of the second Congress are in Adams, Diary (Butterfield) , 2:162-67.
^The vote on this issue is not recorded in the journals. JCC, 2:224. In his
autobiography Adams stated only that: “In the fall of the Year Congress were
much fatigued with the Incessant Labours, Debates, Intrigues, and heats of the
Summer and agreed on a short Adjournment.” Adams, Diary (Butterheld) , 3:325.
John Adams to James Warren
Dear Sir Philadelphia July 30th. 1775
For the Honour of the Massachusetts I have laboured in Conjunc¬
tion with my Brethren to get you chosen Paymaster General, and
Succeeded so well that the Choice was unanimous; But whether We
did you a kindness or a Disservice I know not. And whether you can
attend it, or will incline to attend it I know not. You will consider of
it however.
Pray, who do you intend to make Secretary of the Province? Has
not our Friend deserved it? Is he not fit for it? Has any other Candi¬
date So much Merit, or So good Qualifications? I hope his temporary
Absence will not injure him.^
This Letter goes by my good Friend Mr William Barrell a worthy
Bostonian transmuted into a worthy Philadelphian:^ But whether
you will grasp this Letter or the Hand that writes it first. Is uncertain.
Both about the same Time I hope.^
RC (MHi) . In Adams’ hand, though not signed.
^Samuel Adams assumed his duties as secretary to the Massachusetts Council on
August 16. Minutes of the Massachuestts Council, M-Ar.
^William Barrell (d. 1776), former Portsmouth, N. H., merchant who was
briefly married to a sister of John Langdon, settled in Philadelphia in the early
1770’s. Winthrop Sargent, “Letters of John Andrews, Esq. of Boston,” Proceedings
of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 1st ser. 8 (1864-65) : 316-19. Lawrence S.
Mayo, John Langdon of Netv Hampshire (Concord, N.H.: The Rumford Press
1937) , pp. 23-24.
'“Only a small fragment of the second page of this letter survives.
July 30, 1775
683
Samuel Adams to Elizabeth Adams
My dear Betsy Philadelphia July 30 1775
As I have no doubt but the Congress will adjourn in a few days
perhaps tomorrow, I do not expect to have another opportunity of
writing to you before I set oft for New England.^ The arduous Busi¬
ness that has been before the Congress and the close Application of
the Members, added to the Necessity and Importance of their visiting
their several Colonies Sc attending their respective Conventions, have
indued them to make a Recess during the sultry Month of August.
My Stay with you must be short, for I suppose the Congress will
meet again early in September. 1 have long ago learnd to deny my
self many of the sweetest Gratifications in Life for the Sake of my
Country. This I may venture to say to you, though it might be
thought Vanity in me to say it to others.
I hear that my Constituents have given me the Choice of a Seat in
either House of our next Assembly — that is, that Boston have chosen
me again one of their Members, and the House have chosen me one
of the Council. You know better than I do, whether there be a foun¬
dation for the Report.2 My Constituents do as they please, and so
they ought. I never intrigud for their Suffrages, and I never will. I
am intimately conscious that I have servd them as well as I could,
and I believe they think so themselves. I heartily wish I could serve
them better, but the Testimony of my own Conscience and their Ap¬
probation makes me feel my self superior to the Threats of a Tyrant,
either at St. James’s or in the Garrison of Boston.
I have received a Letter from my Friend Mr Dexter dated the 18
Instant. Present my due regards to him. He informed me that you
had been at his house a few Evenings before and was well, and that
you deliverd a Letter to a young Gentleman present, to carry to
Cambridge for Conveyance to me. I am greatly mortified in not hav¬
ing receivd it by the Express that brought me his Letter.
Mr Adams of Roxbury also wrote me that he had often met with
you and was surprisd at your Steadiness, Sc Calmness under Tryals. I
am always pleasd to hear you well spoken of, because I know it is
doing you Justice.
I pray God that at my Return I may find you and the rest of my
dear Friends in good health. The Treatment which those who are still
in Boston meet with fills me with Grief and Indignation. What Pun¬
ishment is due to General Gage for his Perfidy!
Pay my proper Respects to your Mother & Family, Mr &: Mrs
Henshaw, my Son & Daughter Sister Polly 8cc. Tell Job and Surry
that I do not forget them. I conclude, my dear, with the warmest
Affection your Adams
684
July 30, 1775
P.S. Mr William Barrell will deliver you this Letter. He was kind
enough to tell me he would go out of his way rather than not oblige
me in carrying it. He boards with us at Mrs Yards, and is a reputable
Merchant in this City. Richard Checkley is his Apprentice. You
know his Sister Mrs Eliot. I know you will treat him with due re¬
spect.
RC (NN) .
^ Samuel Adams probably left Philadelphia on August 2 and arrived in Water-
town on August 11. Boston Gazette, and Country Journal, August 14, 1775. His
accounts show the payment of £66.12.0 for 111 days of service at this session of
Congress. DLC.
^ Adams had been elected as a representative from Boston, and on July 21 the
House of Representatives selected him as a member of the Council. Am. Archives,
4th ser. 3:271, 275.
Samuel Adams to William Palfrey
Dear Sir, Philadelphia, July [30] 1775.i
My friend Colo. Hancock gave me the pleasure of perusing your
letter to him. I am exceedingly pleased with the notice which General
Lee has taken of you in appointing you one of his Aids de Camp.^ I
shall only observe that your own Merit has rendered needless my ut¬
most endeavours to serve you, which however shall never be wanting
upon any future occasion.
The bearer of this letter is Mr. William Barrell a reputable mer¬
chant of this city. He is a native of Boston, perhaps not unknown to
you. He is warmly engaged in the cause of his Country, and is an Of¬
ficer in one of the City Regiments lately raised. After saying thus
much 1 dare say you will pay him proper respect, in doing which you
will oblige your Friend Sami. Adams
Tr (MH) .
^ Since Adams indicated that William Barrell was the bearer of both this letter
and the preceding one to his wife, the date July 30 had been assigned to this letter
to Palfrey.
“William Palfrey (1741-80), Boston merchant and business manager for John
Hancock, was appointed aide-de-camp to Gen. Charles Lee in July 1775 and
subsequently served as paymaster general of the army, 1776-80. Appleton’s Cyclopae¬
dia of American Biography.
Joseph Hewes and Robert Smith to a
London Mercantile Firm
Gentlemen,
Edington [Edenton] , July 31. [1775]
July 31, 1775
685
We^ wrote to you on the 17th instant, since which we have not
been honoured with any of your favours. With this you will receive a
bill of lading for the cargo of the brigantine Charming Betsey, John
Boyle, Master, (by whom this goes) which you will please to dispose
of to the best advantage for our interest, and place the nett proceeds
to our credit with you. You will observe, the brig has only six lay
days; and beg the favour you will have her discharged, so as we may
not be subjected to damage.
We expect to send you another vessel, with such another cargo,
before the exportation is stopped, which will be the 10th of next Sep¬
tember; but we shall write you more at large, by a ship to sail from
hence to London in about two weeks. All our remittances must here¬
after be by bills; we have laid ourselves out to remit you in that
way, as all other is now in a fair way of being entirely shut up. We
are in a terrible situation indeed; all trade here is now at an end, and
when it will again be revived, God only knows. Every American to a
man is determined to die, or be free. We are convinced, nothing can
restore peace to this unhappy country, and render the liberty of
your’s secure, but a total change of the present Ministry, who are
considered in this country as enemies to the freedom of the human
race, like so many Devils in the infernal regions, sending out their
servants, furies, to torment where-ever they choose their infernal
vengeance should fall.
Permit us, dear Sirs, as you have once exerted yourselves, to try
another effort to save from destruction the once, and but lately, the
most flourishing empire in the world.
We do not want to be independent, we want no revolution, unless
a change of Ministry, and measures would be deemed such; we are
loyal subjects to our present most gracious Sovereign, in support of
whose crown and dignity we would sacrifice our lives, and willingly
launch out every shilling of our property, he only defending our lib¬
erties. This country, without some step is taken, and that soon, will
be inevitably lost to the mother country. We say again, for the love
of Heaven, the love of liberty, the interest of posterity, we conjure
you to exert yourselves. Petition again; the eyes of our most gracious
Sovereign may yet be opened, and he may see what things are for his
real interest, before they are eternally hid from his eyes. We can vouch
for the loyalty of every one in this part of the province. We beg your
pardon for troubling you on the subject of politics so much as we
have done; but we hope you will excuse us, when we tell you our all
depends on the determination of Parliament.
We have the honour to be. Gentlemen, your most obliged humble
servants. ”
MS not found; reprinted from the London Chronicle, October 10-12, 1V75. Printed
under the heading: “The following Letter was received by a principal House in
686
July 31, 1775
this City, from a Gentleman of consequence in North Carolina, and one of the
Delegates of the Congress.” Force, who took his text of this letter from the Weekly
Magazine, or Edinburgh Amusement, October 19, 1775, wrongly supposed that it
had been written to an Edinburgh merchant house. Am. Archives, 4th ser. 2:1757.
1 Although the London Chronicle omitted the signatures of both writers of this
letter, the two men in question were almost certainly Joseph Hewes and Robert
Smith, the latter a partner in Hewes’ mercantile firm in Edenton but not a
delegate. William John Schmidt, “The North Carolina Delegates in the Continen¬
tal Congress, 1774-1781” (Ph.D. diss.. University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill,
1968) , pp. 7-8, 39-40. Exactly when Hewes left Congress and returned to North
Carolina is unknown. Although he received a committee assignment July 31,
apparently he had already gone back to Edenton, as the task of this committee was
to investigate the production of lead and salt in the various colonies during the
adjournment of Congress. JCC, 2:234-35.
Samuel Ward s List of Measures Adopted by Congress
[July 31? 1775]!
Great Objects before the Congress
1st. The Establishment of sufficient Armies to defend the Country
from the Attacks of the ministerial Troops; For this Purpose A Com¬
mander in Chief & other Genl. officers were appointed; An Army of
22000 Men stationed in the Massachusetts Bay, 5000 Men stationed
in the Province of N. York, Declaration &c Articles of War, A Fast
ordered. Measures taken for supplying them with Provisions & war¬
like Stores: A good Quantity of Powder was purchased 8c ordered to
the Camp.
A Resolution that any Vessels bringing Powder into the colonies
should receive the Amount thereof in Provisions or any thing else
they wanted notwithstanding the former Non Importation & Non ex-
portn. Agree [men] t. All the salt Petre & Brimstone in the united
Colonies ordered to be purchased & forwarded to the nearest Powder
Mills.
Encouragement given for making salt Petre.
For defraying the Expenses of this War Bills emitted to the
mount of 3000000 Dollars Two joint Treasurers appointed: by
whom all the Colonies or private Persons except the Armies, who
have done any continental Service are to be paid. See separate
Schedule for each Colo[ny’s] Proportion.
For distressing our Enemies see the Resolutions relative to Bills of
Exchange, Provisions to Nantucket &c.
2d. The obtaining a happy Reconciliation with & a Petition to the
King an Address to the People of England, and Address to the Peo¬
ple of Ireland a Letter to the Lord Mayor of London a Letter to the
Assembly of Jamacia.
July 31, 1775
687
3rd. The putting the united Colonies into a proper State of Defence:
Militia Bill; several Colonies supplied with Powder & provincial Con¬
gress of North Carolina impowered to raise 1000 Men if necessary at
the continental Expence.
4th. The Security of our Frontiers.
Letter to the People of Canada.
Indians divided into three Departments.
Commissioners appointed for each with Presents Talks 8c Belts of
Wampum.
5th. For conveying Intelligence throughout the Con[tinent].
A Postmaster Genl. appointed with full Powers to appoint Depu¬
ties Riders 8cc with Orders to establish weekly Posts from Georgia to
Nova Scotia And if the Profits do not defray the Expenses the several
Colonies to make up their Proportion.
6th. Observations on the Resolutions of the Comm[ons] 8c the two
Acts of Parliament to restrain 8cc.
Number of Inhabitants in the Several Colonies 8c Proportion of
each Colony in redeeming the 3000000 Dollars emitted subject to a
Revision.
Inhabitants
Dollars
New Hampshire
100000
Prop[ortio]n.
1240691/2
Massachusetts
350000
434244
Rhode Island
58000
719591/2
Connecticut
200000
248139
New York
200000
248139
New Jersey
130000
1612901/2
Pennsylvania
300000
3722081/2
lower Counties
30000
372191/2
Maryland
250000
3101741/2
Virginia
400000
496278
No. Carolina -
200000
248139
So. Carolina
200000
248139
Whole Num[be]r of
Inh[abitant]s.
2,418,000
D [ollar] s.
3,000,000
MS (RHi) .
^‘This MS is a list of some
of the more
significant actions taken
by Congress
from May 17 through July 31, 1775. Ward presumably compiled it on the latter
date since it contains no reference to resolutions adopted by Congress on August 1,
but it is not apparent if he did so for any other purpose than his personal use. A
second list identical to this one except for the omission of the final paragraph and
table of figures is also among the Ward MSS, RHi. For the various congressional
actions enumerated by Ward, see JCC, 2:54-235 passim.
688
July 1775
John Dickinson to Arthur Lee
Dear Sir, Fairhill July [? 1775] i
Before this comes to Hand, You will have receiv’d, I presume, the
Petition to the King. You will perhaps at first be surpriz’d, that We
make no Claim, and mention no Right. But I hope [on] considering
all Circumstances, You will be [of] opinion, that this Humility in an
address [to] the Throne is at present proper.
Our Rights [have] been already stated — our Claims made —
[War] is actually begun, and We are carrying it on Vigor [ously.]
This Conduct & our other Publications will shew, [that our] spirits
are not lowered. If Administration [be] desirious of stopping the Ef¬
fusion of British [blood] the opportunity is now offered to them [by
this] unexceptionable Petition, praying for [an] Accommodation.
If they reject this application] with Contempt, the more humble it
is, [the more] such Treatment will confirm the Minds of [our]
Countrymen, to endure all the Misfortunes [that] may attend the
Contest.
I do not know what [is] thought in London of the several Engage¬
ments near Boston. But this You may be assured [of] everyone of
them has been favorable to Us — & particularly that of Bunker’s Hill
on [the] 17th of last month, when a mere Carnage was [made] of the
Royalists — tho they gained our Intrench [ments] .
I am Sir, your very affectionate hble [servant.]
{John Dickinson)
RC (MH) . In the hand of John Dickinson; signature inked out.
^Although Peter Force assigned this mutilated letter the date July 7, it was
undoubtedly written some time later. Ayn. Archives, 4th ser. 2:1604. Dickinson
wrote a brief letter to Lee from Philadelphia on July 7 and must have written this
one from his Fairhill estate a few days after the signing of the petition to the king
on July 8.
Benjamin Franklin’s Proposed Resolution
[July ? 1775] 1
And whereas altho’ the Conquest of Canada, & Louisiana, was ef¬
fected as aforesaid by the joint Force Sc Expence of America with
Britain, the latter hath seized the whole acquired Territory as its
own, excluding us from any Share in the Property, without the least
regard to Equity or Justice.
Resolved,
That in case such Satisfaction as aforesaid is refused, all the Lands
in America claimed by the Crown, and all the Quit rents now unpaid
to the same, shall be considered as liable to an Appropriation for
July 1775
689
that purpose. And all Persons from whom such Payments of Quit-
rents are now due, or who have purchased Lands from the Crown,
and have not yet paid the Purchase-money, are advised to withold
the same; and all Persons wanting Lands are advised to forbear Pur¬
chasing of the Crown, till such Satisfaction shall be made; that if
Heaven shall finally bless our Endeavours in this just War with Suc¬
cess, as much as possible may be saved towards Such Indemnifica¬
tion.
MS (PPAmP) . In the hand of Benjamin Franklin.
No evidence has been found to suggest just when Franklin drafted this resolu¬
tion or whether it was actually proposed in Congress. No other surviving docu¬
ments indicate that the delegates discussed withholding quit rents and boycotting
the purchase of crown lands as economic weapons against Britain, nor is the
colonies’ failure to share directly in the spoils of the conquest of Canada and
Louisiana expressed elsewhere as a grievance. It seems most likely that Franklin
would have offered these arguments during the debates on the petition to the king
or the declaration on taking up arms early in July, or while serving on the
committee appointed on July 22 to prepare a response to Lord North’s conciliatory
motion of February 20, 1775. The physical appearance of the MS suggests that the
preamble was written after the proposed resolution, as it is crowded into a small
space at the top of the page in a cramped hand. And since Franklin wrote at the
bottom of the page “between Pages 4 & 5,’’ the resolution may originally have been
prepared as an insertion to another document.
Thomas Jefferson’s Notes
on Financial and Military Estimates
[July? 1775] 1
2 Massachusets
Rhode island
Connecticut
New York
New Jersey
4 Maryland
3 Pennsylvania
Delaware counties
1 Virginia
North Carolina
South Carolina
New Hampshire
souls dollars
100,000 82,713
350,000 289,496
58,000 47,973
200,000 165,426
200,000 165,426
130,000 107,527
300,000 248,139
30,000 24,813
250,000 206,783
400,000 330,852
200,000 165,426
200,000 165,426
2,418,000 2,000,000
An estimate of the charge and expence of an army composed of
690
July 1775
cessary for
such a body of infantry.
dollars
1. General & commander in chief per month 500.
4. Major generals [. . .] @ 166. dollars per month 664.
allowance for th[e major genjeral in separate department 166.
8. Brigadier gener[als . . . a]t 125. pr. m. 1000.
1. Adjutant gene[eral] 125.
1. Deputy Adjutan[t gener]al or Brigade major suppose 60.
1. Commissary General 80.
1. Deputy Commissary General 60.
1. Quarter master General 80.
1. Deputy Quarter master General 40.
1. Paymaster General 100.
1. Deputy paymaster 50.
1. Cheif Engineer 60.
2. Assistant do. @ 20. dollrs. each 40.
1. Chief Engineer in a separate department 60.
2. Assistants do. @ 20. dollrs. each 40.
3. Aid de Camps @ 33. doll, each 99.
1. Secretary to the General 66.
1. Secretary to the Major General in separate department 33.
[1]. Commissary of the musters 20.
[1]. Deputy muster master for New York department suppose 20.
[8]. Aid de camps to the Major Generals @ 33. doll. pr.
month each 264.
[8] . Brigade majors @ 30 doll. pr. M. each 240.
1. Commissary of the Artillery suppose 50.
3,917
46. battalions of 554. privates @£1551-18 pr. M. 237,956
24. companies of riflemen or light infantry @£181-2
pr. M. 14, [480]
10. companies of Artillery consisting of 57. men each,
officers included at £142-7 each company pr. M. [4,733]
36,000 rations of provisions @ 6d pr. day each, for one
month 90, [000]
Transportation of them, stores 8cc. will at a gross calcula¬
tion amount to one half the expence of the provisions
but this must be governed by circumstances, so cannot at
present be more exactly calculated 45, [000]
396, [086]
2000 barrels of Gunpowder
[Total for six months'] 2,376,5 [16]
August 1, 1775
691
140 tons of lead
Shot & shells with the necessary [. . .] and repairs to be made to the
artillery for the two armies
Tents, drums 8c colours for the whole of the troops
Entrenching 8c Pioneers tools
Hospital, medicines. Physician, Chirurgeon [Apo] thecary 8c
attendants
Unavoidable 8c Contingent expences which [cannot be] foreseen
the above articles for 15,000 men am[ount to] the
sum of £105011 by the former es[timate] £105011
the like articles for 27,000 men will
[. . .] be 70006
175017
which in dollars amounts to 583,39 [0]
2,959,90 [6]
MS (DLC) . Jefferson, PapcM (Boyd) , 1:182-84.
^ It is not known for what purpose Jefferson made these notes, although the first
section, tabulating the apportionment of bills of credit to be redeemed by the 12
colonies, pertains to a resolution of June 22, 1775, the day after he took his seat in
Congress. JCC, 2:103. The figures in this section are the same as those recorded in
Silas Deane’s Diary, June 13, and Samuel Ward’s List of Measures Adopted by
Congress, July 31? 1775, although Ward’s calculations were for the apportionment
of an emission of |3 million. Few documents have survived to indicate just how
Congress computed the expenditures that would be required for colonial defense
in 1775, and since such discussions were conducted primarily in a committee of the
whole, the journals of Congress provide little information on the subject. See JCC,
2:65, 89-90, 91, 93-94, 103-4, 201-2, 207; and Jefferson, Papers (Boyd), l:184n.
Because the resolutions setting the size of the army in Massachusetts and in the
New York department at 22,000 and 5,000, respectively, were not approved until
July 21 and July 25, it is unlikely that Jefferson made these notes before late July,
since they presume an army of 27,000 men. It also seems that there is only an
incidental connection between the section on bills of credit, which pertains to
decisions reached in June (and is written perpendicularly to the rest of the
document) , and the remainder of Jefferson’s notes, which relates to matters under
discussion into the last week of July.
Richard Henry Lee to George Washington
Dear Sir, Philadelphia 1st August 1775
After the fatigue of many days, and of this in particular, I should
not sit down at eleven oClock at night to write to a Cientleman of
whose goodness of heart I have less doubt than I have of yours. But
well knowing that you will pardon what flows from good intentions, I
venture to say that my hop>es are you will find from what the Con¬
gress has already done, and from what I hope they will do
579-852 0 - 77 - 46 Vol.l
692
August 1, 1775
tomorrow,^ that it has been a capital object with us to make your ar¬
duous business as easy to you as the nature of things will admit. The
business immediately before us being finished, the approaching sickly
season here, and the great importance of our presence in the Virga.
Convention, have determined a recess of a Month, it standing now,
that the Congress shall meet here again on the 5th of September. The
capital object of powder we have attended to as far as we could by
sending you the other day six Tons, and tomorrow we shall propose
sending six or eight Tons more, which, with the supplies you may get
from Connecticut, and such further ones from here, as future expect¬
ed importations may furnish, will I hope enable you to do all that
this powerful article can in good hands accomplish. We understand
here that Batteries may be constructed at the entrance of the Bay of
Boston so as to prevent the egress Sc regress of any Ships whatever. If
this be fact, would it not Sir be a signal stroke to secure the Fleet Sc
Army in and before Boston so as to compel a surrender at discretion.
While I write this, I assure you my heart is elated with the contem¬
plation of so great an event. A decisive thing that would at once end
the War, and vindicate the injured liberties of America. But your
judgment and that of your brave Associates, will best determine the
practicability of this business. I think we have taken the most effec¬
tual measures to secure the friendship of the Indians all along our ex¬
tensive frontiers, and by what we learn of the Spirit of our Conven¬
tion now sitting at Richmond, a Spirit prevails there very sufficient to
secure us on that quarter. The particulars of their conduct I refer you
to Mr. Frazer for, who comes fresh from thence, & who goes to the
Camp a Soldier of fortune.^ You know him better than I do, and I
am sure you will provide for him as he deserves.
We are here as much in the dark about news from England as you
are, the London Ships having been detained long beyond the time
they were expected. The indistinct accounts we have, tell us of great
confusion all over England, and a prodigious fall of the Stocks. I
heartily wish it may be true, but if it is not so now, I have no doubt
of its shortly being the case.
I will not detain you longer from more important affairs, than to
beg the favor of you, when your leisure permits, to oblige me with a
line by Post, to let us know how you go on.
There is nothing I wish so much as your success, happiness, and
safe return to your family and Country, because I am with perfect
sincerity dear Sir Your Affectionate friend and countryman.
Richard Henry Lee
RC (DLC) .
^ Although Secretary Thomson’s journal entry for August 1 states that Congress
adjourned this day, it is clear from Lee’s comment to Washington as well as the
August 2 letters and diary entries of Benjamin Franklin, Francis Lewis, Philip
August 2, 1775
693
Livingston, George Clinton, and Robert Treat Paine, that Congress actually met
and adjourned the following day. See JCC, 2:239.
^ Probably John G. Frazer, whom Washington appKjinted assistant to the quar¬
termaster general in September 1775. Washington, Writings (Fitzpatrick) , 3:515.
Patrick Henry also wrote a brief letter recommending Frazer to Washington’s
attention. Henry to Washington, July 31, 1775. DLC.
Connecticut Delegates to Zebulon Butler and Others
Gentn Philadelphia August 2nd 1775
It has been represented to the Continental! Congress that there is
great danger of discord Sc Contention if not Hostility 8c blood shed
between the People Setling Under Connecticutt Claim 8c those under
Pensylvania which would be attended with the most U [n] happy
Consequences at this time of general Calamity 8c when we want our
whole United Strength [against] our Common Enemy.^ We are
therefore desired to write by the Congress to you 8c press upon you
the Necessity of peace and good Order not only Among your selves
but by no means to give the least disturbance or Molestation to the
persons property or possessions of those Setled Under the Proprietar¬
ies of Pensylvania and especially to the family property or possession
of those who are gone as Riflers into the service of their Country 8c
join the Army near Boston. The Delegates from the Province of Pen¬
sylvania are desired to write to their people or the heads of them to
urge upon them the same peacable disposition towards the Setlers
Under Connecticutt and that they make no attempts upon the posses¬
sions of each Other but both sides to remain in peace and quiet 8c to
be Cautious not to Interfere in Jurisdiction or in the Exercise of
Government^ but that they all live together in peace 8c Good Order 8c
Unite in the greatest Harmony in the Common defence if there
should be Occasion. You are desired to make no setlement by force
nor use any threats for that purpose. We are desired by the Congress
to write to you to the purpose Above, and as they may have further
to do in this Affair W^e hope your Conduct will be such as to give no
offence to that respectable body. We are your Friends 8c Hie Servts
Elipht Dyer
Roger Sherman
Silas Deane
RC (CtY) . Written by Dyer and signed by Dyer, Sherman, and Deane. Addressed:
“To Coll. Butler, Esqr. Dennison, Esqr. Judd & Mr. Sluman &c &c.” Endorsed:
"Reed. 4th Septr. 1775.”
^ See JCC 2:235, 238. For other references to the jurisdictional dispute between
Pennsylvania and Connecticut, see Dyer to William Judd, July 23, 1775, note.
^ As originally phrased by Dyer this passage read ‘ be Cautious in Interfering in
694
August 2, Ml 5
Jurisdiction and in the Exercise of Government,” expressing partisan sentiment
more in line with the tone of his letter to William Judd, July 23, 1775. The
corrected version probably reflected the moderation of Deane and Sherman, whose
influence was more fully explained in Deane’s letter to Thomas Mumford, October
16? 1775.
Benjamin Franklin to Jane Mecom
Philada. Aug. 2. 1775. “The Congress has adjourned this Morning
to the 5th of September. I have now upon my Hands the Settling a
new General Post Office, and a Treaty to be held with the Indians on
the Ohio, besides smaller Businesses, all to be transacted by the time
the Congress meets again. Govr. Ward is just setting out, and I can¬
not Send this by him if I enlarge.”
RC (PPAmP) . Carl Van Doren, ed.. The Letters of Benjamin Franklin & Jane
Mecom, American Philosophical Society, Memoirs, vol. 27 (Princeton, 1950) , p.
163.
Francis Lewis to Philip Schuyler
Dear Sir, Philadelphia 2d August 1775
I have the honor to inform you^ that this morning the Congress
adjourned to the 5th Septemb then to meet again in this City, and
imediately the Members (except those from So Carolina) sett of[f]
for the Camp at Cambridge.
This evening the Express arived with your several Letters, which
as I sett out tomorrow for New York; shall lay the same before the
Provincial Convention of that Colonie, to whom you will please to
address during the recess of Congress.
The 30th Inst. 5 [thousand pounds] of Gunpowder was forwarded
from Trentown to Dobb’s Ferry for your use, to be forwarded from
thence to Albany, and more of the kind is hourly expected in here.
Five Tons has also been lately sent from hence for the Camp at
Cambridge. Wishing you success, I have the Honor to be Sir Your
most obedt Hum Servt. Frans Lewis
RC (MH) .
^Although the recipient is not identified, it is apparent from Philip Schuyler’s
August 15 letter to the New York Provincial Congress that he had received this
letter from Lewis. Am. Archives, 4th ser. 3:141.
August 3, 1775
695
New York Delegates to Peter Van Brugh Livingston
Sir Philadelphia 2d August 1775
We received your Letter by Express this Morning, in Answer to
which we beg leave to inform you that we have obtained an Order of
Congress on the Continental Treasury, in your Favour for 175000
Dollars;^ but as there is not yet a sufficient Number of the Bills
signed to answer the most pressing Occasions we imagine your draft
cannot be answered before the latter End of next Week. We have,
however been able to borrow about £8000 for you which we will
bring with us expecting to set out for N York this Afternoon the
Congress having adjourned this Morning till the 5th of September
next. We are Sir your Most Obedt. Servts Phil. Livingston
Geo Clinton
RC (N) . Written by Clinton and signed by Clinton and Livingston. Journals of N.
Y. Prov. Cong., 2:23. RC damaged; missing words supplied from Tr.
On August 1 Congress approved the payment of $175,000 to the New York
Provincial Convention, of which Livingston was the president, and the Albany
Committee of Correspondence to meet the debts they had incurred in “the public
service.” JCC, 2:236.
Robert Treat Paine’s Diary
[August 2, 1775]
Very hott. Congress adjd. to Septr. 5th. 1/2 past 12 Clock Set out,
stopt at Red Lyon 12 1/2 mile, thence to Trenton, lodged.
MS (MHi) .
Eliphalet Dyer to Joseph Trumbull
Sir Philadelphia August 3d 1775
We have adjourned to the 5th of Septr. Our proceedings will soon
be published.
I have only now to recommend to your particular Civilitys Coll
Gadsden a Member of the Congress from South Carolina with his
son who is determined to make a Visit to our Army in this recess.
There will probably be Other Gentn. of the Congress from the South¬
ward who do not return home may take a Tour to Cambridge. Your
Civility to them will be most acceptable as also to Introduce them to
such Gentn. particularly of our Colony whose Acquaintance may be
agreable.
696
August 3, 1775
Am Sr with sincere Esteem Yr Hie Servt Elipht Dyer
RC (Ct) .
James Duane to Philip Schuyler
Dear Sir New York 4 Augt 1775
I concluded it to be absolutely necessary before the Adjournment
of the Congress to fall upon some Expedient for supplying the mili¬
tary chest in your Department; but was so much a Stranger to this
kind of Business that I much lamented the Want of your Direction. I
however moved at Random for I had no Rule, that 200000 Dollars
shoud be deposited with the paymaster of your Army and that if this
sum shoud be expended before the next meeting of the Congress you
shoud be empowerd to draw for 100000 Dollars more. The Congress
granted this Request with an immaterial variation and I enclose you
a Copy of their Resolve.^ The original for fear of Accidents I have
lodged with the President of our provincial convention where you
can command it. Mr. Jonathan Trumbull Junr. son of the Governor
of Connecticut is paymaster for your Department. He sustains an
Amiable Character and was recommended by the Delegates from
New York who knew of no Gent, qualified in our own colony who
woud certainly accept the office. The Congress adjourned on Wednes¬
day last^ to the 5 of September then to meet at Philadelphia.
I am just returned home and shall in a day or two set out to see my
family at the shores from whence I prepare to proceed to Albany and
shall there be glad to hear from you.
The Commissioners for Indian Affairs are preparing for a Treaty
with the Indians which will soon be held at Albany. £ 2000 prov. is
granted for that service. Yourself, Mr. Turbott Francis of Philadel.
Mr. Volk P Douw of Albany, Major Hawley of Massachusetts Bay
and [ ]3 from Connecticut are named for this Service. If you
have any advice or instructions to give on the occasion you will have
sufficient Opportunity as two of the Gent, set out from this place to
morrow.
The Congress have now issued an order to pay 175000 Dollars to
our provincial Convention to replace the sums they have advanced
for the publick service. Tho’ much fatigued with my Journey I am
obliged to give you this hasty Journal with Douw going early in the
morning. I am Sir Your most obedient humble Servant
Jas. Duane
P.S. I wrote this day to the paymaster advising him to come immedi¬
ately to New York & from thence to proceed to Philad. that he might
August 4, 1775
697
possess himself of the 100000 Dollars which will be ready for him
the Saturday of next week. Your further Directions will I presume
meet him here.
Mr. George Clymer, son in law [of] Mr [Reese] Meredith, & Mr.
Nicholas Hiliygas [Michael Hillegas], both of Philad. are nominated
Joint continental treasurers.^
RC (NN) .
^ Instead of immediately appropriating f200,000 for General Schuyler, as Duane
suggested. Congress appropriated $100,000 for Schuyler and empowered him to
spend a similar sum if the original appropriation proved insufficient. JCC, 2:237.
^ That is, August 2.
" Blank in MS. Oliver Wolcott was the Indian commissioner from Connecticut
whose name apparently escaped Duane. JCC, 2:183.
* Congress appointed George Clymer and Michael Hillegas joint Continental
treasurers on July 29, 1775. JCC, 2:221. Clymer (1739-1813), a Philadelphia
merchant, acted as joint treasurer until July 20, 1776, whereupon he resigned to
take a seat in Congress where he served, 1776-77, 1780-82. DAB. Hillegas
(1729-1804) , likewise a Philadelphia merchant, became sole Continental treasurer
upon Clymer’s resignation and continued to exercise the office until 1789. DAB.
James Duane to Jonathan Trumbull, Jr.
Sir Woodbridge on my Return to New York 4 Augt. 1775
I have the pleasure of acquainting you that the Continental Con¬
gress have been pleased to appoint you Paymaster for the Depart¬
ment of New York.i From the Character you sustain 8c which was
strongly confirmed by our mutual worthy Friend Mr Wm Hooper of
North Carolina, I took an active part in this Appointment, firmly
perswaded that it woud promote the publick Service; and I flatter
myself that your Zeal for the common Cause will induce you chear-
fully to accept this important office. This tho’ personally a Stranger I
have ventured to promise as the Service woud suffer unspeakably in
case of your declining it.
I have in my possession a warrant for 100000 Dollars to supply
your military Chest. I propose to send a Copy to General Schuyler
by Express as his order will be necessary to authorize the Receipt of
the money at the Treasury. The original I shall lodge with the Presi¬
dent of our provincial Convention. Col. Hancock will deliver you the
Commission 8c acquaint you of the security to be given on your part.
I shoud think it prudent for you to come down to New York 8c by
the first opportunity to acquaint General Schuyler of your Intentions.
By Saturday week there will be money in the Continental Treasury to
answer the Warrant, 8c I suppose it will be necessary for you to attend
at the Treasury with the warrant 8c the General s order to take charge
of it. Mr Hooper with whom I parted yesterday requested me to pre-
698
August 4, 1775
sent you with his respectful Compliments. I am with great Regard
Sir, your most obed. Servant Jas. Duane
RC (CtHi) .
^See JCC, 2:212; Connecticut Delegates to Jonathan Trumbull, Sr., July 28; and
John Hancock to Jonathan Trumbull, Jr., August 8, 1775.
James Duane to Oliver Wolcott
New York 7 Augt. 1775^
I take it for granted that the Delegates from your Colony have be¬
fore now apprized you of your being appointed by the Continental
Congress as one of the Commissioners of Indian Affairs for the North¬
ern Department.^ I have only now to advise you that Col. Francis and
Mr. Douw two of your Associates set out this day for Albany in or¬
der to prepare for a Congress with the Six Nations.^ I make no
doubt but you will meet them there as soon as it is convenient. These
Gent, have the Goods & Speech for the Treaty in Charge.
I am with great Regard Sir your most hume Sevt
Jas. Duane
RC (CtHi).
^ Duane wrote a similar letter to Joseph Hawley this day, although he erro¬
neously dated it “7 Sept. 1775.” NN. Duane obviously did not know that Hawley
had already declined on the grounds of ill health to serve as one of the commis¬
sioners. JCC, 2:247n.
“Oliver Wolcott (1726-97), Connecticut delegate to Congress, 1776-78, 1780-83,
and signer of the Declaration of Independence, was chosen one of five Indian
commissioners for the northern department July 13. JCC, 2:183; and DAB.
®On August 31, 1775, the Indian commissioners concluded a treaty with the
Iroquois Confederation whereby the latter pledged to remain neutral in the
struggle between America and Great Britain. PCC, item 134; Am. Archives, 4th ser.
3:475-95; and James F. and Jean H. Vivian, “Congressional Indian Policy during
the War for Independence: The Northern Department,” Md. Hist. Magazine 63
(September 1968) : 241-45.
Benjamin Franklin to Philip Schuyler
Philada. Augt. 8. 1775. 5 P.M.
Your Letter to the President of the Congress,^ arrived here just
now by an Express from Albany, and is brought to me, the Congress
being adjourn d & all the Members out of town but my self. I have
taken the Liberty of looking into it, to see if it required any Service
from hence in our Power to render. I wish we had more Powder to
send you as you desire. But all hitherto arriv’d is gone to Boston, and
an Order is left here for sending 5 Ton more thither as soon as it
August 8, 1775
699
comes in. I hope the second Parcel sent you from hence, which had
been delay’d on the Road by some Mismanagement, has got safe to
you before this time. I shall immediately forward your Letter to the
President who is now I suppose in the Camp before Boston. Wishing
you Success in your arduous Undertakings, and a safe Return with
Health, Happiness & Honour, I am, very respectfully Sir, Your most
obedient huml Servant^ B Franklin
RC (MHi).
^See Schuyler to John Hancock, August 2, 1775, Am. Archives, 4th ser. 3:11-12.
®Two days later, Franklin wrote to Schuyler stating that immediately after
dispatching this letter of the eighth “it occurr’d to me to endeavour the obtaining
from our Committee of Safety a Permission to send you what Powder remain’d in
our Hands; which tho’ it was thought scarcely safe for our selves to part with it,
they, upon my Application & representing the Importance of the Service you are
engag’d in, and the Necessity you were under for that Article, was chearfully
agreed to. Accordingly I this Day dispatch a Waggon with 2400 lb wt. which
actually empties our Magazine.’’ Apparently Franklin, at this time president of the
Pennsylvania Committee of Safety, hoped for a return favor, as he concluded: “We
find on Enquiry that there is an extream Scarcity of Lead here, and our Committee
recollecting that a superfluous Quantity was taken at Ticonderoga, request you
would spare us what you can of it.’’ Franklin to Schuyler, August 10, 1775, NN.
John Hancock to Jonathan Trumbull, Jr.
Sir North Haven Angst. 8. 1775,
By order of the Congress I am to Acquaint you that they have
unanimously appointed you Paymaster in the York Department,
which I hope will be agreeable to you, & that by the Return of Fes¬
senden I shall be inform’d of your Acceptance of the Trust. You will
readily See that the Service requires an immediate attention to this
Business; the Delegates of New York will furnish you the necessary
papers, & the money order’d by Congress.^ I am Directed to Take a
Bond of you with Two Sureties in the Sum of Twenty five Thousand
Dollars, the Bond to be given to the followg. persons, Vizt. John
Hancock, Henry Middleton, John Dickinson, John Alsop, Thomas
Lynch, Richard Henry Lee & James Willson Esqrs. & the Survivor of
them in Trust for the United Colonies. If you will please to Send me
the Bond Executed I will Send your Commission. I Beg my best Re¬
gards to the worthy Govr Trumbull, & believe me with Esteem, Sir
Your very huml servt. Hancock Presidt.
[P.S.] Pray excuse Paper, being on the Road cannot be Accomodat¬
ed.
RC (CtHi) .
1 See James Duane to Jonathan Trumbull, Jr., August 4, 1775.
700
August 10, 1775
Samuel Chase to Philip Schuyler
Annapolis. Angst. 10th. 1775. Responds to Schuyler’s letter of
July 26. Is confident Schuyler will receive adequate powder, provi¬
sions, and troops for the dangerous command he has undertaken. “I
cannot but interest Myself in your Success. The Expediency, the
prudence of the Expedition is trusted to your Judgment. A previous
Condition, a sine qua non, of Marching into Quebec, is the Eriend-
ship of the Canadians: without their Consent and Approbation, it is
not [<o] be undertaken, so I understand the Resolution of the Con¬
gress. The Generality, the bulk of Mankind, judge only from the Suc¬
cess. I think You, therefore, in a very critical Situation, & that an Ex¬
ertion of all your Faculties of Mind and Body are necessary. May I
be permitted to wish that a military Ardor, a Soldiers Honor, or a
Compliance with the Temper & Inclinations of others, may not pre¬
vail over your better Judgment. There may be some, from want of
Discretion, & others from Envy, who may be urging You to under¬
take what your prudence may condemn. I hope I have not said too
much, and that my Anxiety will be imputed to no other Cause, than
my Zeal for America and my Regard for You. God grant you Suc¬
cess.”
RC (NN) .
Charles Thomson to John McKesson
Summerville 11 Aug. 1775.
Yesterday evening I received your letter dated the 7th Instant, 8c
embrace this first opportunity of returning an answer.
You will please to inform your provincial Convention, that the pay
of the army from a Colonel down as established by the Congress is as
follows.^
Colonel
50 Dollars
per
month
N Y Curr [enc] y
20-0-0
lieutenant Colonel
40 dollars
per
do
16-0-0
Major
3344 do -
_ do
13-6-8
Captain
20
do ..
_ do
8-0-0
lieutenant
131/3 do
_ do
5-6-8
Ensign
10
do ..
_ do
4-0-0
Sergeant
8
do ..
_ do
3-4-0
Drummer
71/3 do
_ do
2-18-8
Fifer
71/3 do
_ do
2-18-8
private
6% do ...
_ do
2-13-4
Chaplain
20
do ...
_ do
8-0-0
August 15, 1775
701
Adjutant of a Regimt.
I81/3 do _
_ do
7-6-8
Quarter Master do
I81/3 do _
_ do
7-6-8
Surgeon
25 do _
_ do
10-0-0
Surgeon’s Mate
131/3 do _
_ do
5-6-8
The Congress did not
particularly ascertain the number
of Days in
a month, but I am confident they meant calendar month, as I ob¬
served in their calculation, they generally counted 30 to a month. I
am Sr Yr humble Servt. Cha Thomson
RC (NHi) .
' Thomson’s figures for the pay rates of army surgeons and surgeon’s mates
differ from those in the journals, Congress having there decided to pay surgeons $1
1/3 per diem and surgeon’s mates $2/3 per diem, both of which are greater than
the rates given by Thomson. JCC, 2:209-10, 220.
Samuel Ward to Benjamin Franklin
Providence 12th August. 1775. Describes recent British naval op¬
erations off Connecticut and Rhode Island and notes that in the vi¬
cinity of Newport the British “stopped the FerryBoats, strictly exam¬
ined every Person and took down the Names. They had heard of my
Return and expected I should have gone to Newport and were in
hopes of getting one Delegate into their Possession. . . . Alludes to
the capture by the British of Benjamin Hichborn,^ an American post
rider, and stresses the need for other post riders to exercise greater
caution in the future. Continues: “The Love of Liberty triumphs in
this Town over all other Considerations, every thing for the common
Defence is pursued with immense Ardor every Danger is despised
and every Difficulty is surmounted and at the same time they are thus
attentive to the general Interest of America. They are taking most ef¬
fectual Measures for their own immediate Safety; Batteries on each
Side of the River are opened in such advantageous Situations as will
easily destroy any Ships which may attempt to come near the Town.”
RC (PPL) . Abstracted from Ward, Correspondence (Knollenberg) , pp. 74-76.
^ See John Adams to James Warren, July 23, 1775.
John Hancock to Joseph Reed
gjj. Watertown Augst. 15. 1775
This moment Rec’d your favr.^ I have not with me Copies of the
Talks to the several Tribes of Indians, nor was there time to Insert
them in the Journals. I inclose you Copies from the Journals of all
702
August 15, 1775
that Respects Indian Affairs as yet inserted, and I apprehend this
will fully Answer your Request, and which you will please to lay be¬
fore the General.
I am with Esteem Sir Your most obedt servt
John Hancock
RC (NHi) .
^ Not found. Joseph Reed (1741-85) , Pennsylvania lawyer and delegate to Con¬
gress, 1778, was serving at this time as Washington’s military secretary. DAB.
Samuel Ward to Samuel Ward, Jr.
Westerly 15th August. 1775. “I am very sorry that there is any
Uneasiness relative to the continental Establishment; as the several
New England Colonies had made the same Establishment the Con¬
gress adopted it, but upon a proper Representation I make no Doubt
would do every thing which should appear proper; there is one Cir¬
cumstance attending the Service which I never thought of which must
create you many heavy Exp>ences, that is your being so near as to
have much Company from all the Colonies: this War may perhaps
last Years; Oeconomy is therefore necessary and I was unwilling to
give any extravagant Pay, but the Circumstance above has much
weight with Me and probably there may be others which have es¬
caped my Attention; This I can with great Pleasure say that the Man
that loves my Country and takes up Arms in her Defence shall while
I have one single shilling be welcome to a Part of it: but as Com¬
merce the great Source of Wealth is now almost at an End the utmost
Oeconomy I must recommend to You and all the Troops. ... I
hope and believe there is not an officer worth having that will decline
the continental Service; the Commissions are of the same Tenor as
far as I recollect with those which the N. E[nglan]d Colonies gave. I
would chuse you should receive yours in the most respectful Manner;
every Lover of his Country who considers that it is absolutely essen¬
tial to the Preservation of America that the Resolutions of the Con¬
gress should be considered as sacred and inviolable will by no means
take any Measure which may draw into Question the Authority of
that Congress; this would be not only injurious to the common Cause
but ruinous to the Persons who May do it: The Officers above the
Rank of Colo, are well provided for I think, and all below that by a
proper Representation to the Congress through their General or any
other Way which he may direct I doubt not will be properly
regarded. ... You wish for Peace, so do I, but never upon any
other Terms but those which will secure the Liberties of my Country;
my Lord Karnes justly observes ‘that domestic Convulsions are tern-
August 18, 1775
703
porary but the Loss of Liberty perpetual;’ however shocking to a be-
nelovent Mind the Horrors of a civil War May be They are infinitely
preferable (I may add amiable when compared to D[espotism]) to
Slavery; many Nations have rose from a State of the most severe civil
Wars to the highest Pitch of Glory and Happiness but Slavery never
produced one single Good since the Creation; that I wish you every
Happiness I need not say; the highest in this World is that you may
have an honourable Share in delivering your Country from Oppres¬
sion.”
RC (RHi) . Abstracted from Ward, Correspondence (Knollenberg) , pp. 76-79.
Thomas Johnson, Jr., to Horatio Gates
Annapolis, August 18, 1775. Discusses prospects for reconcilia¬
tion between America and Great Britain. “I shall be very unhappy
that petitioning the King, to which Measure I was much a Friend,
should give you or any one else attached to the cause of America and
of Liberty the least uneasiness. You and I and America in general
may almost universally wish in the first place to establish our Liber¬
ties; our second wish is a reunion with Britain; so may we preserve
the Empire intire and the Constitutional Liberty founded in whiggish
principles, handed down to us by our Ancestors. In order to strength¬
en ourselves to accomplish these great ends we ought in iny opinion
to conduct ourselves so as to unite America and divide Britain. This
as it appears to me may most likely be effected by doing rather more
than less in the peaceable Line than would be required if our petition
is rejected with contempt which I think most likely. Will not our
Friends in England be still more exasperated against the Court, and
will not our very moderate Men on this side of the water be com¬
pelled to own the necessity of opposing Force by Force? The rejec¬
tion of the New- York petition was very servicable to America. If our
petition should be granted the Troops will be recalled, the obnoxious
Acts rep>ealed, and we restored to the footing of 1763. If the petition
should not be granted, but so far attended to as to lay the ground work
of a negotiation Britain must I think be ruined by the delay. If she
subdues us at all it must be by a most violent and sudden exertion of
her force, and if we can keep up a strong party in England headed by
such characters as Lord Chatham and the others in the present oppo¬
sition, Bute, Mansfield, and North, and a corrupt majority cannot
draw the British force fully into action against us. Our Friends will
certainly continue such so long as they see we do not desire to break
from a reasonable and beneficial Connection with the Mother Coun¬
try, but if, unhappily for the whole Empire, they should once be con-
704
August 18, 1775
vinced by our conduct that we design to break from that Connection
I am apprehensive they will thenceforth become our most dangerous
enemies. The greatest and first Law of self preservation will justify,
nay compel it. The cunning Scotchmen and Lord North fully feel the
force of this reasoning; hence their Industry to make it be believed in
England that we have a scheme of Independance, a general term they
equivocally use to signify to the Friends of Liberty a breaking off all
connection; and to Tories that we dispute the Supremacy of Parlia¬
ment. In the Extent of the Declaratory Act is the power of binding us
by its acts, in all causes whatever. The latter we do most certainly
dispute, and I trust shall successfully fight against, with the approba¬
tion of every honest Englishman. Lord North’s proposition, and con¬
sequent resolution of Parliament were insidiously devised to wear the
face of peace, and Embarrass us in the Choice of evils — either to ac¬
cept and be slaves or reject and increase the number and power of
our Enemies. I flatter myself that our petition will present to him
only a choice of means injurious to his villanous schemes.” Con¬
cludes with description of the proceedings of a recent meeting of the
Maryland Provincial Convention. ^
Tr (PRO: C.O. 5, 92:285-87) . Printed, with numerous minor variations, in Am.
Archives, 4th ser. 3:157-59. Johnson’s letter was intercepted by the British and
subsequently printed in newspapers in England and America. See Gen. Thomas
Gage to Lord Dartmouth, September 20, 1775, PRO: C.O. 5, 92:281-84.
^On these proceedings, see Am. Archives, 4th ser. 3:99-132.
Silas Deane to Philip Schuyler
Cambridge Head Quarters
Dear Sir 20th August 1775
I wrote you from Philadelphia^ & after from Wethersfeild which
hope you reed. This comes by Capt. Oswald with dispatches from the
General, The Contents of which I am only to conjecture, but the
Northern expedition, you know, has from the first been my favorite
object. Success in that, will I am fully convinced destroy the present
Administration, and bring salvation to These Colonies. It greives me,
to hear, that You are no better supplied, & supported from below.
Hope for the best. Nothing shall be wanting on Our part, only let Us
know the Essential Necessaries.
Capt. Oswald can give You the situation of Affairs here, to whom
refer you, & am confident You will give him, all the dispatch in Your
power. Col. Arnold has been hardly treated in my Opinion by this
Colony thro’ some mistake or other. You once wrote to Me in his fa¬
vor for the Office of Adjutt. Genl. in Your Department. If the post is
not filled wish You to remember him as I think he has deserved
August 24, 1775
705
much & received little, or less than Nothing, and it would be very un¬
happy that any Gentleman concerned in the first Adventure that Way
should be Neglected. If you design for Montreal See Col. Arnold will
I trust have the Command of a body of Men, capable of making a
powerful diversion in your favor, but at any rate he ought to be made
Use of, not to provide for him mer[e]ly, but to take the advantage of
those abilities, 8c Activities of which I am sure he is possessed.
Nothing (your presence excepted) can be more agreeable than a
Line from You, if Dated Montreal the better. I am Dr Sir Yours
S. Deane
RC (NN) .
^Apparently his letter of August 4, posted from “Elisabeth Town,” in which he
wished Schuyler success and promised him "a long letter from Wethersfield.” NN.
His letter of August 15 from Wethersfield, however, was also brief, but he
promised a longer one from "the Camp, near Boston,” for which he was about to
depart. NN.
A Delegate in Congress to a Correspondent in London
[August 24, 1775]
You will see by the publick Papers some of the Proceedings of our
Congress; the rest will soon be published. Three million of Dollars
are now striking by their Orders, for defending the Rights of Ameri¬
ca. The very Quakers in this and other Provinces are in Arms, and
appear in the Field every Day in their Regimentals, and make as
good a Figure as the best; you may be sure we are in earnest, when
they handle a Musquet.
All trade to England, and every other Part of the World, will most
certainly be stopped on the 10th of next Month, and if the Ministry
do not very soon see the Justice and Equity of placing the Colonies
in the same Situation they were in before the Year 1763, in which
both Sides exjaerience Satisfaction and mutual Benefit, then you may
expect to hear in the Course of next Winter that the Congress have
opened all our Ports to every foreign Power that will come with their
Manufactures, and trade with us for our Produce. Whether that wdl
not be one Means of dissolving our Connection entirely with Great
Britain, I shall leave to wiser Heads to determine; I am far, very far,
from wishing such an Event; but, nevertheless, I am very apprehen¬
sive, from the present Temper of our People, that a few more violent
Steps will lay a Eoundation for it.
MS not found; reprinted from the Daily Advertiser (London) , October 19, 1775.
Printed under the heading: “Extract of a Letter from one of the Gentlemen of the
Provincial Congress at Philadelphia, Aug. 24.” Force, who took his text and date
for this letter from the Weekly Magazine, or Edinburgh Amusement, October 2b,
706
August 24, 1775
1775, printed it under the date August 26, 1775. Am. Archives, 4th ser. 3:435. Aside
from the fact that the writer was probably a delegate from Pennsylvania, it is
impossible to identify the author or the recipient on the basis of available
evidence.
James Wilson to John Montgomery
Pittsburgh. 24th Augt 1775. Arrived here August 19 amidst re¬
ports that alarm had “spread over the Frontiers of this Province and
Virginia. ... I am inclined, however, to believe that these Fears far
exceed any Occasion that has been given for them.’’ On the other
hand, some of the Wyandots and Mingoes have not “such friendly
Dispositions as are to be wished for,’’ and the Shawnees appear to be
disregarding an invitation to meet with the Virginians. “These Con¬
siderations determined me to dispatch Messengers to the Indians
with Belts and Strings of Wampum, and with written Invitations to
attend the Treaty appointed by the Congress.^ The Nations to whom
I have instructed the Messengers to go are the Delawares, the
Shawnese, the Mingoes living on Scioto, the Wyendotes (or Hu-
rons) , the Tawas, and the six Nations residing on French Creek and
the Alleghany River. . . . The 10th of Septr. is the Day named.
. . . Eight Belts were, about ten Days ago, carried down this
River to the Shawnese Tribe by three of the six Nations, and two
Shawnese. Some say they were sent by the six Nations and Col.
Johnson: Others by the six Nations, and the commanding officer at
Niagara. I can obtain no certain Intelligence concerning the Mes¬
sages sent with the Belts. Many suspect that they are intended to stir
up the Ohio Indians against us.’’
RC (PHi) .
Wilson, Benjamin Franklin, and Patrick Henry had been appointed commis¬
sioners to superintend Indian affairs for the middle department on July 13. The
commissioners were to prepare for talks with various tribes within their jurisdic¬
tion according to the forms prescribed by Congress for use with the Six Nations in
the northern department. Subsequently, Franklin and Henry were replaced by
Lewis Morris and Thomas Walker, both of whom had already gone to Pittsburgh
independently, and joined Wilson for the conference that was finally convened
October 7. JCC, 2:177-83, 251. For Wilson’s role as a congressional commissioner,
see Page Smith, James Wilson, Founding Father, 1742-1798 (Chapel Hill: Universi¬
ty of North Carolina Press, 1956) , pp. 69-72. The journal of Richard Butler, who
was appointed agent for the commissioners at Pittsburgh has been edited by
Edward G. Williams, "The Journal of Richard Butler, 1775, Continental Congress’
Envoy to the Western Indians,” Western Pennsylvania Historical Magazine 46
(1963) : 381-95: 47 (1964) : 31-46, 141-56.
August 25, 1775
707
Thomas Jefferson to John Randolph
Monticello. Aug. 25. 1775. Regrets that Randolph is leaving his
native land.^ Continues; “Looking with fondness towards a reconcili¬
ation with Great Britain, 1 cannot help hoping you may be able to
contribute towards expediting this good work. I think it must be evi¬
dent to yourself that the ministry have been deceived by their officers
on this side the water, who (for what purposes I cannot tell) have
constantly represented the American opposition as that of a small
faction, in which the body of the people took little part. This you can
inform them of your own knolege to be untrue. They have taken it
into their heads too that we are cowards and shall surrender at dis¬
cretion to an armed force. The past and future operations of the war
must confirm or undeceive them on that head. I wish they were^ thor¬
oughly and minutely acquainted with every circumstance relative to
America as it exists in truth. I am persuaded this would go far to¬
wards disposing them to reconciliation. Even those in parliament
who are called friends to America seem to know nothing of our real
determinations. I observe they pronounced in the last parliament that
the Congress of 1774 did not mean to insist rigorously on the terms
they held out, but kept something in reserve to give up; and in fact
that they would give up everything but the article of taxation. Now
the truth is far from this, as I can affirm, and put my honor to the as¬
sertion; and their continuance in this error may perhaps have very i
consequences. The Congress stated the lowest terms they thought
possible to be accepted in order to convince the world they were not
unreasonable. They gave up the monopoloy and regulation of trade,
and all the acts of parliament prior to 1764, leaving to British gener¬
osity to render these at some future time as easy to America as the
interest of Britain would admit. But this was before blood was spilt. 1
cannot affirm, but have reason to think, these terms would not now
be accepted. I wish no false sense of honor, no ignorance of our rea
intentions, no vain hope that partial concessions of right wi 1 be ac¬
cepted may induce the ministry to trifle with accomodation till it shall
be put even out of our own power ever to accomodate. If indeed
Great Britain, disjoined from her colonies, be a match for the most
potent nations of Europe with the colonies thrown into their scale
they may go on securely. But if they are not assured of this, it would
be certainly unwise, by trying the event of another campaign, to
risque our accepting a foreign aid which perhaps may not be (Jtaina-
ble but on a condition of everlasting avulsion from Great Britain.
This would be thought a hard condition to those who still wish tor re¬
union with their parent country. I am sincerely one of those, an
would rather be in dependance on Great Britain, properly limi e ,
than on any nation upon earth, or than on no nation. But I am one ot
708
August 25, 1775
those too who rather than submit to the right of legislating for us as¬
sumed by the British parliament, and which late experience has
shewn they will so cruelly exercise, would lend my hand to sink the
whole island in the ocean.
“If undeceiving the minister as to matters of fact may change his
dispositions, it will perhaps be in your power by assisting to do this,
to render service to the whole empire, at the most critical time cer¬
tainly that it has ever seen. Whether Britain shall continue the head
of the greatest empire on earth, or shall return to her original station
in the political scale of Europe depends perhaps on the resolutions of
the succeeding winter. God send they may be wise and salutary for
us all! Encourages him to write often, as “communication among
individuals may be mutually beneficial to the contending parties.”
RC (William Salt Library, Stafford, England, U. K. Courtesy the Earl of Dart¬
mouth) . Jefferson, Papers (Boyd) , 1:240-43.
^John Randolph (1728-84), last royal attorney general of Virginia and brother
of Peyton Randolph, had decided to remain loyal to the crown and was preparing
to depart for England. DAB. r r &
Silas Deane to Jonathan Trumbull, Sr.
Augt. 26th 1775
1 have wrote you two Letters, since my return from Philadelphia &
should not trouble you again at this time were it not for my Situation
respecting Mr. Skeene. I have not seen him since my return but am
repeatedly inform d of his receiving such Treatment, as is quite in¬
consistent with the Assurances I gave him at Philadelphia, of which I
would think less had I not been Authoriz’d by the Congress, to make
them.i To a person of any sensibility, nothing can be more painfull
than to be constantly liable to the reflections of having his faith
which he pledg’d & word of honor violated before his face. I have as
contemtible an Opinion of Mr. Skeene as of any man in one point of
light his political principals, but as a prisoner he is intitled to the
performance of the Conditions on which he was made such. I re¬
turn d but this instant from the Camp, & find that but last week a
party beset his lodgings, insulted him, & searched all his papers See.
Your honor I trust will give some Order I hope to the Committee
respectg him. If for particular reasons you think it best to Continue
him where he now is, I wish to be favor’d with them, that I may rec¬
oncile the Matter to the congress, whose desires have been misunder-
^ood, & so not complied with^ — but give me leave to hint it as my
Opinion, that he is in the very worst Situation for the Public. A
country Village is inquisitive, & Communicative every where. He is
August 27, 1775
709
on a large Road and one which the people, passing to & from both
Armies use. He has therefore all the intelligence of every thmg he
can wish to know, & ’twill the advantage of sending it to the Enemy
that he would have in a Town. One thought farther, he is a very
communicative man, & in the Secrets of Administration, were he
near some Judicious person many important discoveries might be
made, of this I am Confident from the Opportunities I had with him
at Philadelphia. I will Trouble your honor no farther ori this disa¬
greeable Subject, as I am Confident you will give such Orders as wil
do me Justice, as well as the Public in whose behalf, and by whose
express Orders I gave the Assurances I did.
Your Sons were well on Tuesday last. I am Sec S Deane
was a member of the congressiooal committee that originally ettamined
Skene and supervised his parole. JCC, 2:82, 86.
=>For Trumbull’s explanation in response to Deanes assertion that the desires ot
Confess had not beeS complied with, «e hi, Aognst 30 letter to Deane, NYHS
c”lSS«, 23 (1890) t 54b-60. Sec al» JCC. 2:108-9, 120-27; and John Hancock to
Jonathan Trumbull, Sr., July 6, 1775.
Benjamin Franklin to Silas Deane
Philada Augt. 27. 1775.
Tarn much oblig’d by your Favour o£ the 13th Inst. Mr [WilUamJ
Coddard Riding Surveyor to the Gen. Post Office is go
Southward, for Settling the new Post-Offices all
PRichardl Bache, the Comptroller, is to set out next Week Nortn
Lrd on the same Business, who will take with him
me to establish all the Officers in your Government that you recom
mend and the new Offices and Stages that appear likely to support
then^lveSa Gunsmith’s Business g^s on so well
wi!h y”u®we make great Progress on it here; but '"e «
we would acquire that Manufacture rn Perfectmn, ■'
suring the Workmen of a large Demand, lor a Number “' Years, and
at a Price certain. Then they will be encouragd to
tices for different Parts of the Work, and also to ock
Machines for facilitating & \c Ttose
Plates & Cocks Mills for grinding and boring the Barrels
bred to Parts of the Work only, will dispatch more and do ’
And theri am confident Arms may be made as good and as cheap n
America as in any Part of the World. I intend therefore t“.P™P°* “
our Assembly to give that g^^rice^hich I
2000 Muskets per Annum for Ten Years, at a g
710
August 27, 1775
doubt not will in that time establish the Manufacture among us; and
an Arsenal with 20,000 good Firelocks in it, will be no bad thing for
the Colony. As the Numbers of People are continually increasing, we
can never be long overstock’d with the Article of Arms. And I wish
the Congress may think fit to recommend the same Project to the
other Colonies.
I congratulate you on the plentiful Year with you as well as with
us. It makes one smile to see in the English Papers, the Ignorance of
some of their Political Writers, who fancy we cannot continue the
Non Importation Agreement; because if we do it must starve us.
I lament with you the Want of a naval Force. I hope the next Win¬
ter will be employ’d in forming one. When we are no longer fascinat¬
ed with the Idea of a Speedy Reconciliation, we shall exert ourselves
to some purpose. ’Till then Things will be done by Halves.
Those you mention who seem frightened at finding themselves
where they are, will by degrees recover Spirits when they find by Ex¬
perience how inefficient merely mercenary the regular Troops are,
when oppos’d to Freeholders & Freemen, fighting for their Liberties
Properties. A Country of such People was never yet conquer’d,
(unless through their own Divisions) by any absolute Monarch and
IS Mercenaries. But such States have often conquer’d Monarchies,
and led mighty Princes captive in Triumph.
I shall be curious to hear more Particulars of your new mechanical
Genius. A Mr Belton who I fancy comes from your Province 8c is
now here has propos’d something of the kind to us; but is not much
attended to.
With great Esteem, I am Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin
RC (Mrs. Wharton Sinkler, Philadelphia, Pa., 1974) .
INDEX
In this index descriptive subentries are arranged chronologically
and in ascending order of the initial page reference. They may be
preceded, however, by the subentry “identified” and by document sub¬
entries arranged alphabetically — diary entries, letters, notes, resolu¬
tions, and speeches. An ornament ('^) separates the subentry identi¬
fied” and document subentries from descriptive subentries ar¬
ranged chronologically. Inclusive page references are supplied for
descriptive subentries; for a document, only the page on which it
begins is given. Eighteenth-century printed works are indexed by author
and by short title. Other printed works are indexed when they have
been cited to document a substantive point discussed in the notes,
but not when cited merely as the location of a document mentioned.
Delegates who attended Congress during the period covered by this
volume appear in boldface type.
Adams, Mr.: debates American rights, 192; mentioned, 146
Adams, Abigail Smith (Mrs. John): letters to, 49, 69, 74, 79, 80, 87, 99, 128.
154, 164, 408, 416, 432, 464, 465, 478, 497, 502, 536, 579, 601, 630, 648,
657, 681; mentioned, 81, 443, 670
Adams, Amos, 683
Adams, Charles Francis, ed.. Works of John Adams, 193, 194, 429 • j ..o
Adams, Elizabeth Wells (Mrs. Samuel) : letters to. 493, ^52, 683; mentioned, 49
Adams, John: diary, 3, 27, 33, 45, 59, 60, 63. no’
90, 91, 93, 107, 109, 132, 138, 142, 143, 152, 156, 163, 167.
921 227 235 236 246- draft “Letter,” 158; letters from, 49, 69, 70, 74, 79,
sfsf 82 87 99 106 128, 129, 154, 156, 164, 265, 275, 296. 308. 333, 364,
!S8 l’l6 417 432, 450, 451, 452, 464, 465, 466. 467, 478. 497, 502, 503. 516,
517! 518! 529! 534. 536, 544, 579, 583, 586, 588, 590 601, 618, 621 630, M8,
650 651, 657, 658, 667, 668, 670, 671, 676, 681, 682; notes, 27. 46, 93, 103,
109’ 151, 197; resolutions, 131; elected to Congress, xxvni; attends Congress,
xxviii- arrives in Philadelphia, 3, 339, 346; describes Philadelphia 4 visits
Pennsylvania Hospital, 4-5; describes delegates, 5-8, 167-68, 236; Philadelp^
residence, 6; on loyalists, 6-7, 69-70, 659; describes church services 9, 6^.
157, 163-65, 235; debates rules, 10; on lawyers, 34; committee on rig s ,
on American rights, 4^49, 180, 199; autobiography 4^49 201,
471- describes Congress, 49, 99, 128-30, 154-55, 164, 2^ , , . ’
cite’s treason statute, 68; social activities, 69, 156; assesses Congress sentiment to^
ward Massachusetts, 70, 79, 80, 106, 130, 156-57; describes Rev. Duche 74 on
means for restoring American rights, 93-94, 133, 144; on nonexportation, 103-5,
131- on nonimportation, 103-5, 151-52; on Galloways plan of union, 109 12,
pro’tests Gen. Gage's fortification of Boston, 158; de-ribe^eetmg^^^^^
193; revises declaration of rights and grievances, 194, 200-201. on Quebec
711
712
Index
Adams, John (continued)
197; committee to draft an address to the king, 225; leaves Philadelphia,
246, 682; on British politics, 308-10; debates state of America, 352; health, 364,
416, 464-65, 545, 603, 652; debates American defense, 407; travels to Wilmington,
Del., 435, 448; on naval preparations, 450-51; on Indian neutrality, 452; fast
day committee, 456; examines Skene papers, 458; on reconciliation, 466; urges
powder manufacturing, 466; on duties of military officers, 467; on forms of gov¬
ernment, 471; on military pay, 504, 529; on Gen. William Howe, 516; on appoint¬
ment of general officers, 518-19, 588, 651; describes Washington’s departure,
537; describes German hussar uniform, 587, 590-91; on death of Joseph Warren,
588-89; on Petition to the King, 589-90; on Address to the People of Great
Britain, 621; describes Benjamin Franklin, 648-49; interest in army personnel and
organization, 650, 652, 667; intercepted letters, 653, 657-59; criticizes Massachusetts
militia appointments, 668; on adjournment, 681-82; mentioned, xxii, xxiii, 54, 194
220, 259, 264, 335, 429
Adams, John, Diary and Autobiography (Butterfield, ed.) , 10 105, 193, 433 442
498, 653, 658, 659, 682
Adams, John, Legal Papers (Wroth and Zobel, eds.) , 58
Adams, John, Works (Charles Francis Adams, ed.) , 193, 267, 429, 535
Adams, Samuel: draft “Letter,” 158; letters from, 55, 71, 82, 94, 100, 205, 292,
320, 321, 361, 467, 493, 519, 531, 534, 552, 553, 571, 591, 623, 659, 677, 683,’
684; letters to, 258, 303; notes, 107; ^ elected to Congress, xxviii; attends Con¬
gress, xxviii; portrait, xxxiv, 73; arrives in Philadelphia, 10, 339, 346; proposes
Rev. Duche for prayers, 31, 55, 74; urges opposition to Massachusetts Govern¬
ment Act, 71, 94-95; asse.sses Congress’ sentiment toward Massachusetts, 100;
debates nonexportation, 107-8, 153; debates means for restoring American rights,
144-45; protests Gen. Gage’s fortification of Boston, 158-60; meets with Baptists,
193; debates American rights, 194; at Massachusetts Provincial Congress, 317-18;
on British reaction to American proposals, 321; committee to write to Canada, 409;
ammunition committee, 412; on Gen. Lee’s appointment, 519, 553; complains
about lack of information from Massachusetts, 659; appointed to Massachusetts
Council, 682-84; assesses service to constituents, 683; leaves Philadelphia, 684;
accounts, 684; mentioned, 45, 60, 149, 236, 264, 335, 360, 369, 518, 529, 545, 587
Adams, Samuel, WWtmgs (Cushing, ed.) , 321
Adams, Samuel, Jr., 469, 659
Adams, T. R., American Independence, 174, 263, 484
Adams, Family Correspondence (Butterfield, ed.) , 333, 529, 649, 658
Address of the Presbyterian Ministers, of the City of Philadelphia, 576
Address to the King (1774) : committee instructions debated, 133-34, 138-40, 143-
45, 161; drafts, 222-33; legislative synopsis, 225; recommitted, 227; approved,
245-46; signed, 249; mentioned, 173, 181, 244; see also Petition to the King
(1775)
Address to the People of Great Britain (1775) : committee, 444, 551; draft, 548-52;
legislative synopsis, 551-52; debated, 604; dispatched to London, 619-20; men¬
tioned, 589, 600, 618, 621, 629, 675
Address to the People of Great Britain and Ireland (1774) : draft, 174-79; legisla¬
tive synopsis, 179; distribution abroad, 248; mentioned, 181, 206
Addresses; see Canada; Ireland; Jamaica; London
Agents, American: to treat for reconciliation, 24-25, 93-94, 384, 386; mentioned
246, 345, 620
Albany, N. Y., Indian conference, 656, 679, 696, 698
Albany, N.Y., Committee of Correspondence: letters to, 358, 449; accuses
Massachusetts militia of recruiting New Yorkers, 449-50; Continental advance ap¬
proved, 695; mentioned, 361, 444, 548, 554, 555
Albany Plan of Union, 116-17
Index
713
Alden, John R., General Charles Lee, 301
Alexander, Edward P., James Duane, 137
Alison, Francis: address to North Carolina ministers, 576; preaches at fast day
service, 638, 640, 650; mentioned, 163, 164
All, Isaac, 58, 67, 86, 87
Allen, Capt., 96
Allen, Andrew, 33-34, 91, 400
Allen, Ethan, 361, 363, 445, 449, 465, 495
Allen, James, 204, 400
Allen, William, 91, 319, 355, 359
Alsop, John: letters from, 256, 353, 358, 419, 442, 476, 559, 572, 596; elected to
Congress, xxix, 137, 331; attends Congress, xxix, 57; credentials, 37; arrives in
Philadelphia, 346; dines at City Tavern, 358; procures blankets, 572; holds bond
on paymaster, 699; mentioned, 264, 307
American Querist (Chandler) ,174
American Rights; see Rights, American
Angel, James, 410 . .
Anne Arundel County, Md., Committee of Observation, arms subscription, 300
Appeal to .. . The People of Great Britain (Arthur Lee) , 314, 315
Arms and ammunition: scarcity in Maryland, 299; subscription, 300; scarcity in
New York, 560, 678-79; see also Powder; Saltpetre
Arnold, Benedict: captures Ticonderoga, 359-60; captures British vessels on Lake
Champlain, 421-23; expects British counterattack at Ticonderoga, 424, 43U;
recommended to Schuyler, 704; mentioned, 15, 449, 465
Articles of Confederation of the United New England Colonies, 347
Asia (H.M.S.) , 573 , ,
Association: completed, 206; signed, 222; opposed by South Carolina delegates,
222 293-95; violations of, 351, 386, 414-16; mentioned, xxi, 181, 269, 271, 2/d,
278! 280, 292, 313, 415, 483, 511, 643, 664; see also Nonexportation; Nonimporta-
tion . ,
Atkinson, C. T., “British Forces in North America, 57
Augusta County, Va., inhabitants petition Congress, 666
Austin, Jonathan Williams, 534
Avery, Mr., 542
Bache, Richard, sets up post offices, 709
Backus, Isaac: protests taxation of Baptists, 193; mentioned, 197
Ballendine, Mr., 301
Baltimore, Md., militia reviewed, 340
Baltimore, Md., Committee, letter to, 636
Bancroft, George, 395
Banning, John, 525
Bant, William, 534, 652 . j ’k osf:* qc nnlitical moder-
Baptists: taxation controversy, 193, 197; services described, 235, as political moder
ates, 318
SrSwnliam: identified, 6821 * letter of in.roduetion, 684i mentioned. 8. 193,
246, 603, 681
Bartlett, Josiah, xxxvi, 644 „ ^
Bass, Joseph, inoculated for smallpox, 416, 432
Bassett, Burwell: identified, 516; letter to, 515
Bassett, Nancy Dandridge (Mrs. Burwell) , 516
Bayard, John, 5, 13, 69, 152 j noa
Baylor, George: identified, 624; ^ letter of introduction, 623
714
Index
Becker, Carl, “Nomination and Election of Delegates from New York ” 138
Beckly, Mr., 365
Bedford, Miss, 359
Bedford, Gunning, appointed deputy muster-master general, 632, 635-36
Bee, Thomas: identified, 255; letter to, 254; mentioned, 535
Beers, Isaac, 19
Bell, Henry, 559, 578
Belton, Joseph, 710
Bermuda: exemption from trade ban, 474-76; address to Congress, 475; supplies
powder to Congress, 476
Biddle, Mr., 87
Biddle, Clement, described, 92
Biddle, Edward: letters from, 315, 630; letter to, 265; ^ elected to Congress,
xxx; attends Congress, xxx; debates means for restoring American rights, 145;
elected to Pennsylvania Assembly, 156; elected speaker of Pennsylvania Assembly,
202, 204, distributes Letter to Quebec, 266—67; opposes Pennsylvania’s petition¬
ing the king, 315; criticized by Joseph Galloway, 323; health, 359, 649; mentioned
101, 233, 270, 624, 625
Biddle, Elizabeth Ross (Mrs. Edward) ,101, 204, 624
Biddle, Rebekah Cornell (Mrs. Clement) , 92
Bigelow, Mr., 672
Birch, William, xxxiii
Bird, Mr., 674
Bird, Benjamin, letter of introduction, 591
Black, Mr., 361
Blacks: clothing for, 595; insurrection incited, 606-7
Blair, Samuel, 4, 85, 107
Blake, Edward, 595
Bland, Richard: letter from, 245; ^ elected to Congress, xxxii; attends Congress,
xxxn; described, 7, 62; arrives in Philadelphia, 24; debates rules, 28; debates
nonimportation and nonexportation, 103-4; debates means for restoring American
rights, 139; leaves Philadelphia, 245; debates state of America, 401; falsely
charged, 485-86; mentioned, 291, 336, 345
Bliss, Col., 333
Boerum, Simon: letter from, 442; ^ elected to Congress, xxix, 138, 331; attends
Congress, xxix, 134, 136; arrives in Philadelphia, 346
Bollan, William, 345
Bond, Thomas, 630
Boston: bombardment rumored, 27, 29, 32-34, 37, 49, 51, 54, 58-59, 85; town
meeting, 63-64; relief, 157, 258-59, 360-62; evacuation recommended, 157, 160-61;
Congress protests Gen. Gage’s fortification of, 158-63, 171-72, 205; militia, 268; fire”,
602 W6 reinforcements for, 467, 489, 520, 526; plight of inhabitants,’ 523,’
Boston Committee of Correspondence: letter to, 71; mentioned, 72, 76, 154, 157,
162, 356
Boston-Gazette, 10, 55, 76, 591, 684
Boston Harbor: raids, 432, 443, 447-49, 485; blockage considered, 671, 692
Bostwick, David, 35
Boundary disputes: Pennsylvania and Virginia, 170, 421, 665-66; Connecticut and
Pennsylvania, 656, 661, 693-94
Boudinot, Elias, 413
Bounties, proposed for New York troops, 560; mentioned, 449
Bowdoin, James: identified, 530; letter to, 530; ^ elected to Congress, xxviii;
mentioned, 534, 602
Bowen, Dr., 410
Index
715
Bowen, Mr., 458
Boyd, Julian P., Anglo-American Union, 116, 119, 127
Boyd, Julian P., “Disputed Authorship of the Declaration on . . . Taking Up
Arms,’’ 588
Boyd, Julian P., ed.. Papers of Thomas Jefferson, 221, 644, 666, 691
Boyd, Julian P., and Taylor, Robert eds., Susquehannah Company Papers, 656
Boyle, John, 684
Boylston, Thomas, 451, 466
Brackett, Joshua, 85
Bradford, Mr., 664
Bradford, Katy, 359
Bradford, Thomas: identified, 292; letter to, 292
Bradford, William: identified, 292: letter to, 292; mentioned, 246
Brewton, Miles, 571
Bright, Capt., 341
British constitution, 288, 471, 548; see also Rights, American
British fisheries, nonexportation to, 397, 400, 451-52
British navy; colonial support proposed, 39, 93-94; weakness of, 450-51
British troops: transferred from Philadelphia to Boston, 57, 61; provisioning sus¬
pected 137 487, 492; expected at New York, 400, 496, 501; provisioning for¬
bidden, 435; reinforcements for Gen. Gage, 467, 489, 520, 522, 526; numbers at
Boston, 527; scant provisions, 586
Brook, John, 632
Brown, Capt., 338, 368
Brown, Henton, 546 „
Brown, John: identified, 321; reports on Canada, 356, 360, 452; mentioned, 357,
363, 438, 479
Brown & Collinson, 546
Brydges, Sir Samuel Egerton, Arthur Collins’ Peerage of England, 609
Bulloch, Archibald: letter from, 326; ^ explains nonattendance at Congress, 32fr-
28; elected to Congress, 663
Bunker Hill, Battle of, 532, 534-37, 540, 542-45, 552-53, 558-59, 561, 569,
575, 578, 580-81, 585-86, 595, 605, 614, 629, 688
Burbeck, Mr., 650, 667, 668
Burdge, Franklin, Second Memorial, 89
Burgh, James: identified, 276; letter to, 275; mentioned, 298
Burgh, James, Political Disquisitions, 215, 216 «: • as?!- rnentioned
Burgoyne, John: identified, 467; ^ debates American affairs, 372, 383, mentioned,
586, 614 . ^
Burke, Edmund; letter to, 349; ^ praised by Confess, 42
Burke, Edmund, Speech . . . on . . . Conciliation with the Colonies, 349
Burnett, Edmund C., Continental Congress, xxiii
Burnett, Edmund C., ed.. Letters, v-vi, xxiii, 428-29 5M, 566
Burr, Aaron: account of Bunker Hill, 578; mentioned, 634, 642
Burr, Thaddeus, 472, 532
Butler, Andrew, 78 , „ , . , noR
Butler, Richard, appointed Indian agent, middle department, 706
Butler, Zebulon: identified, 661; letters to, 660, 693
ButlerfieM Lyman H., ed., Adams Family Correspondence, 33^ *29, 649, 658
BulS'ld: Lyman H- nl- "O '^dlobrcpapl.y of ,oHn Adams, 10, 105,
193, 433, 442, 498, 653, 658, 659, 682
Cadwalader, John, 6, 415, 437
Cadwalader, Thomas, 143
716
Index
Caldwell, Andrew, 457
Calhoon, Robert M., “I Have Deduced Your Rights,” 116, 313
Callender, Capt., 89
Camden, 1st earl of (Charles Pratt) , 80
Campbell, Donald, appointed deputy quartermaster general, 632, 635, 668
Canada: intelligence presented to Congress, 356, 360, 412, 414, 452, 625; address
to inhabitants, 409, 418, 481-82, 502; American invasion of, 430-31, 452, 548,
554-55, 558, 568, 700, 704; see also Letter to Quebec
Canadian Indians: incited by British, 542-44, 548; neutrality, 558, 561, 569;
mentioned, 625
Candid Examination (Galloway) , 113, 119, 290, 313, 320, 325
Carleton, Guy: incites Indians, 542-44, 548, 607; mentioned, 264, 431 555, 561,
568, 569 ...
Caroline County, Va., committee disapproves of Hanover march, 420-21, 485
Carpenters’ Hall: view of, xxxiii, 11; described, 9; mentioned 4, 13 14 19
20, 25, 27, 37, 197, 246 ....
Carroll, Charles, of Carrollton: identified, 69; letter to, 526; ^ described, 69;
quoted, 69
Carter, Robert, letter to, 569
Cary, Mr., 510
Cary, John H., Joseph Warren, 76
Cary, Richard, 236, 670, 671
Cary, Samuel, 670
Caswell, Richard: letters from, 339, 511; elected to Congress, xxx; attends Con¬
gress, XXX, 91; described, 91-92; describes militia escort, 339-40; arrives in Phila¬
delphia, 340; urges military preparations, 341, 514; returns home, 613; men¬
tioned, 400, 446, 576
Caswell, William: identified, 341; letter to, 339
Catholic church; see Roman Catholic church
Caughnawaga Indians, incited by British, 542-43, 548
Cecil County, Md., donations for Boston poor, 361-62
Census, population information requested, 622-23
Chandler, Thomas Bradbury, American Querist, 174
Chandler, Thomas Bradbury, Friendly Address, 263, 313
Charleston, S. C., Secret Committee, letter to, 570
Charlestown, Mass., burning of, 574, 605
Charlestown, Mass., Battle of; see Bunker Hill, Battle of
Charlton, Mrs. 97
Charlton, James, 400
Cha,se, Samuel: letters from, 264, 304, 307, 632, 636, 700; letter to, 277; ^ elected
to Congress, xxvii; attends Congress, xxvii; debates nonexportation, 103-4; debates
nonimportation, 103-4, 151; debates means for restoring American rights, 145;
described, 168; debates American rights, 182, 192; urges military preparations
304-5, 307, explains Maryland resolution, 304, 307; criticizes Parliament, 305
308; on Galloway’s plan of union, 306; dines at Gity Tavern, 358; debates
reconciliation, 371; debates state of America, 401; on Canadian expedition, 700;
mentioned, 69, 173, 189, 280, 336, 527, 670
Chatham, 1st earl of (William Pitt) : plan for reconciliation, 321, 425-26; praised
by Congress, 425-26; mentioned, 80, 703
Chauncy, Charles: identified, 83; letter to, 82; mentioned, 142, 534
Checkley, Richard, 684
Chester, John, 365, 495, 533, 542, 640
Chew, Benjamin, entertains delegates, 90
Chew, Colby, 102
Chew, Joseph: identified, 102; letters to, 101, 488
Index
717
Cheynes, Mr., 340
Chovet, Abraham: anatomical waxworks, 192-93; mentioned, 197
Christ, Henry: identified, 316; mentioned, 315
Christie, Mr., 485
Christie, James, loyalist activities, 636-37
Church, Beniamin: identified, 432; letter to, 580; ^ appointed director of army
hospital, 670, 672-73, 678; mentioned, 435, 464, 465, 468, 469, 470, 473, 499, 534,
552, 559, 603
Clark, William Bell, et al., eds.. Naval Documents, 487-88, 571
Clarke, Ethan, 99
Clarke, Joseph, 493
Clergy: political activities, 478-79, 537, 576, 603, 613; German, 598
Clinton, George: letters from, 358, 419, 469, 487, 579, 678, 695; elected to
Congress, xxix, 331; attends Congress, xxix; leaves Philadelphia, 695
Clinton, Henry, identified, 467
Clopton, Dr., 138
Clymer, George: identified, 697; appointed Continental treasurer, 697, men¬
tioned, 156, 163
Cobb, David, 13, 72, 85, 107, 179
Coffin, Capt., 487
Colden, Cadwallader, 116, 319
Collier, Christopher, “Inside the American Revolution, 337
Collier, Christopher, Roger Sherman’s Connecticut, 656
Collins, Ezra, 579, 589
Collins, John, 600 , . • j- aia-
Collins, Stephen: identified, 318; letter to, 316; * fears Antettcan dtsun.ty 3«
quoted, 318; letter of introduction, 597; mentioned, 4, 6, 13, 99, 132, 2 ,
579, 583, 589, 600
Collinson, Peter, 566
Collinson, Thomas, 546
Commissary general, Joseph Trumbull appointed 641^2, 647, 662^72
Committee on Rights: appointed, 31, 36, 45-46; f gg 'gg gg^’gj fgS
subcommittee, 59, 60, 63, 68, 72; mentioned, 37, 57, 66, 75, 84, 86, 89 TO. 93,
Committee on Trade (1774) : appointed, 31, 36; report, 86, mentioned. 5, .
Concord; see Lexington and Concord
Confederation, advantages discussed, 291
Confederation, Articles of, Franklin’s proposed gan 64^44
Congress: activities summarized, xix xxiii, . - chronology of,
35, 256-58, 612-13, 680-87; unanimity, xx, 87, 227, 337, 497, c gy
xxiv-xxv; convenes. 9, 25-26, 337, 338; appomts a secrmry 10, 1^ 4^^2 ^
23, 25-27, 58-59, 168, 337, 342, 344; rules, 10. 14, 23. 26, 27 33. 59, 3 . g
in 10 26 28-31 55 59, 168; secrecy of proceedings, 29, 30, 32, bo-
method m, 10, 2b, xo ;)i, 00, , '74_'7K <149 !?44-45 347' committee
67, 69; opened with prayers, 31-35. 4^5, 55 164.
to thank Rev. Duch^, 35. 45; described, 49, 59, 99, 128 *
297 432 436 657-58; committee to draft a letter to Gen. g , » »
SLtL .o' dn.fi an add.oss to .h. king. 225; P>*« ““J, “ ™i,'gT2,
mittee to draft a letter to Quebec, 243; adjourns. 246, 248, 2 > ’257_58 292-
694-96; expenses f ӣ8^2 30V. 315, 319, 322-24;
97, 307; proceedings feedings approved, 262, 264, 269.
lo'2,
rs ?rdKrS, .rl..' .» ca„ada, 408; .»n.»ni-
718
Index
Congress (continued)
tion committee, 412, 414; post office committee, 418-20, 423; policy toward
pacifists, 433-34, 598; committee to draft a petition to the king, 441-42; com¬
mittee to draft an address to the people of Great Britain, 444, 551; committee
to purchase powder, 444, 457; committee on military estimates, 447; fast day com¬
mittee, 456; committee to examine Skene papers, 458; adjournment discussed,
469, 645, 647, 656, 681-82; saltpetre committee, 484; withdrawal of southern col¬
onies rumored, 487; committee on army rules, 493, 506; pledges support to
Washington, 536; committee to draft a letter to city of London, 615; committee
on trade, 626, 648, 653; committee on expenses, 648; committee on lead and
salt, 686; list of measures adopted, 686-87; advances money to New York, 695;
see also Committee on Rights; Committee on Trade; Delegates; journals of
Congress
Congress, president of; see Hancock, John; Middleton, Henry; Randolph, Peyton
Connecticut, responds to Boston alarm, 85-86; proposed adjournment of Con¬
gress to, 348^9, 365-66, 433, 446, 494-95, 519-20, 522, 531, 543, 593, 600; ordered
to reinforce Ticonderoga, 422-24, 429, 431, 449, 479; accounts requested 422,
480; troops ordered to New York, 496, 498, 501, 520, 635; troops ordered to
Boston, 520, 522, 536; troops taken into Continental service, 520, 540, 646-48;
requested to supply Gen. Schuyler, 547, 554-56; settlement in Wyoming Valley,
654-56; boundary dispute with Pennsylvania, 656, 661, 693-94
Connecticut Assembly; approves proceedings of Congress, 291-92; in special session,
330; appoints militia officers, 540; mentioned, 661
Connecticut Courant, 202, 203
Connecticut delegates; letters from, 168, 422, 423, 462, 479, 542, 618, 646, 672, 693;
summarize work of Congress, 168-69; comment on Continental troop quotas,
618-19; urge peaceful conduct in Wyoming Valley, 693-94
Connor, Morgan, letter of introduction, 591
Continental Army; funding of, 447, 453, 457, 482, 490, 496, 503, 508, 515-16,
518, 524-26, 528, 536, 561; established, 465, 486, 490, 499, 502-3, 508, 515-16, 519,'
524, 526, 528, 613; supplies for, 474, 476, 662; Washington elected commander
in chief, 482, 486-87, 490, 494-99, 502-3, 507-10, 519-21, 524-26 530-31 533
539; rules and regulations, 493, 506, 558, 584-85, 599, 612, 629; Connecticut troops!
Koo* 9 646—48, 662; Massachusetts troops,
502-3, 519, 613, 662; general officers appointed, 503, 508-9, 518-21 525 528-29
642, 645, 657, 662; pay discussed,’
foo’ fof ’ Hampshire troops, 522, 524, 536, 662; Rhode Island troops,
54Z, 526, 536, 662; North Carolina troops, 545-46; hospital, 558-59, 662, 670; med-
ical supplies, 580; battalion organization, 593; colony quotas, 618-19, 634, 642,
662; Pennsylvania troops, 621, 662; engineers, 645, 650; enlarged, 650-51, 663;
checks on power, 652, 667; subordinate officers appointed, 672-78; estimated
expenses for 27,000 men, 689-91; pay rates, 700-701; advice to officers, 702-3’
see also Northern military department; Powder; Riflemen
Continental treasury; treasurers appointed, 697; see also Paper currency
Cooke, Nicholas, 493 ^
Coombe, Thomas; described, 9; mentioned, 13, 20, 62, 163
Cooper, Dr., 670
Cooper, Mr., 507
Cooper, Sir Grey, 422
Cooper, Myles; loyalist activities, 137; mentioned, 174, 321 359 367
Cooper, Samuel, 74, 142, 333, 497, 508, 517, 534
Copley, John Singleton, xxxiv
Corbutt, C. (pseud.) , xxxvi
Cox, Dr., 60, 69
Index
719
Craig, Charles, letter of introduction, 628
Cranch, Richard: identified, 81; letter to, 81; mentioned, 107, 128, 517, 603
Crane, Stephen: elected to Congress, xxix; attends Congress, xxix; debates nonex¬
portation, 153; mentioned, 19
Crary, Catherine Snell, “American Dream,” 174
Cresap, Michael, identified, 557
Cresap, Thomas, identified, 557
Crown lands, Benjamin Franklin’s resolution on, 688-89
Crown Point, N.Y.; captured, 360, 367, 369; cannon removed, 369; British counter¬
attack expected, 430; resolves concerning, 541; powder for, 560; mentioned,
463, 555; see also Ticonderoga; Skene, Philip
Cumberland County, Pa., riflemen on march, 629
Cumberland County, Pa., Committee of Correspondence, letter to, 491
Currency; see Paper currency
Curwen, Samuel, describes delegates’ arrival in Philadelphia, 339
Curwen, Samuel, Journal (Oliver, ed.) , 339
Cushing, Deborah Fletcher (Mrs. Thomas) : letter to, 142; mentioned, 49
Cushing, Harry A., ed., IFnfmgi 0/ SamueZ 321
Cushing, Thomas: letters from, 76, 83, 142, 310, 312, 469, 470, 530, 534, 619, 659;
letters to, 264, 301; elected to Congress, xxviii; attends Congress, xxviii, 339,
346; committee to thank Rev. Duch6, 35, 45; on Suffolk Resolves, 76; debates
nonimportation and nonexportation, 104-5; debates means for restoring American
rights 144-45; debates American rights, 182; meets with Baptists, 193; committee
to draft a letter to Quebec, 243; on Massachusetts government, 310-12; at
Massachusetts Provincial Congress, 317-18; travels to Wilmington Del., 448; ap¬
pointed to Massachusetts Council, 678; mentioned, 58, 64, 74, 76, 94, 259, 269,
271, 298, 317, 529
Custis, John Parke, 516
circular letter to governors, 268-69, 271;
Dagworthy, Capt., 81, 90, 138
Dagworthy, Col. (of Maryland) , 88-89, 138
Daily Advertiser (London) , 705
Dallam, Jos., 340
Danielson, Col., 333
Darlington, William, Memorials, 396
Dartmouth, 2d earl of (William Legge)
intercepted letter, 663; mentioned, 328
Dartmouth College, 543
Davidson, Robert, address to North Carolina ministers, 576
Davis, Mr., 59-60
Davis, Rev., 135
Dawson, Mrs., 446, 611
oSne’, Barnfbas, 15, 19, 50, 55. 58, 60-61, 448. 506, 610
Deane, Barzillai, 506, 610 i oo aa Kn 60 65
Deane. Elizabeth Saltonstall (Mrs. Silas): lf«ers to, 14, 29 34’ ^ 55 ^. 5,
84, 91. 165. 335, 345, 365, 402. 433. 436. 4^ 458 493 504. 532, 537, 2,
566, 572, 609, 616, 626, 638, 653; mentioned, 348, 407, 458, 532
Deane, James, identified, 625
Deane, John, 640 355^ 356, 369,
45i 458 463 53. 580 592, 603,
624. 625. 626, 630, 638, 648; letters from, 14, 29, 34, 50, 55, 60, , . .
720
Index
Deane, Silas (continued)
168, 201, 227, 258, 291, 331, 335, 345, 348, 362, 365, 402, 422, 433, 436, 448,
458, 462, 479, 493, 504, 506, 532, 533, 537, 542, 557, 566, 572, 573, 592, 609,
616, 618, 626, 628, 638, 641, 646, 653, 660, 693, 704, 708; letters to, 330, 365,
709; ^ elected to Congress, xxvi; attends Congress, xxvi; arrives in Philadelphia,
15, 337, 346; Philadelphia residence, 15; describes Philadelphia, 15-20, 50, 55-56;
describes delegates, 16-18, 29, 34-35, 61-62, 91-92; urges boycott of Rivington’s
Gazetteer, 19; attends church, 19—20, 62; on choosing secretary of Congress, 20,
23; admires Quakers, 23; lists delegates attending Congress, 56-57; describes
British troops, 61; on means for restoring American rights, 133, 138-40, 146;
health, 140; on nonexportation, 153-54; sununarizes work of Congress, 201-3;
suggests foreign distribution of congressional proceedings, 258-59; on westerii
land settlement, 259-62; on confederation, 291; describes New York sentiments,
335; debates state of America, 351; on proposed adjournment to Connecticut,
365-66, 433; on reconciliation, 371, 401-2; on American defense, 401-2, 407; com¬
mittee to write to Canada, 409; ammunition committee, 412; travels to Wilming¬
ton, Del., 435, 447-49; describes Congress, 436; describes Pennsylvania militia
uniforms, 437; committee on military estimates, 447; examines Skene papers,
458, 463, 479-80; estimates currency redemption quotas, 482; describes daily
routine, 494, 505; committee on army rules, 506; plans bold stroke at New York,
505-6, 567, 573; describes trip to New Jersey, 616-17; describes Germantown, Pa.,
617; committee on trade, 626, 648; on appointment of general officers, 626-27,
638-39; committee on expenses, 648; favors Canada expedition, 704; on treatment
of prisoners, 708-9; mentioned, xxii, 26, 68, 90, 521, 522, 543, 556, 674, 675, 705
Deas, Anne Izard, ed.. Correspondence of Ralph Izard, 248, 254
De Berdt, Mrs. Dennys, 8
De Bois, Maj., 138
De Boor, Maj., 9
Declaration of Rights and Grievances: contributions to, xxxiv, 38^, 193-96, 200-
201; legislative synopsis, 193-94; mentioned, 197
Declaration on the Causes and Necessity for Taking Up Arms: discussed, 584, 587,
588; dispatched to London, 604, 620; mentioned, 612, 614, 618, 619, 620, 621
629, 675
Defense, American; see Military preparations; Militia
De Hart, Balthazar, 88-89
De Hart, John: elected to Congress, xxix; attends Congress, xxix; arrives in Phila¬
delphia, 346; mentioned, 8, 143
De Lancey, James (1732-1800) , identified, 359
De Lancey, James (1747-1804) : identified, 359; mentioned, 367
De Lancey, Oliver, 137
De Lancey, Oliver, Jr.: identified, 359; mentioned, 367
De Lancey, Peter, 359
Delaware delegates, letter from, 557
Delaware Indians, invited to Pittsburgh conference, 706
Delegate, unknown: letter from, 705; speech, 426
Delegates: attendance list, xxvi-xxxii, 56-57; arrival in Philadelphia, 3, 14-15, 337,
339-40, 346; lawyers among, 3, 34, 136-37, 173-74; social activities, 3-10, 33,
65, 67, 75, 92, 221, 348, 358-59, 412; described, 5-8, 16-18, 24, 27, 29, 34-35,
58, 61-62, 91-92, 167-68, 236, 339, 649; meet at City Tavern, 6, 13, 14, 16;
religious diversity among, 74; assessed for expenses of Congress, 249; travel to
second Congress, 335-36, 339-40; attend commencement, 355-56, 359; visit camp
at Cambridge, 694, 696
Deming, Lemuel, 15
Denison, Nathan, letter to, 693
Index
721
De Peyster, James, 173-74
Derby, Richard, Jr., 534
Devens, Richard, letter to, 83
Dexter, Franklin B., Biographical Sketches, 418, 656
Dexter, Samuel, 534, 683
Diana (British schooner) captured, 447, 449
Dickinson, John; draft “Address,” 228; draft “Letter," 236; draft “Memorial,” 207;
letters from, 232, 250, 251, 252, 264, 301, 302, 331, 457, 491, 578, 598, 604,
635, 665, 688; letters to, 268, 307, 310, 328, 430, 431; notes, 390; resolutions, 383,
633; speeches, 371, 386; ^ elected to Congress, xxx, 202; attends Congress, xxx,
206; portrait, xxxvi, 389; described, 5, 64-65, 649; answers Galloway s Candid
Examination, 116, 325; elected to Pennsylvania Assembly, 133, 138, 142, 155-56;
contributes to a declaration of rights and grievances, 193-95; drafts a memorial
to the inhabitants of the colonies, 207-21; committee to draft an address to the
king, 225, 233; drafts an address to the king, 228-32; drafts a letter to Quebec,
236-44; blames ministry for breach, 250-51; on American unity, 252, 301-3;
reports on Pennsylvania politics, 302-3; debates state of America, 352, 401,
debates reconciliation, 371-91; proposes annual grant to crown, 382-83; against
invasion of Canada, 430; appointed to draft a petition to the king, 441^2;
proposes militia regulations, 633; comments on Petition to the 688; holds
bond on paymaster, 699; mentioned, xxii, 4, 8, 14, 15, 66, 84, 87, 89, 92, 93, 10 ,
101, 109, 156, 189, 204, 227, 233, 236, 266, 267, 298, 315, 316, 317, 319, 322,
323, 364, 400, 415, 417, 437, 610, 655, 658
Dickinson, Mary Norris (Mrs. John) , 64
Dill, John, 599
Dilly, Edward, 298, 432
Doorkeepers, 45, 58, 249
Douglas, Beniamin: identified, 418; mentioned, 532
Douw, Volkert P.: appointed Indian commissioner, northern department, 624, 635,
660, 672, 696; confers with Six Nations, 698
Dowdle, Michael, 599
Draper, William, Thoughts of a T raveler, 606, 607
Drayton, John, ed.. Memoirs of the American Revolution, 295, 571
Drayton, William Henry, 571, 595
rr »» 4.,
453, 476, 498, 596, 637, 641, 678, 696, 697, 698; letters to, 262, 264, 273 3M,
notes 25 30, 35, 180, 194, 198; propositions, 38; resolutions, 134, speec es, 5 ,
189 391;' ☆ elected to Congress, xxix, 137, 331; attends Congress, xxix, ,
portrait, xxxvi, 393; on choosing secretary of Congress, 25-26; debates ru es^
26- credentials, 26, 37; contributes to a declaration of rights and grievances, 38
S; on American righ.,. SM4. 47-48, 51-54, 180, 189-92 194; ^
way’s plan of union, 110, 112, 119, 278-79; debates means
riffhts 133-34, 139, 145; legal practice, 136, 173-74; described, . .
Act, 198-99; on New York political attitudes, 280-82; arrives in i a ^ P ' ’
346; debates American defense, 391-95; debates reconciliation, 391-95, Phila
delphia residence, 415; secures military funds, 696; mentioned, 10, 44, 227
Duane, Mary Livingston (Mrs. James) : letter to, 414; health, 453
Diiche, Jacob: identified, 32; ☆ prays in Congress, 31-35, 44-45, 55, ^^^3^^342,
344_45, 347; described, 74; preaches to ^
fast day service, 638, 640, 650; mentioned, 20, 45, 60, 62, 65, 163, 573
Duffielt George°^’addLs to North Carolina ministers, 576; mentioned, 573, 681
722
Index
Dunlap’s Pennsylvania Packet: letter to, 78; mentioned 65, 85, 170, 266, 355, 356
426
Dunmore, 4th earl of (John Murray) : proclamations, 170, 420, 421; expedition
a^inst Indians, 328, 366-69; seizes gunpowder, 421, 490; boundary dispute
with Pennsylvania, 421, 666; encourages slave insurrection, 60&-7; mentioned
102, 330, 569, 582, 628, 645
Dunning, John, 373
Dupont, Mr., 595
Du Simiti^re, Pierre Eugene, xxxiv, xxxvi
Dutchess County, N.Y., Freeholders, letter to, 258
Dyer, Eliphalet: letters from, 168, 330, 356, 422, 423, 438, 458, 462, 471, 479, 495,
499, 501, 519, 521, 542, 618, 620, 633, 642, 646, 654, 672, 673, 693, 695; elected
to Congress, xxvi; attends Congress, xxvi; arrives in Philadelphia, 15, 23, 346;
Philadelphia residence, 15; attends church, 19-20; debates American rights,
46-47; debates nonexportation, 105, 153; debates nonimportation, 105, 151; de¬
bates means for restoring American rights, 139, 144-45; described, 168; debates
reconciliation, 371; travels to Wilmington, Del., 435, 448; on military prepara¬
tions, 439, 459-60; reports London news, 458-59; comments on Washington’s ap¬
pointment, 495-96, 499-500; mentioned, 19, 68, 90, 236, 438, 506, 556, 599, 627,
675
Eden, William, 96
Edenton, N.C., Committee of Correspondence, 611
Edenton, N.C., Independent Company, letter to, 608
Edes, Benjamin, 155
Edes, Henry D., “Memoir of Dr. Thomas Young,” 206
Edinburgh Amusement, 706
Edwards, Mr., 422
Edwards, Pierpoint, 532
Effingham, 3d earl of (Thomas Howard) , identified, 609
Einstein, Lewis, Divided Loyalties, 96
Eliot, Mrs. 684
Elliot, Mrs. (of New York) , 204
Elliot, Sir George, 373
Emlen, George, 58, 67
Eppes, Elizabeth Wayles (Mrs. Francis) , 544, 581
Eppes, Francis: identified, 544; letters to, 543, 580
Erving, Robert, 580
Eugene, prince of Savoy, 553
Evans, Charles, American Bibliography, 440, 569
Fairfax, George William, letter to, 425
Fairfax County, Va., Committee, letter to, 354
Fairnsworth, Dr., 495, 640
Farrow, Capt., 447
Fast day: resolution, 453, 455-57, 463, 481, 524; observed, 638, 640, 647, 649-50;
mentioned, 458, 497-98, 508
Fenwicke, Edward, 595
Fenwicke, Edward, Jr., 595
Fenwicke, Mary Drayton (Mrs. Edward) , 595
Fessenden, Josiah, 468, 473, 508, 547, 584, 699
Fi,sher, Miers: described, 33-34; mentioned, 45
Index
723
Fisher, Richard D., "Burning of the ‘Peggy Stewart,’ ’’ 244
Fitch, Samuel, 653
Fitzpatrick, John C., ed.. Diaries of George Washington, 33, 336
Flaxseed, nonexportation of, 103, 105, 108, 133, 135, 145-49, 153, 162
Fleeson, Mr., 344
Floyd, William: letters from, 358, 442, 476, 559, 596; elected to Congress, xxix,
137, 331; attends Congress, xxix; arrives in Philadelphia, 15, 346; credentials,
37; mentioned, 19, 236
Folsom, Nathaniel: letter from, 180; ^ elected to Congress, xxviii; attends Congress,
xxviii; described, 24; mentioned, 3, 60, 85
Force, Peter, 688
Ford, Mr., 485
Ford, Paul L., Bibliography of Publications of the Continental Congress, 248
Ford, Paul L., ed.. Works of Thomas Jefferson, 442
Ford, Worthington C., ed.. Correspondence of Samuel B. Webb, 641
Ford, Worthington C., ed.. Journals of the Continental Congress, xxiii, 193-94
Fort Pitt, Pa., claimed by Virginia, 170
Fort Pitt, Pa., Committee of Correspondence: Pennsylvania- Virginia boundary dis¬
pute, 421; petition on Indian affairs, 421
Fort William and Mary, N.H.: Portsmouth inhabitants seize military stores, 277,
280-81
Fortner, Nat, 58, 67, 96
Foster, Col., 333
Foster, Maj. (of Hartford) , 478
Foster, Isaac, Jr., letter to, 83
Foster, Jedediah, 534
Foster, Robert H., “Pennsylvania and Virginia Controversy,” 170
Fothergill, John, 604
Francis, Turbutt, appointed Indian commissioner, northern department, 635, 660,
Franklin, Benjamin: letters from, 335, 349, 352, 395, 409, 433, 445, 457, 501, 546,
578 604, 621, 665, 694, 698, 699, 709; letter to, 701; resolutions, 425, 688; “Vindi¬
cation,” 561; ^ elected to Congiess, xxxi, 335-36, 342, 344, 352, 357; attends
Congress, xxxi; quoted, 113, 336; plans of confederation, 116-17, 643-44; des¬
cribes British retreat from Concord, 349; scientific observations, 352-53; on
American defense, 395; advice to Moravian pacihsts, 433-34; appointed to draft
a petition to the king, 441-42; withdraws legal appeal, 445; engineers Bermuda s
exemption from trade ban, 475-76; on America’s contributions to the empire,
561-66; answers ministerial charges against America, 561-66; comments on Butter
Hill, 605; appointed Indian commissioner, middle department, 629, 706; des¬
cribed, 648-49; appointed postmaster general, 671, 694; proposes withholding
quitrents, 688-89; requests lead from Ticonderoga, 699; projxises encouragenaent
of gunsmiths, 709-10; laments lack of naval force, 710; mentioned, xix, 345, 346,
456, 478, 567, 626, 677
Franklin, Benjamin, Works (Sparks, ed.) , 566
Franklin, Benjamin, IFrifmgs (Smyth, ed.) , 113, 566
Franklin, William: letters to, 23, 27, 318, 322, 325; ☆ quoted, 113; mentioned, 371
Franklin, William Temple, 352
Frazer, John G., 692—93
Free Thoughts (Seabury) , 313
Freeman, Douglas, George Washington, A Biography, 12, 103, 469
French, Allen, “First George Washington Scandal,’^ 646
French, Allen, First Year of the American Revolution, 321, 447, 590
Friendly Address (Chandler) , 263, 313
579-852 0 - 77 - 48 Vol. 1
724
Index
Friends, Society of; see Quakers
Fristoe, William, 236
Frye, James, 667, 668
Frye, Joseph, 667, 668
Gadsden, Christopher: letter from, 570; elected to Congress, xxxi; attends Con¬
gress, xxxi; Philadelphia residence, 15; debates rules, 28; described, 35; on regula¬
tion of trade, 68-69; debates nonexportation, 103-4, 154; debates nonimportation,
103-4, 151; debates means for restoring American rights, 133, 146; debates
American rights, 199; reports to South Carolina Provincial Congress, 293-94; on
weaknesses of British navy, 450-51; visits camp at Cambridge, 695; mentioned,
3, 4, 255
Gadsden, Thomas, 15, 348, 695
Gage, Thomas: letter to, 158; seizes powder at Charlestown, Mass., 27, 45;
fortifies Boston, 77, 154; Suffolk County, address to, 77-78; answers Suffolk
County address, 97; Congress’ remonstrance to, 158-63, 171-72, 205; health,
204; proclamation, 552, 572, 587; intercepted letter, 576, 611; treatment of
Bostonians, 606; mentioned, xxi, 82, 130, 143, 268, 343, 349, 350, 368, 425, 460,
527, 543, 54, 595, 609, 613, 615, 627, 663, 665, 683, 704
Galloway, Elizabeth, 296
Galloway, Grace Growden (Mrs. Joseph) , 296
Galloway, Joseph: letters from, 23, 27, 255, 282, 295, 313, 318, 322, 325; letter to,
336; plan of union, 117; resolution, 112; statement, 119; elected to Congress,
xxxi; attends Congress, xxxi; compared to Hutchinsonians, 6-7; offers statehouse,
19, 25; describes delegates, 24, 27; suggests sending commissioners to Great
Britain, 24-25; on choosing secretary for Congress, 27; debates American rights,
47-48, 182; debates nonexportation, 109-12, 153; debates nonimportation, 109-12;
proposes plan of union, 109-28, 234, 287-89; debates means for restoring Ameri¬
can rights, 145-46; described, 168; meets with Baptists, 193; on association, 222;
criticizes proceedings of Congress, 255, 286-87, 290, 295, 319; declines appoint¬
ment as delegate, 295; comments on loyalist pamphlets, 313; supports Pennsyl¬
vania’s petitioning the king, 315-16, 319, 322; describes proceedings of Pennsyl¬
vania Assembly, 322-24; harrassed, 342-43; excused as delegate, 343, 357; men¬
tioned, xxii, 15, 20, 65, 92, 94, 156, 173, 204, 265, 267, 280, 346
Galloway, Joseph, Candid Examination, 113, 119, 290, 313, 320, 325
Galloway, Joseph, Examination . . . Before the House of Commons, 113
Galloway, Joseph, Historical and Political Reflections, 127
Galloway, Joseph, Reply to an Address to the Author of .. . "Candid Examination,”
116, 222, 325
Gardner, Thomas, 534, 537
Gates, Horatio: identified, 268; letters to, 267, 334, 703; appointed adjutant
general, 503, 521, 528, 544, 557; departs for army at Boston, 557; mentioned,
300, 502, 526, 555, 561, 566, 624
Gentlemen’s Magazine, 646
George III: speech to Parliament, 315; replies to London Address, 439-40, 459,
462, 482; refuses to receive petition (1775) , 442; see also Address to the King
(1774) ; Petition to the King (1775)
Georgia: unrepresented in Congress, 326-28; represented in Congress, 348, 351;
mentioned, 502-3
Georgia delegates: letters from, 326; ^ explain nonattendance at Congress, 326-28
Georgia Provincial Congress: elects delegates to Congress, 328, 643, 646-47, 663-64,
680; provides powder for Continental Army, 570-71; adopts Association, 643, 664
Gerlach, Larry R., “Revolution or Independence?,’’ 511
German hussars: uniforms described, 587, 590-91; mentioned, 624
Index
725
Germantown, Pa., described, 617
Gerry, Elbridge: letters to, 450, 469, 473, 477, 503, 507, 580; mentioned, 532, 534, 597
Gibson, Mr., 204
Giles, Capt., 445
Gill, John, 155
Gill, Moses; identified, 466-67; letters to, 466, 580; mentioned, 362, 507
Gill, Rebecca Boylston (Mrs. Moses) ,451, 466
Gillis, Capt., 396
Gilmer, George, letter to, 585
Gipson, Lawrence H., Jared Ingersoll, 23
Glover, Capt., 292
Glover, Richard, Substance of the Evidence, 483, 484
Goddard, William: identified, 65-66; promotes Continental post office, 143;
sets up post offices, 709; mentioned, 65
Goldsborough, Robert; elected to Congress, xxvii; attends Congress, xxvii; debates
means for restoring American rights, 133; mentioned, 45, 527
Goodhue, Capt., 72
Goodrich, Capt., 495, 640
Goodrich, Mr., 368
Graham, Robert E., “Taverns of Colonial Philadelphia,” 12
Grant, James: identified, 469; mentioned, 468
Grape Island, Boston Harbor, raid, 432, 443, 448
Gray, Ebenezer, 620, 642
Gray, George, 457
Gray, William, 66 . . • ■ u
Great Britain; see addresses to the people of; British constitution, British navy,
British troops; George III; North ministry; Parliament; Reconciliation; Rights,
American
Great Britain, Parliamentary History of England, 426
Green Mountain Boys, 541, 568
Greene, Mr., 536
Greene, Catharine Ray (Mrs. William) , identified, 501
Greene, Nathanael, appointed brigadier general, 539, 541, 556
Greene, William, identified, 501
Greenleaf, Benjamin, 179, 534
Greenleaf, Joseph, 72, 85, 101, 107, 531
Gridley, Richard: identified, 503; mentioned, 502, 645, 650, 667, 668
Grievances; see Rights, American
Griffen, Mr., 624, 625
Griffin, Samuel, 356
Grosvenor, Thomas, 620, 642
Grotius, Hugo, De Jure Belli ac Pads, 189
The Group (Warren) , 364-65
Gunpowder; see Powder
Gunsmiths, 709
Haley, George, 9, 87 . j c-ri
Hall, Aquilla; letters of introduction, 408, 417-18; mentioned, 571
Hall, John: elected to Congress, xxvii: attends Congress, xxvii; inentioned, 336, 527
Hall Josias Carvill: letters of introduction, 408, 417-18; mentioned, 57
SSiVan, leuer from, 6S1; * pomaif, xxv, S29; elected .0 Co”gre^^ xx™,
328, 664; attends Congress, xxvii, 328, 348; voting in Congress, 351, mentioned,
298, 647
Hamilton, Mr., 204
726
Index
Hamilton, James, 91, 143
Hamilton, Stanislaus M., ed.. Letters to Washington, 167
Hammond, Matthias, identified, 301’
Hancock, John: letters from, 409, 413, 424, 429, 472, 473, 474, 481, 487, 507, 522,
531, 533, 534, 541, 547, 554, 568, 580, 584, 594, 610, 620, 631, 632, 634, 638,
644, 648, 661, 662, 699, 701; elected to Congress, xxviii; attends Congress,
xxviii; arrives in Philadelphia, 339, 346; elected president of Congress, 363, 401-2,
406; courtship, 472; sends medicines to Boston, 580; holds bond on paymaster,
699; mentioned, 87, 264, 333, 335, 344, 345, 362, 369, 416, 465, 467 492, 495,
529, 545, 552, 572, 587, 646, 684
Hand, Edward, 674
Hanover County, Va., militia marches on Williamburg, 420-21
Hare, Mr., 129
Harford County, Md., Committee of Safety, letter to, 350
Haring, John: elected to Congress, xxix, 137; attends Congress, xxix, 89; men¬
tioned, xxii
Harrison, Miss, 64
Harrison, Benjamin: letters from, 245, 622, 644, 656, 664, 665; elected to Con¬
gress, xxxii; attends Congress, xxxii; described, 7, 61; arrives in Philadelphia, 25;
debates rules, 31; debates means for restoring American rights, 139; debates non¬
exportation, 153; leaves Philadelphia, 245; dines at City Tavern, 358; debates
state of America, 401; intercepted letter, 644-46; mentioned, 8, 624
Hart, Timothy, 173
Hartley, David: identified, 336; letter to, 335; praised by Congress, 426; men¬
tioned, 607
Harvey, John, 399, 446, 612
Hastings, Hugh, and Holden, J. A., eds.. Public Papers of George Clinton, 487
Hastings, Selina, countess of Huntingdon, 236
Hatch, Capt., 608, 611
Hawley, Joseph: identified, 471; letters to, 470, 619, 659; ^ appointed Indian com¬
missioner, northern department, 624, 635, 660, 672, 696; declines appointment
as Indian commissioner, 698; mentioned, 534
Hays, I. Minis, ed.. Calendar of the Papers of Benjamin Franklin, 566
Hazard, Ebenezer: appointed deputy postmaster, 679; mentioned, 347
Heath, William: appointed brigadier general, 539, 556; position among general
officers, 590; mentioned, 508, 591
Heitman, E. B., Historical Register, 623
Henkels Catalog (Stan V. Henkels) , 569
Henly, Mr., 432
Henry, Matthew, 78, 85
Henry, Patrick: draft "Address,” 222; letters from, 622, 665, 669; letter to, 291;
elected to Congress, xxxii; attends Congress, xxxii; debates rules, 10, 27-30;
arrives in Philadelphia, 14; on secrecy of proceedings, 32; described, 62, 168,
173; debates nonimportation and nonexportation, 104; debates Galloway’s
plan of union. 111; debates means for restoring American rights, 133, 139, 144;
debates American rights, 196, 199; drafts an address to the king, 222-25; de¬
bates reconciliation, 371; health, 420; gunpowder episode, 421; appointed Indian
commissioner, middle department, 629, 706; mentioned, 143, 220, 346, 357, 429
485, 624, 693
Henshaw, Mr., 505
Henshaw, Joshua, 683
Hervey, Augustus John, debates American affairs, 372-73, 383
Hewes, Joseph: letters from, 254, 342, 396, 445, 511, 575, 608, 611, 612, 615,
684; ^ elected to Congress, xxx; attends Congress, xxx, 91; portrait, xxxvi,
Index
727
Hewes, Joseph (continued)
577; arrives in Philadelphia, 68, 342; described, 91-92; travels to Philadelphia,
339-40; urges military preparations, 343, 397, 511-14; recommends holding North
Carolina convention, 446; summarizes work of Congress, 612-13; urges change
of ministry, 685; discusses mercantile matters, 685; committee on lead and salt,
686; mentioned, 256, 263, 399, 400, 446
Hewson, Mary, 608
Hichborn, Benjamin: captured by British, 653, 701; mentioned, 652
Hill, Edward: identified, 50; mentioned, 71
Hill, Henry, 90
Hillegas, Michael: identified, 697; mentioned, 457
Hockley, Richard: identified, 78; mentioned, 82, 96
Hodge, Andrew, 152, 154
Hog’s Island, Boston Harbor, raid, 447-48
Holt, John, 258, 262
Home, Henry, Lord Karnes, quoted, 702-3
Hood, Mr. (the collector) , 455
Hooper, Ann Clark (Mrs. William) , 447, 523
Hooper, John, 523
Hooper, Mary: letters to, 255, 523; mentioned, 554 , .
Hooper, William: letters from, 255, 262, 398, 446, 511, 523, 575, 615; resolve, 55,^
elected to Congress, xxx; attends Congress, xxx, 91; arrives in Philadelphia,
68; described, 91-92, 168; debates nonexportation, 104, 153; debates nonimporta¬
tion, 104; debates means for restoring American rights, 139; debates Arnerican
rights, 192; opposes patriot restraints on free press, 263; debates reconciliation,
371; recommends holding North Carolina convention, 399; urges military prepara¬
tions, 446, 514; drafts fast day resolve. 455-56; mentioned, 92. 343, 396, 397,
446, 554, 613, 614, 697
Hopkins, Mr. (of Baltimore) , 670, 671
Hopkins, Anne Smith (Mrs. Stephen) , 407, 535
Hopkins, George, 407, 408 eoi
Hopkins, Ruth Smith (Mrs. George) : identified, 408; letters to, 407, 531 „
Hopkins, Stephen: letters from, 407, 531; ^ elected to Congress xxxi; attends Com
gmss, xxxi 360; arrives in Philadelphia, 14, 407; appointed chairman, Committ^
L Rights, 37; health, 79, 86, 89-90, 531, 535; meets with Baptists, 193, men¬
tioned, 6, 7, 34, 141, 192, 234, 249, 588 .
Hosmer, Titus: identified, 592; letter to. 592; ^ elected to Congress, xxvi; quoted,
365-66; mentioned, 228, 347, 458, 505, 506, 610
Hospitals: in Philadelphia, 4-5, 13, 107; military, 558-59, 662, 670
Houlto^!7ohn: letter from, 326; ^ explains nonattendance at Congress, 326-28;
elected to Congress, 663
Hovey, Alvah, Memoir of Rev. Isaac Backus, 193
Howard, Martin, 614 c j coo
Howard, Thomas, 3d earl of Effingham, idenufied, 609
Howe, George Augustus, 3d Viscount Howe, identified, 517
Willfan,: identified. 467t * di»n,sed, 516-17, mentioned, 569, 571, 578, 582.
586, 595, 614
Hubbard, William, 19, 30
Huger, Benjamin, 595
Hughes, Hugh, 623
Humphreys. Charles: letters
attends Congress, xxxi
Hunt, William, xxxvi
from, 457, 491, 598, 665; ^ elected to
Congress, xxxi;
728
Index
Huntingdon, countess of (Selina Hastings) , 236
Huron Indians, invited to Pittsburgh conference, 706
Hutchinson, James, identified, 604
Hutchinson, William T., ed.. Papers of James Madison, 102, 366
Hutchinsonian addressers, 6-7
Hutson, James H., comp, and ed.. Decent Respect, 194
Independence: attitudes toward, 166-67, 284-85, 704; debated, 351-52
Indian affairs, middle department: commissioners appointed, 624, 629, 672, 706;
Pittsburgh conference, 694, 706; agent appointed, 706
Indian affairs, northern department: commissioners appointed, 624, 635, 660, 672,
696, 698; speech to Six Nations, 624, 635; Albany conference, 656, 679, 696, 698
Indian affairs, southern department, commissioners appointed, 624, 672
Indians: Dunmore’s expedition against, 328, 366-69; incited by British, 369, 439,
542-44, 548, 569, 606-7, 663; neutrality, 452, 454, 476-77, 489, 561, *569; funds
for schooling, 543, 624; mentioned, 421, 442, 450, 625, 660, 666, 701-2; see also,
Canadian Indians; Kirkland, Samuel; Six Nations
Indigo, nonexportation of, 253, 294-95
Ingersoll, Jared: identified, 23; mentioned, 19
Ingham, John, 4, 13
Inglis, John, 58
Inman, Elizabeth, 523, 554
Iredell, Hannah Johnston (Mrs. James) , 611
Iredell, James: identified, 254; letters to, 254, 396, 611; mentioned, 399, 446
Ireland: address to the people of (1774) , 174-79, 181, 206, 248; address to the people
of (1775) , 444, 589
Iroquois, League of; see Six Nations
Ives, Thomas, 36
Izard, Anne De Lancey (Mrs. Ralph) , 609
Izard, Ralph: identified, 248; letters to, 247, 252, 608
Izard, Ralph, Correspondence (Deas, ed.) , 248, 254
Jamaica, address to the assembly of, 444, 589
James, Abel, petition, 355
James, Edward T., et al., eds.. Notable American Women, 1607-1950, 411
James and Drinker petition, 351
Jameson, J. Franklin, v-vi
Jarvis, Parson, 567
Jay, James, 96
Jay, John: draft “Petition,” 440; letters from, 95, 258, 353. 559, 596, 678; ^ elected
to Congress, xxix, 137, 331; attends Congress, xxix; debates rules, 29; credentials,
37; debates American rights, 46-47, 198-99; debates nonexportation, 105, 152; de¬
bates nonimportation, 105; debates Galloway’s plan of union. 111; debates
means for restoring American rights, 133, 139, 144 45; drafts an address to the
people of Great Britain, 179; on authorship of Memorial to the Inhabitants of the
Colonies, 220; prepares letter to American agents, 246; debates reconciliation, 371;
committee to write to Canada, 409; drafts a petition to the king, 440-42; men¬
tioned, 10, 19, 25-26, 74, 137, 173, 264, 307
Jay, William, Life of John Jay, 220
Jefferson, Thomas: letters from, 474. 543, 580, 585, 622, 665, 669, 707; notes,
689; elected to Congress, xxxii; attends Congress, xxxii, 535; on Burmuda
trade, 474-75; discusses prospects for reconciliation, 707-8; mentioned, 220, 569
Index
729
Jefferson, Thomas, Papers (Boyd, ed.) , 221, 644, 666, 691
Jefferson, Thomas, Summary View, 535, 536
Jefferson, Thomas, Works (Ford, ed.) , 442
Jefferys, Thomas, xxxiii
Jenkinson, Sir Charles, debates American affairs, 374, 383
Johnson, Capt., 292
Johnson, Guy; identified, 370; incites Indians, 369, 439, 663; mentioned, 489, 660,
706
Johnson, Samuel, Taxation No Tyranny, 606
Johnson, Thomas: letters from, 267, 273, 298, 301, 334, 350, 357, 430, 434, 482,
636, 703; letter to, 280; elected to Congress, xxvii; attends Congress, xxvn;
portrait, xxxv, 274; debates means for restoring American rights, 144; debates
nonexportation, 153; described, 168; debates American rights, 183, 192; committee
to draft an address to the king, 225; reports London news, 267; discusses prospects
for reconciliation, 298-99, 703-4; supports military preparations, 334-35; debates
reconciliation, 371; debates state of America, 401; against invasion of Canada, 430;
on military restraint, 434-35; appointed to draft a petition to the king, 441—42,
saltpetre committee, 484; intercepted letter, 704; mentioned, 45, 90, 173, 277, 336,
361, 527
Johnson, Sir William, 102, 260, 370
Johnson, William Samuel: identified, 23; elected to Congress, xxvi; mentioned,
15
Johnston, Mr., 646
Johnston, Henry P., ed., Connecticut Men in the Revolution, 363
Johnston, Samuel: identified, 398; letters to, 342, 396, 398, 445, 446, 612
Jones, Noble Wimberly: letter from, 326; ^ explains nonattendance at Congress,
326-28; elected to Congress, 664
Jones, Owen, letter to, 457
Jones, Samuel W., 280 _ ur
Journals of Congress: Charles Thomson’s manuscript, xxxiv, 113-15; publication,
233; provenance, 234; distribution abroad, 258-59; sale of, 292
Journals of the Continental Congress (Ford, ed.) , xxiii, 193-94
Judd, William: identified, 656; letters to, 654, 693
Kaighn, John, 579, 583, 589, 597
Karnes, Lord (Henry Home) , quoted, 702-3
Kearny, F., xxxvii
Kellock, Katherine A., “Stephen Collins,” 318
Kempe, John Tabor: identified, 174; letter to, 173; -jCr loyalist activities, 137, 174
Kent, Benjamin, 101, 497, 517
Kerr, Wilfred B., Bermuda and the American Revolution, 475, 47b
Keys, Miss, 438
KSyrjamri^letJJ from, 511; ^ elected to Congress, xxix; attends Congress.
KirkHniT ^Sm'Ieh IdLtified, 592; ☆ advises Congress on Indian matters, 618,
672; mentioned, 630
Klingelhofer. Herbert. “Cautious Revolution,” 351
Knollenberg, Bernhard, ed.. Correspondence of Samuel Ward, 60, 99, 162,
Knox, Dr. (in Philadelphia) , 3
Knox, Henry, 503, 652
Korn, Christoph Heinrich, xxxvi
730
Index
Laight, Mr., 95
Lake Champlain: British vessels captured, 421-23; military supplies for, 431;
naval operations ordered, 555, 568
Lake George, British vessels captured, 422
Lancaster County, Pa., Committee of Correspondence, letters to, 421, 430 502
598, 621
Lanctot, Gustave, Canada & the American Revolution, 414
Land, western: Pennsylvania -Virginia boundary dispute, 170, 421, 665-66; settle-
^5^94^^9-62, Connecticut-Pennsylvania boundary dispute, 656, 661,
Land grants, royal, for military service, 102
Langdon, John: letters from, 369, 524, 574; letter to, 150; ^ elected to Congress,
xxviii; attends Congress, xxviii; mentioned, xxxvi, 682
Langdon, Samuel, 534
Lansing, John, 136
Lasher, Capt., 345
Laurel Hill: location, 170; Pennsylvania-Virginia boundary dispute, 170, 665-66;
letter to inhabitants west of, 665
Law, Richard, elected to Congress, xxvi
Lawyers: as public servants, 3, 34, 136-37, 173-74; mentioned, 64
Lead: production investigated, 686; Pennsylvania request for, 699
Lee, Col., 478
Lee, Arthur: identified, 88; letters to, 250, 313, 320, 331, 604, 688; mentioned, 7,
338, 345, 368, 456, 671
Lee, Arthur, Appeal to .. . the People of Great Britain, 314, 315
Lee, Charles: identified, 142; military plan, 301; appointed major general, 503, 508,
518-21, 525, 528-30, 535, 539, 544, 553, 556; reviews Philadelphia troops, 518;
departs for army at Boston, 537; indemnified against property loss, 553-54'
mentioned, 81, 90, 109, 143, 189, 236, 502, 516, 526, 531, 532, 545 561, 569,
624, 625, 659, 677, 684 ...
Lee, Charles, Strictures on a Pamphlet, Entitled, A "Friendly Address," 263
Lee, Francis Lightfoot: letter to, 366; mentioned, 338
Lee, Philip Ludwell, 314, 338
Lee, Richard H., Life of Richard Henry Lee, 220
Lee, Richard Henry: draft “Addresses,” 174, 225, 548; draft “Letter,” 614; letters
from, 87, 303, 313, 328, 337, 366, 415, 558, 559, 569, 622, 665, 669, 691; letters
to, 271, 321; motion, 160; resolution, 140; elected to Congress, xxxii; attends
Congress, xxxii; described, 7, 62. 168; Philadelphia residence. 7; arrives in
Philadelphia, 24, 337; debates rules, 28; debates American rights, 46-47, 180,
199; debates nonimportation, 103, 152, 154; debates nonexportation, 105, 153;
debates Galloway’s plan of union. 111; debates means for restoring American
rights, 133, 138-40, 144-45; protests Gen. Gage’s fortification of Boston, 160-61;
recommends evacuation of Boston, 160-61; drafts an address to the people of
Great Britain and Ireland, 174-79; drafts a memorial to British merchants and
manufacturers, 179; drafts an address to the king. 225-27; committee to draft
a letter to Quebec, 243; prepares a letter to American agents, 246; criticizes
ministerial plans, 303-4; debates state of America, 351, 402; dines at City Tavern,
358; debates reconciliation, 371; drafts an address to the pieople of Great Britain,
548-52; drafts a letter to the lord mayor of London, 614-15; holds bond on
paymaster, 699; mentioned, xxxv, 8, 90, 109, 220, 232, 236, 395, 429, 624
Lee, William: letters to, 87, 337; mentioned, 7, 267, 434
Legge, William; see Dartmouth, 2d earl of
Leigh, Sir Egerton, 5
Lennox, Charles, 3d duke of Richmond and Lennox, 80
Index
731
Letter to Quebec: draft, 236-44; legislative synopsis, 243-44; recommitted, 244-45;
approved, 248-49; publication expenses, 249; distribution, 265-67
Levey, Miss, 50
Lewis, Francis: letters from, 353, 358, 442, 449, 476, 596, 694; elected to
Congress, xxx, 331; attends Congress, xxx; leaves Philadelphia, 694
Lewis, Morgan, 632
Lexington and Concord, Battle of: described, 332, 337-38, 343-44, 425; unifies mar¬
tial spirit, 337, 343, 364; casualties, 340, 357, 367; account read in Congress, 345;
British retreat described, 349; news reaches London, 671, 674; mentioned, xxii,
330, 331, 342, 352, 359, 362, 467
Library Company of Philadelphia, 9, 33, 246
Life, Thomas, letter to, 445
Little, Capt., 629
Livingston, Mr. (young) , 454
Livingston, Edwin Brockholst, The Livingstons of Livingston Manor, 455
Livingston, Peter Van Brugh, letters to, 429, 631, 695
Livingston, Philip: letters from, 256, 353, 419, 449, 476, 596, 637, 678, 695;
^ elected to Congress, xxx, 137, 331; attends Congress, xxx; credentials, 37;
arrives in Philadelphia, 346; leaves Philadelphia, 695; mentioned, 571
Livingston, Robert (1708-90) , identified, 455; letter to, 453
Livingston, Robert C., 415
Livingston, Robert R., Jr.: letters from, 331, 419, 442, 559, 596; ^ elected to
Congress, xxx, 331; attends Congress, xxx; debates state of America, 351;
committee to draft an address to the people of Great Britain, 551; committee
to draft a letter to city of London, 615
Livingston, Walter, appointed commissary, northern department, 632, 635, 679-80
Livingston, William: letter from, 511; elected to Congress, xxix; attends Congress,
xxix; described, 6; debates American rights, 47; mentioned, 19, 179, 220, 227
Lockerman, Vincent, 78, 670
London, addresses the king, 439—40, 459-60, 462, 482, 615
London, Letter to the Lord Mayor of, 614-15, 619
London Chronicle, 382, 383, 686
London Gazette, 440
London mercantile firm, letter to, 684
Longacre, J. B., xxxvii
Loring, Dr., 236
Lovejoy, David S., Rhode Island Politics, 141, 493
Low, Isaac: letters from, 88, 256; ^ elected to Congress, xxx, 137; attends Congress,
xxx- credentials, 37; evaluates Wisner’s credentials, 88-89; debates means for
restOTing American rights, 133, 139, 144-45; debates nonimportation, 152; de¬
bates nonexportation, 153; debates American rights, 183; mentioned, 189, 264,
^7
Loyalists: in Philadelphia, 6-7, 69-70, 319; in New York, 137, 174, 335. 337 359-
60, 367, 398; pamphlets, 263, 313; in North Carolina, 576; in Maryland, 636-37,
mentioned, 343, 493, 584, 659
Ludlow, Mrs., 296
Lukins, Jesse, 629
Lumber, nonexportation of, 103, 105, 108, 133, 145, 153
Lundy, Mr., paroled to Connecticut, 578, 593-94, 610
Lux, George, 670, 671, 678
Lynch, Hannah Motte (Mrs. Thomas) , 5, 248, 609
Lynch, Thomas: letters from, 247, 570, 608; yV elected to Congress, xxxii, attends
Congress, xxxii; described, 5, 34; Philadelphia residence, 5, norninates Peyton
Randolph and Charles Thomson, 9-10, 25; debates rules, 28; on selection of com-
732
Index
Lynch, Thomas (continued)
mittee on rights, 36; debates nonexportation, 104, 153; debates nonimportation,
104, 151-52; debates means for restoring American rights, 133, 139, 144—46;
debates American rights, 180, 183; leaves Philadelphia, 248; debates state of
America, 351, 402; holds bond on paymaster, 699; mentioned 3, 4, 7, 13, 37, 160,
494
Macauley, Catharine Sawbridge, 298
McCall, George, 78
McClain Allen; see McLane. Allen
McCulloch, Capt., 460
McDougall, Mr., 81, 143
McDougall, Alexander: identihed, 665; letter to, 665
McEvers, Mr., 137
McKean, Thomas: letters from 557, 635; elected to Congress, xxvii; attends
Congress, xxvii; debates American rights, 199; debates reconciliation, 371; de¬
bates American defense, 407; mentioned, 3, 34, 173, 179
McKenzie, Mrs., 5
Mackenzie, Robert: identified, 167; letter to, 166; mentioned, 657
McKesson, John: identified, 469; letters to, 469, 487, 700
McLane, Allen, 97
Macpherson, John, Jr.; identified, 67; mentioned, 58, 66, 204, 636
McRee, Griffith J., Correspondence of James Iredell, 254
Madison, James (1723-1801) , 102
Madison, James, Papers (Hntchin.son and Rachal, eds.) , 102, 366
Magaw, Mr., 578
Magaw, Robert, 578, 629
Manning, James, protests taxation of Baptists, 193, 197
Manufactures, proposal to encourage, 93-94, 132
Marchant, Henry: identified, 162; letters to, 161, 171
Marchant, Isabel Ward (Mrs. Huxford) , 135, 162
Marlone, Ang., 578
Marshall, Christopher: described, 23; mentioned, 50, 55, 402, 505
Marshall, Humphry; identified, 396; letter to, 395
Marshfield, Mass., meeting, 320
Marston, Mr., 79
Martin, Josiah: incites regulators to opp>ose patriots, 576; expects powder from
Gen. Gage, 576, 615; intercepted letter, 583, 611, 613, 615; mentioned, 614, 663,
664
Maryland: militia, 277, 280, 300, 304, 306, 308, 339-40; arms and ammunition short¬
age, 299; loyalists, 636-37; see also Riflemen
Maryland Convention: approves proceedings of Congress, 275, 304, 307; resolutions,
280, 304, 307, 704; mentioned, 267, 273, 350, 637
Maryland delegates: letters from, 350, 636; ^ leave Philadelphia, 656, 664
Mason, George, 338
Massachusetts: sentiment in Congress for, 70, 79, 80, 100, 106, 129-30, 156-57;
responds to Boston alarm, 85-86; militia, 265, 449-50, 467, 668; troops taken into
Continental service, 502-3, 519, 613, 662; scarcity of news from, 579, 588, 652,
659; see also Suffolk Resolves
Massachusetts Committee of Safety, letter to, 580
Massachusetts Council, delegates appointed to, 678, 682-84
Massachusetts delegates: letter from, 534; -5!^ arrive in Philadelphia, 3, 343; split
on Gen. Lee’s appointment, 518, 529; disagreement among, 652; appointed to
Massachusetts Council, 678, 682-84
Index
733
Massachusetts Gazette, 646, 658
Massachusetts Government Act; opposition to, 58, 71, 94-95, 276, 297, 301-2,
310-12: effects of, 265; challenged by Congress, 473
Massachusetts House of Representatives, chooses officers, 677
Massachusetts Provincial Congress: letters to, 472, 473, 474, 547; dissolution, 318;
seeks advice, 435; considers naval preparations, 451; advised to resume government,
463-64, 469-70, 472-73
Massachusetts Provincial Convention, 179, 457
Massachusetts Spy, 30, 591
Mather family library, 602
Matlack, Timothy, appointed secretary’s clerk, 351
Matson, John, 599
Matthews, David, letter to, 88
Matthews, Vincent, 88
Maurice, Mr., 344
Mayne, Sir William, debates American affairs, 373, 383
Mayo, Lawrence S., John Langdon, 682
Mead, Frank S., Handbook of Denominations, 99
Mease, James, 86, 87, 143, 447
Mecom, Jane Franklin (Mrs. Edward) , letters to, 409, 501, 694
Medicine, sent to Boston, 580
Memorial “To the Gentlemen Merchants, and Manufacturers of G. Britain,” 179
Memorial to the Inhabitants of the Colonies: authorship, xxxv, 217-21; draft, 207-
21; mentioned, 181
Mercer, Hugh, 510
Meredith, Capt., 645
Meredith, Mr., 90
Meredith, Reese, 697
Meredith, Sir William; debates American affairs, 373, 383; mentioned, 561
Merriam, Mr., 438
Methodist church, services described, 235
Middlesex County, Mass., resolves received in Congress, 71, 83-84
Middleton, Arthur; identified, 595; letter to, 594; mentioned, 193
Middleton, Henry: letters from 570, 594; ^ elected to Congress,
Congress, xxxii; described, 4, 35; elected President of Congress, 228, 233, de¬
clines presidency, 406; letter of introduction, 610; holds bond on paymaster, 699,
mentioned, 7, 326
Mifflin, John, 347
Mifflin, Samuel, 457
Mifflin, Sarah Morris (Mrs. Thomas) ,155
Miffin, Thomas: letters from 457, 491; ^ elected to Congress, ^xxi; attends Con¬
gress xxxi; debates nonexportation, 103, 153; debates nonimportation, 103, 152,
debates means for restoring American rights, 133, 144-45; elected to Pennsy
= etmirs^ne papers’,
r S:^‘c.n,p » WasH.,.. 5^. 5,. ^ -p.,., « a.
2T8"‘m «7: 'asN'i, 62i, 634, 640, 641. 649, 653,
MUtorrtreP™.ions: »ged in Nor.h Ca.olina, 341, 343, f’;,
hated 351-52 383-85, 388-95, 401-2, 40^7; for New York, 351, 356, 361, 402,
S VilO 439, 442-43; in New Hampshire, 413-14; mentioned, xxu-xxui,
304^5, 307, 334-35, 459; see also Arms and ammunition; Powder; Saltpetre
734
Index
Militia: proposals to establish, 93-94, 132-33, 139, 140; estimated strength, 367;
uniforms described, 437, 526; regulations, 633, 648, 660; mentioned, 298; see also
individual colonies
Miller, Henry, 599
Milner, Mr., 354
Minchall, Mr., 67
Miner, Ward L., William Goddard, N ewspaperman, 66
Mingo Indians, invited to Pittsburgh conference, 706
Mitchell, Stephen, 165
Monaghan, Frank, John Jay, 96, 179
Money; see Paper currency
Montagu, George, 420
Montagu, John, 4th earl of Sandwich, 425, 607
Montgomery, John: identified, 371; letters to, 370, 628, 706
Montgomery, Richard: identified, 642; letter to, 641; ^ appointed brigadier gen¬
eral, 539, 556; position among general officers, 641-42; mentioned, 443, 636
Moore, Mr., 371
Moore, Jacob, 204
Moravians: church service described, 64; pacifism, 433-34
Morgan, Maj., 643
Morgan, Daniel, 567
Morgan, John: entertains delegates, 193; mentioned, 45, 60, 69, 173, 197
Morgan, Mary Hopkinson (Mrs. John) , 193
Morris, Mr. (prothonotary) , 34
Morris, Gouverneur, letter to, 415
Morris, John, 78, 85
Morris, Lewis: letters from 353, 358, 419, 449, 596, 637, 678; ^ elected to Con¬
gress, XXX, 331; attends Congress, xxx; ammunition committee, 412; appointed
Indian commissioner, middle department, 706
Morton, John: letters from, 457, 460, 492; elected to Congress, xxxi; attends Con¬
gress, xxxi; health, 649; mentioned, 204
Morton, Perez, 652
Mott, Edward: identified, 363; mentioned, 362
Moylan, Stephen, 109
Mumford, Mr., 458
Mumford, D., 347
Mumford, James G., Mumford Memoirs, 203
Mumford, Thomas: identified, 203; letter to, 201
Murray, Mr., 35
Murray, John; see Dunmore, 4th earl of
Murray, John (New York merchant) : identified, 351; -5(5- petition, 351, 353
Murray, Robert: identified, 351; petition, 351, 353
Music, 9, 64, 165, 235, 338, 340, 342, 345
Nagal, George, 630
Namier, Lewis, and Brooke, John, House of Commons, 546
Nantucket, 418
Nash, George H., Ill, “From Radicalism to Revolution,” 82
Naval preparations: discussed, 450-51; ordered on Lake Champlain, 555, 568; in
New England, 581, 585; lack of, 710
Naval stores, nonexportation of, 104-5, 153
New England Confederation, 291, 347
Index
735
New Hampshire: considers petitioning king, 370; military preparations, 413-14;
troops ordered to Boston, 522, 536
New Hampshire delegates: letters from, 180, 369, 524; report, 413; summarize
work of Congress, 180-81
New Hampshire Provincial Committee, letter to, 369
New Hampshire Provincial Congress, letters to, 522, 547
New Jersey; described by Silas Deane, 14-15, 616-17; militia, 345-46
New Jersey Assembly: approves proceedings of Congress, 314; refers Lord North’s
conciliatory plan to Congress, 410, 413
New Jersey delegates: letter from, 511; ^ forward powder to New York, 679;
mentioned, 107
New Jersey Provincial Congress, association, 511
New Jersey Provincial Convention, letter to, 413
New York: loyalists, 137, 174, 335, 337, 359-60, 367 , 398; approves proceedings
of Congress, 262; attitudes toward military preparations, 282; attitudes toward
accommodation, 282; defection feared, 331; supports American cause, 335, 338,
396-99; military preparations for, 351, 356, 361, 402, 407, 409-10, 439, 442-43;
militia, 419-20, 679; ordered to supply Ticonderoga and Crown Point, 422-24,
429, 431, 450, 479; Indian affairs, 439, 442, 450, 454, 476-77, 489; Connecticut
troops ordered to, 496, 498, 501, 520, 635; bounties proposed for troops, 560;
arms and ammunition shortage, 560, 678-79; accounts requested, 679
New York Assembly: disapproves proceedings of Congress, 307, 315; petitions
king, 307, 611; criticized, 320
New York City: loyalists in, 137, 359, 367; elects delegates to Congress, 137-38;
receives Massachusetts and Connecticut delegates, 335; supports Association, 415;
bold stroke planned at, 505-6, 567, 573
New York City Committee of Fifty-One, 137
New York City Committee of Medianics, 258
New York City Committee of One Hundred: letter to, 353; -{x seeks Congress’ ad¬
vice, 353; mentioned, 361
New York Committee of Safety: letters to, 637, 638, 678; mentioned, 616
New York delegates: letters from 256, 353, 358, 419, 442, 449, 476, 559, 596, 637,
678, 695; ^ credentials, 26, 37, 88-89; elected to Congress, 137-38, 321, 331;
summarize work of Congress, 256-58; avoid religious disputes, 596-97; urge mili¬
tary preparations, 679; mentioned, 142
New York Gazetteer, 202, 203
New York Journal, 2b8, 262
New York Provincial Congress: letters to, 419, 429, 442, 445, 474, 476, 481, 487,
498 541, 547, 559, 572, 582, 596, 615; authorized to appoint militia othcers,
419-20; recommends general officers, 443, 477; ordered to supply Continenta
Army, 474, 476; slow in raising troops, 498; investigates Henry White, 583; plan
of accommodation, 596-97; mentioned, 487, 576, 611, 631, 679, 694
New York Provincial Convention: letters to, 409, 424; yir elects delegates to Con¬
gress, 321, 331; Continental advance approved, 695-96; mentioned, 613, o7y
Newcastle, Del., Committee, donations for Boston, 360
Newcomb, Benjamin H., Franklin and Galloway, 205
Newfoundland, exportation to, 355, 397, 400, 451-52
Newport, R.I., British search ferries, 701
Newport Mercury, 601
Nicholas, Robert Carter, 368
Nickleson, Thomas, letter to, 255
Nightingale, Col., 681
Noddle’s Island, Boston Harbor: raid, 447-49, 485; mentioned, 539, 556, 675
736
Index
Nonexportation: debated, 103-5, 107-9, 131-33, 145-49, 153-54; of flaxseed, 103,
105, 108, 133, 135, 145-49, 153, 162; of lumber, 103, 105, 108, 133, 145, 153;
of indigo, 253, 294-95; rice exempted from, 293-95; to Newfoundland, 355,
397, 400, 451-52; to British fisheries, 397, 400; effective date reconsidered, 611-12;
mentioned, 130, 131, 135, 141, 142, 150, 152, 162, 181, 395, 432, 705; see also
Association
Nonimportation: anticipated, 91, 97, 99; debated, 103-5, 107-8, 151-52; mentioned,
130, 131, 135, 141, 142, 150, 154, 162, 168, 181, 206, 395; see also Association
Norris, Miss, 64
Norris, Isaac, 64
North, Frederick (Lord) : debates American affairs, 373, 383; mentioned, 7, 422;
see also North ministry
North Carolina: military preparations urged, 341, 343, 397, 446, 511-14; loyalists,
576; Presbyterian congregations addressed, 576
North Carolina Committees, letter to, 511
North Carolina delegates: letters from, 511, 575, 615; urge military preparations,
511-14; mentioned, 91
North Carolina Provincial Convention, delegates recommend convening, 399, 446
North ministry: blamed for breach with colonies, 250-51; criticized, 273, 275, 277-
78, 303-5, 308, 313, 331-32, 334, 685, 703-4; response to Congress’ resolutions
awaited, 275, 285, 291, 305, 309-12; conciliatory proposal, 352, 366, 383, 410, 471,
566, 689, 704; scheme to corrupt American leaders feared, 456, 471, 479-80;
British support assessed, 468; misrepresentations denounced by Benjamin Frank¬
lin, 561-66
Northern military department: orders, 548, 554-55, 558, 568, 660, 663; provisions for,
554-55; officers appointed, 632, 635-36, 679, 699; paymaster’s office, 672-73, 675,
696, 697, 699; see also Schuyler, Philip
Northumberland, 2d duke of (Hugh Percy) , 337, 425
Nova Scotia, nonexportation to, 397, 400
O’Callaghan, Edmund B., and Fernow, Berthold, eds.. Documents Relative to
Colonial New-York, 270
Ohio, 102
Ohio Indians, 706
Ogden, Mr., 634
Olive Branch Petition; see Petition to the King (1775)
Oliver, Andrew, ed.. Journal of Samuel Curwen, 339
Oliver, Peter, 58
Oneida Indians, 672
Orange County, N.Y.: Goshen and Cornwall meeting, 89; elects delegates to Con¬
gress, 89
Orne, Azor, 478, 534
Oswald, Miss, 204
Oswald, Eleazer, 704
Otis, James, Sr., 534
Otis, James, Jr., 365
Outram, Capt., .368
Paca, William: letter from 636; elected to Congress, xxviii; attends Congress,
xxviii; debates American rights, 43, 182-83; described, 168; debates state of
America, 401; mentioned, 173, 189, 204, 527
Pacifists: contributions in lieu of military service, 430-31, 598; Moravians as, 433-
34; see also Quakers
Index
737
Paine, Robert Treat: diary, 12, 32, 44, 54, 57, 66, 72, 75, 77, 85, 90, 93, 101, 107,
132, 154, 163, 179, 197, 206, 221, 236, 248, 338, 348, 355, 363, 443, 447, 456,
537, 539, 638, 695; letters from, 316, 477, 509, 534, 597; notes, 181, 191, 200;
speech, 146; elected to Congress, xxviii; attends Congress, xxviii; arrives in
Philadelphia, 3, 10, 13, 338-39, 346; gives toasts, 8; Philadelphia residence, 13;
attends church, 13, 101, 236; attends committee on rights, 54; health, 66; de¬
bates nonexportation of flaxseed, 145-49; on American rights, 181-83, 191-92,
199-200; meets with Baptists, 193, 197; leaves Philadelphia, 248, 695; on American
unity, 317; fast day committee, 456; on making powder, 478; mentioned, xxii,
4. 91, 259, 264, 529
Paine, Sally Cobb (Mrs. Robert) , 179
Palfrey, William: identified, 684; letter to, 684
Palmer, Joseph: identified, 333; letters to. 106, 333, 417, 516, 583; mentioned,
101, 128, 534, 545, 571, 579
Palmer, Joseph Pearce, 667, 668
Paper currency: emission anticipated, 419, 474, 482, 492, 496; redemption quotas,
482, 525, 536, 687, 689; first emision, 498, 502-3, 507-8, 515-16, 518, 524-26,
528, 536, 543, 561, 663; second emision, 650-51
Parke, John: identified, 558; ^ letters of introduction, 557-58
Parker, Joseph, 457
Parliament: authority discussed, 38, 43, 285, 305-6, 321, 372-82; regulation of
trade, 43, 68-69, 109-12, 180, 182, 184-92, 305, 403; elections, 267, 275-76, 309,
House of Commons debates American affairs, 372-74, 383
Parliamentary authority; see Rights, American
Parliamentary Register, 422
Parsons, Samuel, 459, 520, 522, 634, 639, 641, 643,. 654
Partridge, Benjamin, 369
Paterson, Catherine Livingston (Mrs. John) , 415
Paterson, John, 19, 415, 455
Patterson, Stephen E., Political Parties in Revolutionary Massachusetts, 470
Paymaster general, James Warren appointed, 668, 670, 672-73, 617-18, 681-82
Peale, Charles Willson, xxxv, xxxvii
Peggy Stewart (brig) , 244
Pemberton, Israel: identified, 584; mentioned, 193
Pendleton, Edmund: letters from, 330, 420, 485, 488, 581, 622, 623, 627; resolu¬
tions, 402; elected to Congress, xxxii; attends Congress, xxxii; arrives in
Philadelphia, 14; debates rules, 28-29; debates American rights, 43-44, 46 182,
196; described, 62; debates means for restoring American rights, 133, 139; de¬
bates nonimportation, 151; debates state of America, 401; debates reconcihaUon,
402-6; debates American defense, 404-7; drafts Washington’s will, 510; committee
to draft an address to the people of Great Britain, 551; committee to draft a letter
to city of London, 615; leaves Philadelphia, 656; mentioned, 102, 143, 160
Penn, John: recommends that Pennsylvania petition the king, 315, 323; mentioned,
78,82,96,204
Penn, Richard, Jr.: identified, 78; ^ described, 96; entertains delegates, 109; trans¬
mits petition to the king, 618, 620; mentioned, 82, 101, 173, 189, 442, 447, 600
Penn, Thomas, 78 . j- a
Pennsylvania: boundary dispute with Virginia, 170, 421, 665-66;
302^; militia, 340, 342-43, 347. 356-57, 364, 396-97, 415, 430-31; 436--37, 451 52.
459. 460, 463, 465, 537, 539, 579, 585, 594, 604; boundary dispute with Conneai-
cut, 656, 661, 693-94; riflemen for Continental Army, 491 92, 598 9 , 2 ,
30; see also Riflemen
Pennsylvania Assembly: ekc.ions to, 133, 318 142, 155-56: elects sg.ke, 202, 204,
entertains Congtes,s, 221; approves ptoceetlings of Congress, 264, 295 96, 3 2,
738
Index
Pennsylvania Assembly (continued)
instructions to delegates, 296, 302; considers petitioning the king, 315-16, 319,
322; proceedings described, 322-24; accepts Gallorvay’s resignation as dele¬
gate, 325; policy towards pacifists, 433-34, 598
Pennsylvania Committee of Safety: sends powder to New York, 699; mentioned, 476
Pennsylvania delegates: letters from, 457, 491, 578, 598, 621, 665; ^ instructions to,
296, 302; borrow money for powder, 444, 457; recommend officers for rifle battal¬
ion, 598-99; described, W9
Pennsylvania Evening Post, 449
Pennsylvania Gazette, 177
Pennsylvania Journal, 116, 325, 484
Pennsylvania Mercury, 117
Pennsylvania Packet; see Dunlap’s Pennsylvania Packet
Pennsylvania Provincial Convention, proceedings, 302-3
Percy, Hugh, 2d duke of Northumberland, 337, 425
Peters, Richard, on lawyers, 64
Peterson, Charles E., “Carpenters’ Hall,” 12
Petition to the King (1775) : draft, 440; committee, 441, 444; legislative synopsis,
441-42; approved, 580, 604; discussed, 589-90, 688; dispatched to London, 618-20;
mentioned, 605, 622; see also Address to the King (1774)
Philadelphia: view of, xxxiii; welcomes delegates, 3, 338-39, 346; described, 4, 15-23,
50, 55-56; residences of delegates, 5-7, 13-15, 415; loyalists in, 6-7, 69-70, 319;
martial spirit in, 340, 342-44, 346, 348, 356-57, 364, 365, 396-97, 436-37, 451-52,
459, 463, 465, 518, 579, 587, 604; Presbyterian ministers of, 575-76; matrosses
for Continental Army, 662
Philadelphia, buildings and landmarks (alphabetically arranged) : Bettering House,
55-56, 75, 77; Christ Church, 9, 45, 54, 539; City Tavern (also called New
or Smith’s Tavern) , 3, 6, 9, 13, 14, 16, 33, 221, 246, 346, 348, 358, 361, 363,
412, 443; Conestoga Wagon Inn, 356; Fairhill, 64, 66; First Presbyterian Church,
164; Pennsylvania Hospital, 4-5, 13. 107; prison, 56; St. Mary’s Church, 164;
Society of Fort St. David, 64, 66; Slate Hoirse, 4, 13, 19, 25, 65, 67, 75, 133, 246, 338,
361; see also Carpenters’ Hall; Library Company of Philadelphia; Philadelphia,
College of; Philadelphia Market
Philadelphia, College of, commencement, 355-56, 359
Philadelphia Committee of Safety: letter to, 578; sends powder to Boston, 545, 558;
sends powder to New York, 560, 568; mentioned, 582, 613, 615
Philadelphia Market: view of, xxxiii, 17; described, 4, 16-18
Philipse, Frederick, .367
Pidgeon, John, 667
Piercy, Rev., 235, 438
Pinckney, Charles Cotesworth: letter to, 535; mentioned, 595
Pitcairn, John, killed at Bunker Hill, 581, 585
Pitt, William; see Chatham, 1st earl of
Pitts, James, 534
Pitts, John, 507, 508, 534, 552
Pittsburgh. Indian Conference, 694, 707
Plan of union: proposed by Joseph Galloway, 109-28; debated, 109-12; legisla¬
tive synopsis, 112-13; rejected by Congress, 234; discussed, 278-79, 287-89; men¬
tioned, 280, 306; 324; see also Galloway, Joseph
Platt, Zephaniah, letter to, 258
Political Disquisitions (Burgh) , 275, 276
Pomeroy, Seth; appointed brigadier general, 539, 556; retires, 618, 641; mentioned,
529, 545
Port, Jane, 6, 13
Index
739
Porter, Col., 448
Portsmouth, N. H., inhabitants seize military stores at Ft. William and Mary,
277, 280-81
Post Office: proposal to establish, 143; committee appointed, 418-20, 423; estab¬
lished, 668, 709; postmaster appointed, 671, 694; deputy postmasters appointed,
679
Post riders, 419, 701
Potomac River, navigation, 301
Potts, Jonathan: identified, 316; letter to, 315
Powder: seized by Gen. Gage, 27, 45; seized by New Hampshire inhabitants, 227,
280-81; scarcity, 357, 435, 477, 480; ammunition committee, 412, 414; seized by
Gov. Dunmore, 421, 490; committee to purchase, 444, 457; manufacture of, 466,
468, 477-78, 481, 545, 593, 601, 675, 677; for Boston, 467, 470, 477-78, 480,
530, 545, 558, 570-71, 574, 638, 669, 673, 674, 692, 694; Congress requests stock
estimates, 473, 480; supplied by Bermuda, 476; for New York, 547, 554, 555,
560, 568, 593, 673, 674, 679, 694, 699; intercepted, 571, 643, 647; importation
authorized, 670
Powell, Samuel, 6, 45, 54
Powell, Thomas, letter to, 460
Pratt, Charles, 1st earl of Camden, 80
Prebble, Jedediah, 529
Presbyterian church, services described, 9, 63, 163-64
Presbyterian church. Pastoral Letter from the Synod of New-York and Philadelphia,
478-79, 575-76
Presbyterian ministers of Philadelphia: letter to, 575; address North Carolina
ministers, 576
President of Congress; see Hancock, John; Middleton, Henry; Randolph, Peyton
Provost, Benoit Louis, xxxiv, xxxvi
Price, James, reports on Canada, 412, 414, 452
Price, Thomas, letters of introduction, 661, 664
Priestley, Joseph: letter to, 352; mentioned, 608
Prisoners, political; see Skene, Philip
Privateering, in New England, 581, 585
Proceedings of the American Continental Congress, 258
Providence, R.I., defensive preparations, 701
Pryor, Joseph, 344
Public Advertiser, 566
Purcell, R.; see Corbutt, C. (pseud.)
Purviance, Samuel, Jr.: identified, 300; letters to, 298, 312, 357, 361, 434, 482,
health, 434; mentioned, 267-68
Putnam, Israel: conducts Noddle’s Island raid, 449, 539, 556, 675; appointed major
general, 518-19, 521, 525, 528-29, 533, 539, 556; position among general officers,
522, 539, 542, 556, 627, 675; mentioned. 32, 45, 50, 54, 459, 516, 532, 561,
569] 593, 634, 638, 643, 645, 674
99, 101, 193, 431
:, 145, 150, 179, 196-200; proposed defeat by western
settlement, 259-62
Quincy, Dorothy: letters to, 472, 531; mentioned 335
Quincy, Josiah, letter to, 676; mentioned, 670
579-852 0 - 77 - 49 VOl. 1
740
Index
Quincy, Josiah, Jr.: identified, 82; letters to, 81, 251; mentioned, 83, 252, 676
Quincy, Norton, 432
Quitrents, Franklin’s resolution on, 688-89
Randolph, Benjamin, 245
Randolph, Edmund; identified, 669; ^ recommended to Washington, 656-57, 669
Randolph, John: identified, 708; letter to, 707
Randolph, Peyton: letters from, 76, 245; letter to, 326; elected to Congress,
xxxii; attends Congress, xxxii; portrait, xxxiii, 21; Philadelphia residence, 7;
described, 7, 23, 61; elected president of Congress, 9, 13-14, 20, 25, 57-59, 168,
337-38, 342, 344; leaves Philadelphia, 227, 245, 402, 406; dines at City Tavern,
358; resigns presidency, 363; mentioned, 24, 74, 160, 233, 330, 420, 421, 475
535, 708
Read, George: letters from, 82, 101, 204, 244, 358, 360, 400, 624; ^ elected to
Congress, xxvii; attends Congress, xxvii; health, 82; reports Boston intelligence,
82; describes daily routine, 101, 358; debates means for restoring American rights,
143-44; resigns as attorney general for Delaware, 204-5; dines at City Tavern,
358; visits home, 559; mentioned, 336
Read, Gertrude Ross (Mrs. George) , letters to, 82, 101, 204, 244, 358, 400, 624
Read, James, 204, 400
Read, Mrs. James, 205
Read, William, Life and Correspondence of George Read, 82
Reconciliation: summarized, xix, xxii-xxiii; debated, 371-95, 401-6; prospects dis¬
cussed, 298-99, 466, 483, 546, 589, 703-4, 707-8; southern plan for rumored,
487; and religion, 596-97; see also Address to the King; addres.ses to the people of
Great Britain; Petition to the King; Plan of union
Recruitment; see Bounties; Militia
Redwood, William, 407
Reed, Mr., 343, 397
Reed, Esther De Berdt (Mrs. Joseph) , 8, 92
Reed, Joseph: identified, 702; letter to, 701; described, 63, 92; appointed
Washington’s secretary, 633, 647; mentioned, 4, 8, 13, 34, 45, 60, 64, 90, 173,
227, 236, 246, 364, 417, 517, 617, 625, 641, 653, 656, 671, 674
Religion, and reconciliation, 596-97
Remembrancer (John Almon) , 298, 310, 428
Reply to an Address to the Author of .. . “Candid Examination" (Galloway) ,
116,222,325
Revere, Paul, 65, 75, 76, 83, 85, 154, 156, 179, 205
Rhoads, Samuel: elected to Congress, xxxi; attends Congress, xxxi; mentioned, 6
Rhode Island: militia, 269, 271; troops ordered to Boston, 522, 526, 536, 662; ac¬
counts requested, 535
Rhode Island Assembly: letter to, 547; approves proceedings of Congress, 269, 271
Rhode Island delegates, instructions to, 269, 271
Rice, Nathan: identified, 50; mentioned, 657
Rice, exempted from nonexportation, 293-95
Richmond and Lennox, 3d duke of (Charles Lennox) , 80
Ridgely, Dr., 344
Riflemen, for Continental Army, 491, 496-97, 503, 507-8, 518, 528, 545, 557,
561, 574, 578, 590, 594, 598-99, 621, 629-30
Rights, American: discussed, 24-25, 59, 68-69, 71, 181, 193-95, 200-202, 206; de¬
bated, 38—44, 46-49, 51-54, 180-92, 194, 196-200; mentioned, xxi, 98; see also
Committee on Rights; Committee on Trade; Declaration of Rights and Griev¬
ances; Massachusetts Government Act; Quebec Act; Suffolk Resolves
Index
741
Rights, American, means for restoring: debated, 93-94, 103-5, 107-9, 131-34, 138-40,
143_49^ 151-54; see also Address to the King; addresses to the people of Great
Britain; Memorial to the Inhabitants of the Colonies; Nonexportation; Nonim¬
portation; Petition to the King; Plan of union; Reconciliation
Riley, Capt., 458, 504, 640
Rivington, James: newspaper boycotted, 19; described, 202; violates Association.
415, 416; mentioned, 113, 290, 322, 325, 359, 367, 398
Rivington’s New York Gazetteer, 202, 203
Roberdeau, Daniel: identified, 35; mentioned, 437
Roberdeau, Mary Bostwick (Mrs. Daniel) , 35, 438
Rodney, Caesar: letters from, 57, 66, 77, 85, 96, 336, 343, 525, 557, 559, 578, 670,
■jV elected to Congress, xxvii; attends Congress, xxvii; described, 8-9; arrives
in Philadelphia, 57; describes delegates, 58; health, 58; reports Boston intelligence,
77; comments on response to Boston alarm, 85-86; reports on Lexington and Con¬
cord, 343—44; dines at City Tavern, 358; describes military uniforms, 526; men¬
tioned, 34, 173, 204, 346
Rodney, Caesar, Letters (Ryden, ed.) , 78, 671
Rodney, Thomas: identified, 58; letters to, 57, 66, 77. 85, 96. 336, 343, 525, 559,
578, 670; mentioned, 78
Rodney, William, 343 . . „ ^ cm o
Roelker, William G., ed., Benjamin Franklin and Catharine Ray Greene, 501 2
Roman Catholic church: services discussed, 157, 163, 164-65; see also Quebec Act
Rome, George: identified, 493; mentioned, 492
Root, Mr., 458
R^ssrCeorge^kueTfrom, 421, 430, 457. 491, 502, 578, 598, 621, 665; ^ elecmd
to Congress, xxxi; attends Congress, xxxi, 57. 244; debates means for restonng
American rights, 133; debates nonexportation, 153;
on arms and clothing for militia, 430-31; mentioned, 265, 267 , 315 , 316, 319,
323, 641
Ross, James, 621, 625, 641
Ross, John, 624
Rush, Benjamin, 10, 69, 85, 87
Russell, Mr., 681
Russell, Ezekiel, 440
Rutledee Mr.: debates rules, 28; debates American rights, 182 , ^ „
Rutledlc, Edward: letters from, 252, 254, 535, 570. 679; ☆ e ected to C-ongress,
xS attends Congress, xxxii; described, 4, 8, 34-35, 168. 236; on nonexporta¬
tion, 104, 153, 253; on nonimportation 104, Ga oways P "
union 111; debates means for restoring American rights 133, 139, 145, critic zes
restraint of Congress, 252-54; leaves Philadelphia, 254; debates state of Amer c ,
adjournment, 680; mentioned. 7, 74, 173, 193, 429 Ponmess xxxii' at-
Rutledee John: letter from, 570; resolutions, 44; ^ elected to
Kutieage, j , -k fi « 94 34—35 168' debates rules, 26; debates
tends Congress, xxxii; described, 6, 8, 24, 6^30, loo,
American riffhts 44 46-47; debates nonimportation and nonexportation. 103,
American rigiii5>, , 144* committee to
debates means for restoring American rights, con-
the king, 441-42; mentioned, xx, 3, 7, 27, 173, Wj. ^
Ryden, George H., ed.. Letters to and from Caesar Rodney, 78, 671
Sabine. Lorenzo, Biographical Sketches of Loyalists, 493
St. Asaph, bishop of; see Shipley, Jonathan
742
Index
St. Clair, Arthur, 629
St. John Island (Prince Edward Island) ; letter to, approved, 235-34; nonexporta¬
tion to, 397, 400 ^
St. John’s Parish, Ga.; represented in Congress, 328, 345, 351, 356, 503; see also
Hall, Lyman
Salt, production investigated, 686
Saltonstall, Gurdon, Jr., 18, 30, 203, 640
Saltpetre, manufacmre of, 478, 481, 483-84, 545-46, 570, 584, 675, 677
Sanderson, John, Signers to the Declaration of Independence, 255
Sandwich, 4th earl of (John Montagu) , 425, 607
Sargent, John: identified, 546; letter to, 546
Sargent, Winthrop, “Letters of John Andrews,’’ 682
Saxe, Maurice, comte de, 553
Sayre, Stephen, 456
Schmidt, William John, “North Carolina Delegates in the Continental Congress,”
686
Schuyler, Philip: letters from, 358, 442, 444, 445, 449; letters to, 554, 568 573
632, 634, 635, 644, 679, 694, 698, 699, 700, 704; ^ elected to Congress,’ xxx,’
331; attends Congress, xxx; ammunition committee, 412; plans bold stroke at
New York, 505-6, 573; appointed major general, 518-19, 521-22, 525, 528-29,
535, 539, 556; departs for army at Boston, 537; authorized to invade Canada,
548, 554-55, 558, 568; ordered to destroy British vessels on Lake Champlain, 555,
568; appointed Indian commissioner, northern department, 635, 660, 672, 696;
to protect the frontiers from Indian attack, 660, 663; requests powder’ 699-
mentioned, xxxvi, 443, 541, 561, 567, 569, 593. 631, 638, 642, 673, 674, 679, 697
Scull, Peter, letter of introduction, 591
Seabury, Samuel, Free Thoughts, 313
Sears, Isaac, 573
Seidel, Nathaniel: letter to, 433; ciuoted, 434
Sergeant, Jonathan Dickinson: identified, 631; letter to, 631
Sermon on the Present Situation (William Smith) , 613, 614
Sever, William, 534
Several Methods of Making Salt-Petre: [by W. Shewell?] 546
Seymour, Thomas, 202
Shawnee Indians, invited to Pittsburgh conference, 706
Sheild, Samuel, falsely charges Richard Bland, 485-86
Sherman, Isaac, 599
Sheman, Roger: letters from, 58, 168, 422, 423, 539, 542, 555, 599, 619, 672, 674,
693; ^ elected to Congress, xxvi; attends Congress, xxvii, 675; arrives in
Philadelphia, 23, 346; debates American rights, 47; debates means for restoring
American rights, 139, 144; described, 168; daily routine, 556; on appointment
of general officers, 675; mentioned, 143, 236, 449, 521, 522, 627, 640 654
Shipley, Anna Mordaunt (Mrs. Jonathan) , 607
Shipley, Jonathan, bishop of St. Asaph; identified, 67; letters to, 349, 604; W praised
by Congress, 426; mentioned, 81
Shipley, Jonathan, Speech Intended to Have Been Spoken by the Bishob of St
Asaph, 66, 67 r / r / ■
Shippen, Alice Lee (Mrs. William) , described, 7-8
Shippen, Edward, 109
Shippen, William (1712-1801) , 107
Shippen, William, Jr. (1736-1808) : anatomical collection, 5; lectures on anatomy
107; mentioned, 3, 4. 7, 8, 13, 14, 85, 90, 109, 236, 558
Shipton, Clifford K., Harvard Graduates, 55, 82, 83, 88, 364, 433, 509, 678
Shoemaker, Samuel, petition, 351, 355
Index
743
Simpson, Sarah Webb (Mrs. John) , 18
Six Nations; neutrality, 454, 558, 592, 698; speech to, 624, 635; Albany con¬
ference, 672, 679, 696, 698; invited to Pittsburgh conference, 706; mentioned,
450, 618, 635, 660
Skaggs, David C., Roots of Maryland Democracy, 280, 636
Skene, Philip: identified, 456; ^ papers examined, 458-61, 463, 479-80; bribery
scheme, 471-72, 479-80, 484; paroled, 478, 484-85, 530; paroled to Connecticut,
547-48, 555, 572, 578, 584, 592-94; treatment while prisoner, 708-9; mentioned,
458, 465, 544, 609, 632
Skipwith, Robert, 581
Skipwith, Tabitha Wayles (Mrs. Robert) , 581
Sluman, Joseph, letter to, 693
Smallpox: inoculation for, 416, 420; mentioned, 59, 135, 269, 462
Smith, Mr. (of Baltimore) , 670, 671
Smith, Mr. (Philadelphia merchant) , 65
Smith, Elizabeth, 603
Smith, Francis, 337, 375, 383, 425
Smith, Isaac: identified, 452; letter to, 451; mentioned, 603
Smith, Jere., 132
Smith, Jonathan Bayard, 4
Smith, Matthew, 621
Smith, Page, James Wilson, 706
Smith, Paul H., comp., English Defenders of American Freedoms, 67
Smith, Richard: elected to Congress, xxix; attends Congress, xxix
Smith, Robert: letter from, 684; mentioned, 396, 397, 446, 608, 612, 613
Smith, Samuel, 4, 69, 72, 75, 77
Smith, Thomas (of Philadelphia) , 3, 4, 8, 156
Smith, Thomas (of Maine) , 4
Smith, William (of Massachusetts) , 74, 432
Smith, William, Jr. (of Massachusetts) ,535
Smith, William (of Philadelphia) : identified, 584; ^ described, 4; compared to
Hutchinsonians, 7; preaches to Philadelphia troops, 537, 539, 613; mentioned,
6, 15, 16, 18, 19, 610
Smith, William, Sermon on the Present Situation, 613, 614
Smith, William Peartree, 413
Smyth, Albert H., ed.. Writings of Benjamin Franklin, 113, 566
South Carolina, intercepts powder, 643, 647
South Carolina Committee of Intelligence, 576 . , , ti
South Carolina Council of Safety, procures powder for Continental Army, 570 71
South Carolina delegates: letter from, 570; report, 292; ☆ oppose the Association,
222, 293-95; request powder for Continental Army, 570; mentioned, 336
South Carolina Provincial Congress, delegates report to, 292-95
Spangenberg, Bishop, 433
Sparks, Jared, ed.. Works of Benjamin Franklin, 566
Speech Intended to Have Been Spoken (Shipley) , 66, 67
Speech . . . on . . . Conciliation with the Colonies (Burke) , 349
S^S^'LV^'app^^nt.d brigadier general, 522 '('“S’"
general officers, 522, 542, 626-27; conduct deplored, 627, 639, 641, 643, 673 74,
mentioned, 459, 499, 521, 634, 653, 657, 675
Spotswood, Alexander, 627
Sproat, James: address to North Carolina ministers,
20, 60, 62, 63
Stamp Act, 51, 109
576; mentioned, 5, 9, 13, 19-
744
Index
Stamp Act Congress, 183
Staples, William R., ed., Rhode Island in the Continental Congress, 249
Stelle, Mr., 492
Steptoe, Dr., 8, 45
Steven, Col., 484
Stevens, John: identified, 331; letter to, 331
Stevenson, Margaret (Mrs. Addinell) , 546
Stewart, Mr., 301
Stone, Thomas: letter from, 350; ^ elected to Congress, xxviii; attends Congress,
xxviii; debates state of America, 402; mentioned, 527
Story, D. A., The de Lanceys, 360
Story & Humphrey’s Pennsylvania Mercury, 117
Strahan, William: letter to, 607; mentioned, 608
Strictures on a Pamphlet, Entitled, A “Friendly Address,’’ (Charles Lee) , 263
Stringer, Samuel, letter to, 444
Strong, Jedidiah, 654
Stuart, Miss, 595
Sturges, Jonathan, elected to Congress, xxvii
Substance of the Evidence (Glover) , 483, 484
Suffolk County, Mass.: address to Gen. Gage, 77-78; Gen. Gage’s answer to, 97
Suffolk Resolves, applauded by Congress, 72, 75-79, 83-85, 100, 161-62, 168
Sullivan, John: letters from, 150, 180, 369, 524; report, 413; ^ elected to Con¬
gress, xxviii; attends Congress, xxviii; portrait, xxxvi, 538; described, 24; debates
nonexportation, 105; debates means for restoring American rights, 144; on Quebec
Act, 150; debates American rights, 182; appointed brigadier general, 539, 556,
575; departs for army at Boston, 542; returns home, 574; mentioned, xxxiv, 3, 60,
85, 193, 345
"Sullivan’s Draught,” 193
Sulphur, collection encouraged, 677
Summary View (Jefferson) , 535, 536
Susquehannah Company, 661
Swift, Samuel, 497, 517
Tattlow, Mr., 360
Tawa Indians, invited to Pittsburgh conference, 706
Taxation No Tyranny (Samuel Johnson) , 606
Taylor, Francis, 582
Taylor, James, 627
Taylor, John: inoculated for smallpox, 420; mentioned, 485, 582
Tea: importation (after 1770) , 87; paying for destroyed, 133, 488-89; sale and use
after Association, 665
Thaxter, John: identified, 50; mentioned, 657
Thomas, John: identified, 590; letters to, 597, 661; appointed brigadier general,
539, 556, 642, 657, 662; position among general officers, 590, 618, 642; men¬
tioned, 588, 664, 667, 668
Thompson, William: letter of introduction, 674; mentioned, 578, 625, 629
Thomson, Charles: letters from 78, 457, 582, 700; letter to, 232; notes, 233, 245,
248; portrait, xxxiii-xxxiv, 22; marriage, 4, 12; appointed secretary of Con¬
gress, 10, 12-14, 20, 23, 25-27, 58-59, 168, 337, 342, 344; appointed clerk of com¬
mittee on rights, 37; manuscript Journal of Congress, 113-15; answers Galloway’s
Candid Examination, 116, 325; elected to Pennsylvania Assembly, 138, 142, 155-
56; gift from Congress, 246, 249; mentioned, xxii, 6, 64, 90, 93, 160, 194, 266, 267,
270, 319, 322, 323, 643
Index
745
Thomson, Hannah Harrison (Mrs. Charles) , 4, 12, 64
Thornton, Matthew: identified, 525; letters to, 524, 574
Thoughts of a Traveler (Draper) , 606, 607
Thurlow, Edward, identified, 41 1
Ticonderoga, N.Y.: captured, 356-60, 567 , 369; cannon removed, 358, 360, 362, 369;
to be reinforced, 422-24, 429, 431, 449-50, 479; British counterattack expected,
424, 430; accounts, 445; resolves concerning, 541; powder for, 560, 568; men¬
tioned, 462, 463, 554, 699; see also Skene, Philip
Tilghman, Matthew: letters from 350, 526; ^ elected to Congress, xxviii; attends
Congress, xxviii; chairman of the committee of the whole, 351, 353; mentioned,
8, 90, 336, 664
Tilghman, Tench, identified, 680
Tilton, James, 525
Toasts, patriotic, 7, 8, 221
Trade: committee on (1774) , 31, 36, 45, 57, 84, 86; committee on (1775) , 626,
648, 653; parliamentary regulation of, 43, 68-69, 109-12, 180, 184-92, 305, 403;
suspension of, 107-8, 149; Bermuda exempted from ban, 474-76; West Indies
affected by ban, 483-84; foreign, considered, 483, 652, 705; British restrictions
declared unconstitutional, 600, 612; see also Association; Nonexportation, Nonim¬
portation
Treason statute, 68
Treat, Richard, 63
Trist, Nicholas: identified, 63; mentioned, 61
Trumbull, Capt., 543
Trumbull, J., 626
Trumbull, John (1756-1843) , xxxvi
Trumbull, Jonathan, Sr.: identified, 170; letters to, 168, 227, 362, 422, 429, 462,
474, 479, 495, 519, 542, 547, 555, 592, 594, 618, 646, 648, 672, 708; mentioned,
436! 458, 499, 507, 545, 601, 699, 709
Trumbull, Jonathan, Jr.: identified, 673; letters to, 697, 699; ^ appointed paymaster,
northern department, 672-73, 675, 696-97, 699
Trumbull, Joseph: identified, 357; letters to, 356, 438, 458, 471, 506, 521, 533, 5^,
620, 633, 641, 642, 673, 695; ^ elected to Congress, xxvii; recommended for
Washington’s secretary, 500, 506, 521; appointed commissary general, 641-42, 647,
662, 672; mentioned, 70, 71, 517, 532, 640, 645, 664
Tryon, William, 530
Tryon County, N.Y., 419
Tucker, Daniel, 595 . . . j u AnK na
Tucker, Henry, Sr., engineers Bermuda’s exemption from trade ban, 475 7b
Tucker, St. George, letter to, 474
Tucker, Samuel, 511
Tudor, William: identified, 71; letters to, 70, 129, 156, 517, ’ ’ . ’
^ recommended for Washington’s secretary, 517, 522, 630; appointed judge advo¬
cate of the army, 672; mentioned, 246, 497, 652
Tufts, Cotton: identified, 529; letter to, 529; mentioned, 432, 603
Tully! C., 233
Turner, Pat, 101
Turner, Philip, 19, 50-51, 55
Tybout, Andrew, 360, 670
Tyler, Richard, Study of the First Continental Congress, 26
Underhill, Mr., 446, 612
Unity, American: in Congress, xx,
301-3, 310-11, 316-18
87, 227, 337, 487- 497; among colonies, 252, 268,
746
Index
Vandervoort, Peter, 532
Van Doren, Carl, Benjamin Franklin, 426, 607
Van Dyke, Nicholas: identified, 360; letter to, 360
Van Luvenigh, Mr., 400
Van Schaack, Peter; identified, 137; letter to, 136
Vardill, John: identified, 96; letter to, 95; mentioned, 584
Vaughan, Mr. (of Philadelphia) , compared to Hutchinsonians, 6-7
Vaughan, Benjamin, 566
Veazy, Mr., 362
Verplanck, Mrs., 296
Verplanck, Samuel: letters to, 282, 295, 313, 325; ^ loyalist pamphlets, 313
Verterbeck claim, 136
“Vindication” (Franklin) , 561-66
Vining, Phoebe Wynkoop (Mrs. John) , 205, 359
Virginia: boundary dispute with Pennsylvania, 170, 421, 665-66; militia, 306, 314,
339, 527; see also Riflemen
Virginia Assembly, 328, 366
Virginia Convention: letter to, 622; praises Dunmore’s expedition against In¬
dians, 328, 366-69; approves proceedings of Congress, 328, 330; mentioned, 354
Virginia delegates: letters from, 245, 484, 486, 561, 586, 622, 665, 669; yiV leave
Philadelphia, 244; Washington authorized to sign for, 245; instructions, 270;
arrive in Philadelphia, 337, 342; recommend military training, 622, 645; re¬
quest new delegation, 622; mentioned, 90, 156
Virginia Gazette (Dixon and Hunter) , 315, 486
Virginia Gazette (Pinkney) ,315, 369
Virginia Gazette (Purdie) , 338, 485, 486, 561, 586
Virginia indepenclent companies, letter to, 527
Vivian, James F., and Jean H., “Congressional Indian Policy,” 698
Voting, method in Congress, 10, 26, 28-31, 55, 59, 168
Wadsworth, Jeremiah, 16, 19
Wainwright, Nicholas B., “Indian Trade Failure,” 78
Wales, Nathaniel, 423
Walker, Thomas, appointed Indian commissioner, middle department, 706
Wallace, John, 72
Walpole, Thomas, 67
Wanton, Joseph: identified, 141; letter to, 141; mentioned, 411
War, benefits discussed, 426-29
Ward, Artemas; identified, 509; letters to, 509, 533, 591, 661; ^ appointed
major general, 503, 508-9, 519-21, 525, 528, 533, 539, 544,’556; mentioned, 333
502, 516, 561, 569, 597, 667, 668
Ward, Hannah, death, 60, 99
Ward, Henry: identified, 411; letters to, 410, 492, 535, 600; mentioned, 98
Ward, Mary; letter to, 171; mentioned, 601
Ward, Samuel: diary, 13, 32, 45, 54, 59, 63, 68, 72, 75, 79, 86, 89, 90, 91,
93, 98, 107, 108, 128, 131, 132, 134, 140, 143, 151, 154, 161, 163, 17l,’l8ol
183, 192, 197, 200, 206, 221, 227, 234, 245, 246, 249, 345, 348, 351, 353, 355, 360,
363, 364, 370, 401, 406, 408, 410, 414, 418, 422, 424, 431, 435, 444, 457, 461,
463, 478, 481; letters from, 59, 98, 135, 141, 161, 171, 234, 268, 271, 302, 410,
411, 461, 464, 492, 535, 540, 600, 680, 701, 702; list, 686; speech, 184; ^ elected
to Congress, xxxi; attends Congress, xxxi, 349, 351; portrait, xxxv, 272; arrives in
Philadelphia, 13; debates rules, 28, 30; on committee to thank Duche, 35, 45;
describes Congress, 59, 141; instructs children, 59, 461-62; on Galloway’s plan of
Index
747
Ward, Samuel (continued)
union, 128; debates means for restoring American rights, 133, 146; health, 135;
on happiness, 135; debates nonexportation, 153; summarizes work of Congress,
161-62, 234-35, 686-87; debates American rights, 180, 184-89; meets with Baptists,
193; leaves Philadelphia, 249; organizes intercolonial correspondence, 268; recom¬
mends annual congress, 270-73; on dying, 462; on duties of military officers,
464, 702-3; leaves Philadelphia, 694; mentioned, xx, xxii, 5, 6, 7, 14, 34, 60, 588,
644
Ward, Samuel, Correspondence (Knollenberg, ed.) , 60, 99, 162, 411, 601
Ward, Samuel, Jr.: identified, 412; letters to, 59, 98, 135, 234, 411, 464, 540, 680,
702; mentioned, 601
Warner, Seth, 445
Warren, James: identified, 364—65; letters to. 364, 408, 452, 467, 518, 531, 544,
553, 571, 588, 590, 618, 621, 623, 650, 657, 658, 659, 667, 668, 670, 677, 682;
recommended to Washington, 531, 534; appointed paymaster general, 668, 670,
672-73, 6T1-78, 681-82; mentioned, 80, 416, 451, 508, 579
Warren, Joseph: identified, 55; letters to, 55, 76, 94, 100, 507, 519, 529; ^ killed
at Bunker Hill, 508, 545, 552, 553, 558, 581, 585, 588-89; mentioned, 432,
467, 524, 534, 659, 676
Warren, Mercy Otis (Mrs. James) : identified, 365; mentioned, 653
Warren, Mercy Otis, The Group, 364—65
Warren-Adams Letters, 451, 653
Wa-shington, George: diary, 14, 33, 65, 109, 164, 221, 348, 356, 361. 447, 493; letters
from 101, 166, 354, 425, 509, 515, 527, 528; letters to, 245, 301, 330, 534, 555,
557, 558, 579, 584, 598, 620, 623. 644, 656, 662, 664, 669, 692; elected to Con¬
gress, xxxii; attends Congress, xxxii; offers to raise troops, 5, 62, 248; Philadelphia
residence, 14; described, 61; attends church, 164; supports conduct of Massa¬
chusetts, 166-67; authorized to sign for Virginia delegates, 245; quoted, 306; com¬
mittee on New York defense, .351, 356, 361; recommends substitute for Virginia
convention, 354; dines at City Tavern, 358, 361; ammunition committee, 412; on
I,exington and Concord battle, 425; committee on military estimates, 447;
elected commander in chief, 482, 486-87, 490, 494-99, 502-3, 507-10, 519-21,
524-26, 530-31, 533, 539; committee on army rules, 493; pay and expenses, 500;
on appointment as commander, 515, 527-28; reviews Philadelphia troops, 518,
525; Congress pledges support, 536; departs for army at Boston, 537, 539, 544, first
communication from camp, 630; favors congressional adjournment nearer Boston,
645 647; requests congressional proceedings respecting Indian affairs, 701-2; men¬
tioned, XXXV, xxxvi, 91, 109, 340, 417, 420. 421, 502, 505, 509, 516 517, 518
529, 532, 545, 553, 561, 566, 567, 569, 593, 618, 619, 627, 657, 667, 675, 681, 704
Washington, George, Diaries (Fitzpatrick, ed.) , 33, 336
Washington, George, Letters (Hamilton, ed.) , 167
Washington, John Augustine, letter to, 528
Washington, Lund, 510
Washington. Martha Dandridge Custis (Mrs. George) : letter to. 509; mentioned, 516
Wat.son, William, described, 202
Watts, John: loyalist activities, 137; mentioned, 174, 367
Weare, Meshech, letter to, 180
Webb, Mr.. 1 38, 235, 458
Webb, J., 626
Webb, John, 346, 402, 436, 506
Webb, Joseph, 18, 30, 56, 65, 165, 505, 532, 557, 567, 610 ■ a ^
Webb, Samuel B.: identified, 533; letters to, 331, 348, 628; ^
camp to Gen. Putnam, 533; mentioned, 15, 23, 65, 85, 91, 347, 532, 557, 6 ,
626, 640
748
Index
Webb, Samuel B., Correspondence (Ford, ed.) , 641
Webster, Pelatiah: identified, 64; mentioned, 63, 132
Weekly Magazine, or Edinburgh Amusement, 706
Wentworth, Sir John, 370
West, William, 87
West Indies, dependence on united colonies, 483-84
Western lands; see Land, western
Westmoreland, Conn., 661
Westmoreland County, Pa.; Pennsylvania-Virginia boundary dispute, 170; men¬
tioned, 629, 666
Wethersfield, Conn., Committee of Correspondence, letter to, 84
Wharton, Thomas: identified, 67; ^ quoted, 67; mentioned, 20, 62, 65, 69, 150
Wheelock, Eleazar: identified, 543; ^ funds for Indian school, 543, 624
Whitcomb, John, 667, 668
White, Mr., 62
White, Anthony Walton: identified, 579; letter of introduction, 579
White, Henry, investigated, 583
White, John, 193, 611, 615
Wibird, Anthony, 74, 602
Wickham, William, letter to, 88
Wightman, Reuben, 235, 492
Wilcocks, John, 204
Wilcox, Alexander, 142, 246
Williams, Col., 543
Williams, Edward G., Journal of Richard Butler, 706
Williams, Jonathan: identified, 50; mentioned, 71
Williams, William: letters to, 423, 674; mentioned, 481
Willing, Thomas: identified, 584; letters from, 431, 457, 492; elected to Con¬
gress, xxxi, 342, 344; attends Congress, xxxi; on lawyers, 64; against invasion of
Canada, 431; mentioned, 8, 338, 345, 422
Willson, Thomas, 15
Wilmington, Del.; described by Silas Deane, 448-49; mentioned, 435
Wilson, James: letters from, 370, 457, 491, 578, 598, 621, 628, 635, 665, 706; ^
elected to Congres.s, xxxi, 336, 342, 344; attends Congress, xxxi; debates state of
America, 352, 401; debates reconciliation, 371; appointed Indian commissioner,
middle department, 629, 706; described, 649; holds bond on paymaster, 699;
prepares for Pittsburgh conference, 706
Wilson, Rachel Bird (Mrs. James) , 370
Winthrop, John: identified, 418; letter to, 417; mentioned, 497, 517, 534
Wirt, William, Life and Character of Patrick Henry, 220
Wisner, Franklin, The Wisners in America, 89
Wisner, Henry: letters from, 442, 449, 596, 637; elected to Congress, xxx, 137,
331; attends Congress, xxx, 89; credentials, 89; mentioned, xxii
Witherspoon, John: described, 8; mentioned, 7, 20
Witherspoon, John, Pastoral Letter from the Synod of Neiu-York and Philadelphia
478-79, 575-76 ^
Wolcott, Erastus, elected to Congress, xxvii
Wolcott, Oliver: identified, 698; letter to, 698; appointed Indian commissioner
northern department, 624, 635, 660, 672, 697-98
Wolf, Edwin, 2d, “Authorship of Address to the King,” 225, 227
Wollaston, John, xxxiii
Woodbury, Ellen C.D.Q., Dorothy Quincy, 472
Woodford, William: identified, 421; letters to, 402, 485, 581, 627
Index
749
Woostei, David: identified, 501; letters to, 501, 530, 610; appointed brigadier
general, 522, 539, 556; position among general officers, 522, 539,^ 542,^ 626-27;
refuses Continental commission, 522, oMr, mentioned, 499, 520, 521, 368, 634,
657, 675
Wright, Patience; identified, 411; mentioned, 410
Wroth, L. Kinvin, ed.. Legal Papen of John Adams, 58
Wyandot Indians, invited to Pittsburg conference, 706
Wykoff, Mr.; takes Silas Deane to Ness' Jersey, 616; mentioned, 347
Wyoming Valley; Connecticut settlement in, 654-56, 661; Conneakat-Pennsylvania
boundary dispute, 656, 693-94
Yankee Doodle, 338
Yard, Sarah, 9, 13, 90, 338, 369, 684
York County, Pa., Committee, 599
Young, Capt., 82
Young, Thomas: identified, 206; letter to, 205; mentioned, 416, d3o.
603
Zeichner, Oscar, Connecticut’s Years of Controversy, 330
Zubly, John; elected delegate to Congress, 664; mentioned, 328
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751
Advisory Committee
Library of Congress American Revolution Bicentennial Program
John R. Alden
James B. Duke Professor of History Emeritus, Duke University
Julian P. Boyd
Editor of The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Princeton University
Lyman H. Butterfield
Editor in Chief Emeritus of The Adams Papers, Massachusetts His¬
torical Society
Jack P. Greene
Professor of History, The Johns Hopkins University
Merrill Jensen
Vilas Research Professor of History, University of Wisconsin
Cecelia M. Kenyon
Charles N. Clark Professor of Government, Smith College
Aubrey C. Land
Research Professor of History, University of Georgia
Edmund S. Morgan
Sterling Professor of History, Yale University
Richard B. Morris
Gouverneur Morris Professor of History Emeritus, Columbia Uni¬
versity
George C. Rogers, Jr.
Yates Snowden Professor of American History, University of South
Carolina
Note: When the project to publish these congressional documents was initiated,
Whitfield J. Bell, Jr., Librarian of the American Philosophical Society, and
Adrienne Koch, Professor of American Intellectual History at the University of
Maryland, were members of the advisory committee. Professor Koch died in 1971
and Mr. Bell resigned in 1973.
U. S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE : 1977 O - 579-852
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